Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education Brief for the United States
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1968
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education Brief for the United States, 1968. be667c66-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/bc4e1801-29c9-4f96-b70f-bfd9e326bbc5/coppedge-v-franklin-county-board-of-education-brief-for-the-united-states. Accessed November 27, 2025.
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llmti'i) States (Emtrt of Appeals
F ob t h e F ourth Circuit
No. 11,794
Civil Action No. C 1796
Harold D ouglas C oppedge, a minor, et al.,
U nited States of A merica, by Ramsey Clark,
Attorney General,
Appellees,
—v.—
T he F ran k lin C ounty B oard of E ducation , et al.,
Appellants.
A PPE A L FROM T H E DISTRICT COURT OF T H E U N IT E D STATES
FOR T H E EASTERN DISTRICT OF N O R T H CAROLINA
R A LE IG H D IV ISIO N -C IV IL
BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES,
PLAINTIFF-INTERVENOR APPELLEE
S teph en J. P ollak
Assistant Attorney General
F ran k E. S chw elb
F rancis H. K ennedy
Attorneys,
Department of Justice
Washington, D.C. 20530
ja m b s
I N D E X
Introductory Statement ................................................... - 1
Proceedings Below ........................................................... - 6
The Evidence........................................................................ 6
I. Defendants’ Adherence to Policies and Prac
tices Which Perpetuate a Dual System Based
on R a ce ...................................................................... 6
A. School Organization and Utilization ........... 6
B. Assignment of Staff and Faculty.........................9
C. Disparities ......................................................... - 13
D. Transportation .................................................. 17
II. Pressures Inhibiting the Exercise of Free
Choice ....................................................................... 23
A. Community Attitudes ...................................... 24
B. Acts of Intimidation........................................... 26
C. Defendants’ Attempts to Refute the Proof
of Intimidation -................................................. 31
D. The Legal Effect of Community Attitudes
and Intimidation on the Constitutionality of
the Freedom of Choice P la n .......................... 37
PAGE
Conclusion 44
11
Cases
page
Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City
County, Va., 382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967) ....11, 23, 38, 40
Bradley v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103 (1965) .......11,43-44
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) 11,13,17
Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education,
273 F. Supp. 282 (E.D.N.C. 1967); 12 Race Eel.
L. Eep. 230 (E.D.N.C. 1966) .............................. 1, 3, 6, 37
Corbin and United States v. County School Board of
Loudoun County, V a .,------F. Supp.------- , C.A. No.
2737 (E.D. Va., Aug. 29, 1967) .......................... 19, 20, 22
Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375 F.2d 648
(4th Cir. 1967) ..............................................................38, 40
Dallas Co. v. Commercial Union Assurance Co., 286
F.2d 388 (5th Cir. 1961) .............................................. 33
Darter v. Greenville Hotel Corp., 301 F.2d 70 (4th
Cir. 1962) .............................................................. .......... 24
Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp. 872 (S.D. Ala. 1949),
aff’d 336 U.S. 933 (1949) .............................................. 33
Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp.
971 (W.D. Okla. 1965), afif’d 375 F.2d 158 (10th
Cir. 1967), cert. den. 387 U.S. 931 (1967) ................... 12
Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, 373 U.S.
683 (1963) ..............................................................
Hall v. St. Helena Parish School Board, 197 F. Supp.
649 (E.D. La. 1961), aff’d 368 U.S. 515 (1962) ....... 33
Johnson v. Branch, 364 F.2d 177 (4th Cir. 1966) 30
I l l
Kelly v. Altheimer, Ark. School Dist., 378 F.2d 483
(8th Cir. 1967) ..............................................9,12,16,17,19
Kelly v. Board of Education of City of Nashville,
270 F.2d 209 (6th Cir. 1959) ...................................... 39
Kemp v. Beasley, 352 F.2d 14 (8th Cir. 1965) ........... 22
Kiev v. County School Bd. of Augusta Co., Va., 249
F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va. 1966) .......................10,12-13, 34
Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp.
458 (M.D. Ala. 1967) (three judge court) ...............8, 38
Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board, —*—
F. Supp.------ (C.A. No. 15973, E.D. La., October 19,
1967) ........................................................................... 9,21,22
Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965) ........................ . 11
Singleton v. Jackson Municipal Separate School Dis
trict, 355 F.2d 865 (5th Cir. 1966) ..........................9,22
Swann v. Charlotte Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ., 369
F.2d 29 (4th Cir. 1966) ................... 33
Teel v. Pitt County Board of Education, 272 F. Supp.
703 (E.D.N.C. 1967) ...................................................... 43
Thompson v. County School Board of Hanover County,
252 F. Supp. 546 (E.D. Va. 1966) ............................... 12
United States v. Haywood County Board of Education,
271 F. Supp. 460 (W.D. Term. 1967) .......................41-43
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education,
aff’d 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d on reh. en
banc 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) ....12,13,16,17, 22,40, 41
United States v. Original Knights of Ku Klux Klan,
250 F. Supp. 330 (E.D. La. 1965) (three-judge
court) ............................................................................... 24
PAGE
IV
United States v. State of Louisiana, 225 F. Supp. 353
(E.D. La. 1963), aff’d 380 TT.S. 145 (1965) ............... 33
Usiak v. New York Tank Barge Company, 299 F.2d 808
(2d Cir. 1962) .................................................................. 33
Vick v. County School Board of Obion County, Tenn.,
205 F. Supp. 436 (W.D. Tenn. 1962) ...................... 26, 39
Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 363 F.2d
738 (4th Cir. 1966) .......................................................... 9
Wright v. County School Board, 252 F. Supp. 378
(E.D. Va. 1966) .............................................................. 37
PAGE
O ther A uthorities
U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
Office of Education: Revised Statement of Policies
for School Desegregation Plans Under Title .V I of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 45 CFR §181.54 .......40-41
Rep. U. S. Comm, on Civil Rights, Survey of Deseg
regation in the Southern and Border States,
1965-66 ........................................................................... 17,40
Rule 52a, Federal Rules of Civil Procedure ............... 23
Initeii States (Umtrt nf Appeals
F ob th e F ourth C ircuit
No. 11,794
Civil Action No. C 1796
H arold D ouglas Coppedge, a m inor, et al.,
U nited S tates oe A merica, by R am sey C lark ,
Attorney General,
Appellees,
T he F ran k lin County B oard op E ducation , et al.,
Appellants.
APPE A L PROM T H E DISTRICT COURT OF T H E U N ITED STATES
FOR T H E EASTERN DISTRICT OP N O R TH CAROLINA
RALEIGH D IV ISIO N -C IV IL
BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES,
PL AINTIFF-INTER YEN OR APPELLEE
Introductory Statement
Defendants, the Board of Education of Franklin County,
North Carolina and its members, appeal from a decision
of the Honorable Algernon Butler, United States District
Judge for the Eastern District of North Carolina,1 hold
ing that they had made insufficient progress in Franklin
County towards the disestablishment of a dual school sys
tem based on race, and directing them to take various
affirmative steps to assure equal educational opportunities
to all of the students in the District. The relief ordered
by the District Court included the requirement that the
1 The decision below is reported at 273 F. Supp. 282 (E.D. N.C. 1967).
2
defendants adopt and implement a plan for desegrega
tion other than so-called “ freedom of choice,” which the
Court described as illusory and a misnomer under the
existing circumstances. The thrust of defendants’ argu
ment on appeal is that the evidence is said to be insuffi
cient to sustain those of the District Court’s findings which
led that Court to hold that extensive intimidation and
community hostility to desegregation have made so-called
freedom of choice, in Franklin County, a misnomer and a
constitutionally inadequate means to achieve desegrega
tion. We disagree. We think that the District Court dis
played considerable patience for nearly two years with
defendants’ inadequate progress towards desegregation
and with a completely illusory “freedom of choice,” and
took great pains to try to make this plan work. After its
efforts failed, the District Court had no constitutional
alternative to the action which it took.
While defendants dispute the sufficiency of the evidence
to support the Court’s findings, much of the proof in the
case is uncontested. Apart from the question of intimida
tion, the entire structure of the school system has been
and is such as to keep the schools almost completely
segregated:
(1) The location of schools and grades is such that there
are pairs of schools covering grades 1-12 in four separate
areas of the county, one white2 and one Negro. Each
Negro school is within a mile or so of a white school
offering the same grades. Several of the schools have so
few students in the high school grades that their opera
tion as separate high schools is educationally indefensible.
2 For purposes of convenience, we will refer to all-white and predomi
nantly white schools simply as “white” schools, and the schools heretofore
maintained for Negroes as “Negro” schools. We recognize that, techni
cally, these schools are all “ free choice” schools, but the statistics in the
County justify our terminology.
3
In general, the system of side-by-side schools offering the
same grades is extravagant and unsound, offers no educa
tional advantage whatever, and is explicable only in racial
terms. (See pp. 6-9, infra.)
(2) In spite of the entry of the Interim Order in July,
1966, requiring non-racial assignment of new faculty mem
bers and the encouragement of faculty and staff members
already employed to cross racial lines,3 the defendants
made only minimal progress in faculty desegregation.
Staff and faculty desegregation for 1966-67 involved five
individuals of a total faculty of more than 200. The only
actual classroom teacher desegregation achieved during
that year consisted of a white lady who taught English at
an all-Negro high school for five hours per week. Nine of
the twelve schools in the system were totally unaffected by
faculty desegregation, and every school in the district re
mained—and remains today—racially identifiable by the
composition of its faculty. (See pp. 9-13, infra.)
(3) Substantial educational disparities exist between pre
dominantly white and Negro schools in Franklin County.
The summary of the evidence of disparities set forth in
the District Court’s Findings of Fact (D. App. 27A-28A),
which is based on defendants’ records and which they
cannot and do not contest, shows among other things that
the buildings and equipment in predominantly white schools
had, at the time this suit was brought, a per pupil valua
tion more than three times as great as the buildings and
equipment in the Negro schools. Negro schools have been
3 See Coppedge v. Franlclin County Board of Education, 12 Race Rel.
L. Rep. 230 (E.D. N.C. 1966), (D. App. 7-A-14-A). References to De
fendants’ Appendix are indicated herein by D. App. and page numbers.
References to Appellees’ Appendix are indicated herein by the page
number followed by the letter “a.”
4
seriously overcrowded, in terms of pupils per classroom,
pupils per teacher and acreage of site, and Negro pupils
residing near underutilized white schools have been bused
fourteen miles, each way, on a daily basis to overcrowded
Negro schools. Additions to the schools have also been
made in a manner tending to perpetuate segregation. (See
pp. 13-17, infra.)
(4) The transportation system which has been utilized
in Franklin County is unreasonable and uneconomical and
can be explained only in racial terms. While formerly white
and Negro schools in this rural county are located prac
tically side by side, their bus routes are separate and over
lapping, with the effect that two buses do on a racially
separate basis what one could do if race were ignored.
When bus routes of different schools have been combined,
this has always been done on a racial basis, so that, e.g.
one Negro elementary school shares a bus route with
another Negro school 14 miles away rather than with a
white school half a mile away. (See pp. 17-23, infra.)
It is our basic contention in this case that all of these
policies and practices are rooted in the dual system, are
educationally and administratively unsound, and serve
as devices to keep Negro students separate from white
students, to preserve all-Negro schools, and to induce
Negro students to attend them. In Franklin County, the
annual median Negro family income is $1,281, about
one-third of the white. When the policies of the school
board, in such a county, are directed to the one controlling
end of preserving the racial identities of schools, there
is little doubt that, even apart from overt intimidation,
comparatively little desegregation will result. In this case,
adherence by the defendants to these dual system policies
5
has been accompanied by extensive community hostility to
desegregation, characterized by bombings, shootings into
homes, pollution of wells, tacks in driveways, threats,
harassing telephone calls, economic coercion, and other
measures, all in a county where the Ku Klux Klan is
widely known to be powerful. No Negro has been able to
elect to attend a formerly white school with any confidence
that he would not suffer serious reprisals.
We believe that it has been and is inevitable under these
circumstances, that actual desegregation under the “ free
choice” system would be minimal, and so it has been.
During the fourth freedom of choice period conducted in
Franklin County in the spring of 1967, 45 of more than
3,100 Negro students chose desegregated schools, four
fewer than in the previous year. All of the white students
again elected to attend white schools. Had the District
Court not intervened, 1.5% of the Negro students would
have attended desegregated schools in 1967-68, while the
remaining 98.5% of the Negro students and 100% of the
white students would have attended schools still more or
less maintained for their color.4
We believe that the testimony and exhibits in this case
demonstrate why “freedom of choice” had to fail, and that
the statistical evidence shows the degree to which it has
failed. Since the Constitution requires that the dual sys
tem based on race be disestablished, the District Judge
ordered the defendants to put an end to their educationally
unsound and race-directed practices and to adopt a system
which makes educational sense and will desegregate the
schools as well. We submit that he could hardly have
ordered less.
4 In North Carolina, as a whole, in 1966-67, 15.4% of the Negro students
attended desegregated schools. In Mississippi, the corresponding figure
was 2.5% (D-App. 24A-25A.)
6
Proceedings Below
The history of the action is fully described in the Opinion
and Order of the Court below (D. App. 15A-17A).6 Since
Notice of Appeal was filed, a group of Negro parents
opposed to the District Court’s decree have moved this
Court for leave to intervene in the action. The facts sur
rounding this motion, which we oppose as an untimely
attempt to relitigate what the District Court has already
decided, are discussed in our Response thereto, filed De
cember 7, 1967.
THE EVIDENCE
I.
Defendants’ Adherence to Policies and Practices
Which Perpetuate a Dual System Based on Race.
A. School Organization and Utilization.
A study of the Franklin County school system was made
for this case by William L. Stormer, Assistant Chief of
the School Construction Section of the Division of School
Assistance, United States Office of Education. Mr. Stormer
testified in the action (1036a et seq.) and compiled a writ
ten report which is attached to his deposition (1551a et
seq.). Despite ample opportunity to do so, defendants de
clined to cross-examine Mr. Stormer on deposition or at the
trial and, for the most part, his testimony is uncontradicted.
Mr. Stormer testified, and the evidence shows, that the
schools in four areas of Franklin County (Louisburg, Bunn,
Youngsville and Gold Sand) are organized in groups and
clusters of two or three, one traditionally white and one 5
5 See 273 F. Supp. 289, 292-293 (E.D. N.C. 1967).
7
or more Negro (1040a-1041a). Every Negro school is with
in a mile or so of a predominantly white school covering
the same grades (1041a). In two other parts of the county
—Epsom and the general area of Edward Best High School
and Edward Best Elementary School—there are white
schools but no Negro schools (1041a, 1415a-1416a). Several
of the high schools in the county are very small (Epsom,
a white school, had 72 children in grades 9-12 last year),
and only one or two are large enough to mate diversified
educational opportunities available to students at a reason
able cost per pupil (217a, 1043a).
Mr. Stormer was asked whether a system in which pairs
of schools offering the same grades were located in the
same area presented any educational disadvantages, and
he listed several:
(a) A more diversified program may be offered in a
large school than in a small one, particularly in
the high school grades (1042a). For example,
Bunn (white) and Gethsemane (Negro) schools
are located within about a mile of one another.
Bunn had 229 students in grades 9-12; Geth
semane 157 students in these grades (217a). Bunn
offers the following courses which Gethsemane
does not: Geography, Advanced Trigonometry
and Algebra, Agriculture, Consumer Math, Short
hand, Spanish I and II, Physical Education and
Health II, and Chemistry. Gethsemane offers the
following courses which Bunn does not: Con
struction industry, Business Communication, and
Special Education (218a, 1044a). If the high
school grades of these schools were consolidated,
each high school student now in either school
would be able to take any of the above courses
(1045a).
8
(b) There is a substantially higher cost per pupil in
attempting to provide a diversified program to a
small school than a large one. In Mr. Stormer’s
words, “ the smaller the school, the higher the
cost per pupil for the educational program being
offered . . . Because of small total membership,
you are not able to maintain classes in certain
subject areas because . . . it becomes uneconomi
cal to offer one class for five or six or seven pupils”
(1043a).
(c) In general, it is possible to secure better utiliza
tion out of the school facilities if the plants of
two small schools are combined than if the same
grades continue to be offered in each school
(1042a).
When asked if there were any educational advantages to
this system of pairs of schools, he said he knew of none,
and that the only explanation for its existence was racial
segregation (1068a, 1095a).
The situation closely resembles that discussed by the
Court in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267
F. Supp. 458, 472 (M.D. Ala., 1967) (three judge court),
the statewide school desegregation suit in Alabama, in the
following passage:
. . . Considerations of economy, convenience, and edu
cation have been subordinated to the policy of racial
separation; survey approvals of construction sites re
flect this policy. A striking instance of this discrim
inatory conduct is found in the Clarke County survey
conducted during the 1964-65 school year. At the time
of the survey, there were twenty-three schools in the
system attended by approximately 5800 students—
2400 white and 3400 Negro. Consolidation was clearly
9
called for; yet the survey staff sought to perpetuate
the segregated system by recommending and approv
ing that, in each of the three principal towns of the
county, two separate schools be maintained as perma
nent school installations, each covering grades 1-12.
This recommendation in each of these three towns in
Clarke County, Alabama, can be explained only in
racial terms . . .
See also Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board,
------ F. Supp.------- (No. 15973, E.D. La., October 19, 1967);
Cf. Singleton v. Jackson Municipal Separate School Dis
trict, 355 F.2d 865, 871 (5th Cir. 1966); Kelley v. Altheimer,
Ark School Dist., 378 F.2d 483, 486 (8th Cir. 1967).
Mr. Stormer testified that consolidation of side-by-side
schools, with the facilities of each used for some grades,
was feasible and educationally advantageous, and -would
automatically desegregate the schools (1078a-1079a, 1042a
et seq.; 1556a). He also explained the administrative con
venience of geographical zoning, which would likewise
eliminate the dual system (1074a-1079a). The District
Court’s order requires the defendants to adopt one or both
of these methods to desegregate the schools.
B. Assignment of Staff and Faculty.
Prior to the commencement of the 1966-67 school year,
all white teachers in the Franklin County system taught
at white schools, and all-Negro teachers taught at Negro
schools (D. App. 6A). On July 27, 1966, the District Court
entered an Interim Order which included a faculty provi
sion based on Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Educa
tion, 363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966). The defendants were
ordered to fill all faculty and professional staff vacancies
on a nonracial basis and to encourage transfers across
10
racial lines by present members of the faculty. The de
fendants were also required to file Objective Standards
for Employment, Assignment and Retention of Teachers6
(D. App. 8A-10A).
The District Court found, on the basis of ample evi
dence, that the defendants had failed, under the Interim
Order, to take adequate affirmative steps to accomplish
substantial staff and faculty desegregation. This failure
did not result from inadequate opportunity. Of a total
1966-67 faculty of 232 (112 white, 120 Negro), 49 (25 white,
24 Negro) were newly employed that year, and could have
been assigned to any school in the system (215a). Nor
was there a scarcity of teachers already employed who
were prepared to transfer. Five such teachers testified on
deposition, three for defendants and two for plaintiff-
intervenor, and all of them stated that they would have
been willing to cross racial lines but had not been asked
by the defendants to do so (999a-1000a; 1018a-1020a; 1216a;
1222a-1223a; 1226a-1229a). Nevertheless, nine of the twelve
schools in the system remained totally segregated with
respect to faculty (1408a-1409a). In the remaining three,
Negro librarians were assigned to each of two white
schools7 and a white librarian and white English teacher
(who taught for five hours a week) were assigned to an
all-Negro school. Except for these assignments, the only
6 A provision of these Standards, which provided that teachers would
be assigned, if possible, to the school of their choice, and which sought
to delegate to them the Board’s duty to desegregate the faculty, was
properly disapproved by the District Court as tending to perpetuate
segregation, Kier v. County School Bd. of Augusta Cty, Va., 249 F. Supp.
239, 248 (W.D. Va. 1966).
7 One of these Negro librarians at a white school became sick and the
defendants replaced her during the course of the year and was replaced
by a white woman. (1409a) This totally resegregated the faculty of a
tenth school.
11
“encouragement” given by the defendants to teachers to
cross racial lines was to notify them, orally and in writing,
that they might apply to cross racial lines (1228a-1229a).
Defendants contend (Brief, p. 40) that they could not
desegregate more during 1966-67 because only five or six
vacancies remained at the time of the Interim Order of
July 27, 1966, Even assuming that defendants had the
right to ignore Supreme Court decisions requiring deseg
regation generally, Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S.
483 (1954), and in faculty assignments in particular, Brad
ley v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103 (1965) and Rogers v.
Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965), until they were personally sued
and enjoined—and we cannot assent to such a proposition
-—this “inadequate time” explanation is annihilated by
what took place thereafter. Superintendent Smith testified
at the trial, on July 26, 1967, that only five teachers had
been hired to cross racial lines for 1967-68, an increase of
one over the previous year. These five included one Negro
who had testified on behalf of plaintiff-intervenor that
she would be willing to transfer and one whose husband
testified that he believed she would be willing to do so.
Apart from these two teachers, who were in effect found
for defendants by the Government, there would actually
have been a decrease in faculty desegregation for 1967-68
(1467a-1468a).
Two principal consequences flow from the defendants’
failure to accomplish significant faculty desegregation un
der the District Court’s Interim Order of July 27, 1966.
The first is that a more specific and a more comprehen
sive decree directing substantial faculty desegregation is
now required. Bowman v. County School Board of Charles
City County, Va., 382 F.2d 326, 329 (4th Cir. 1967).
Judge Butler’s order, which requires affirmative encour
12
agement of teachers to cross racial lines, the assignment
of at least two minority race teachers to each school in
the district for 1967-68, and substantial progress there
after, is a temperate but firm reflection of what the courts
have been requiring under similar circumstances. Dowell
v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp. 971
(W.D. Okla. 1965), aff’d. 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir. 1967),
cert. den. 387 U.S. 931 (1967); Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark.
School Dist., 378 F.2d 483, 498 (8th Cir. 1967); United
States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 380 F.2d
385, 394 (5th Cir. 1967) (en banc), aff’g. 372 F.2d 836 (5th
Cir. 1966); Kier v. County School Board, 249 F. Supp.
239, 247 (W.D. Va. 1966). The second consequence of the
defendants’ failure to make progress on faculty desegre
gation is its bearing on the appropriateness of the “ free
choice” method of desegregation. As Judge Butzner said
in Thompson v. County School Board of Hanover County,
252 F. Supp. 546, 551 (E.D. Ya. 1966), quoting from Kier,
supra:
Freedom of choice, in other words, does not mean a
choice between a clearly delineated ‘Negro school’
(having an all-Negro faculty and staff) and a ‘white
school’ (with all-white faculty and staff). School au
thorities who have heretofore operated dual school
systems for Negroes and whites must assume the duty
of eliminating the effects of dualism before a free
dom of choice plan can be superimposed upon the
preexisting situation and approved as a final plan of
desegregation. It is not enough to open the previously
all-white schools to Negro students who desire to go
there while all-Negro schools continue to be main
tained as such. Inevitably, Negro children will be en
couraged to remain in ‘their school,’ built for Negroes
and maintained for Negroes with all-Negro teachers
13
and administrative personnel . . . This encouragement
may be subtle but it is nonetheless discriminatory. The
duty rests with the School Board to overcome the
discrimination of the past, and the long-established
image of the ‘Negro school’ can be overcome under
freedom of choice only by the presence of an integrated
faculty.
See also Judge Wisdom’s majority opinion in Jefferson,
supra, 372 F.2d at 890, wherein it was said
Freedom of choice means the maximum amount of
freedom and clearly understood choice in a bona fide
unitary system where schools are not white schools
or Negro schools—just schools.
C. Disparities.
Segregated schools are inherently unequal. Even if there
were no tangible disparities in Franklin County, the all-
Negro schools would still be inferior to the all-white schools.
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). In
this case, however, the evidence—largely the defendants’
own reports to the State Department of Education—show
that reliance on presumptions and psychological damage is
unnecessary. As the District Court found (D. App. 27A-
28A), the disparities—tangible, physical, bread and butter
disparities—have been imposing.
At the time this action was started,8 all white children
and a few Negroes were attending schools at which the
school buildings and equipment were worth $913.44 per
pupil. At the Negro schools, the corresponding figure was
8 The details of the disparities are set forth in our motion to eliminate
them, which, in turn, was computed from materials filed by the defen
dants with the State Board of Education and introduced into evidence
in this case. (185a-203a) See also Mr. Stormer’s Report (1551a-1566a).
14
$285.18 per pupil. Two small Negro schools, Youngsville
Elementary and Cedar Street, were worth $93.77 and
$133.49 per pupil respectively.
At the predominantly white schools, there was a class
room for every 22.8 students. At the Negro schools, the
corresponding figure was 34.9.
Predominantly white schools had 24.9 pupils for every
acre of site. Negro schools had 94.7 pupils per every acre
of site. Riverside High School (Negro), with twice as
many students as predominantly white Louisburg High
School, has one-quarter of the acreage.
White children had nine library volumes per pupil.
Negro children had four. There was a white teacher for
every 25 white children enrolled, and there was a Negro
teacher for every 35 Negro children enrolled. Since segre
gation was the practice in North Carolina at the time these
teachers were trained, the Negro teachers had, for the
most part, attended segregated, inferior Negro schools.
All the predominantly white elementary schools are ac
credited by the State. No Negro elementary school has
accreditation. The predominantly white high schools have
all been accredited since the 1920’s. The three Negro high
schools were accredited in 1933, 1960, and 1961 respectively.
Two of the Negro schools—Youngsville Elementary and
Cedar Street—are, so Mr. Stonner testified, simply in
adequate (1061a-1062a). Cedar Street has four teachers
for seven grades (1058a). Children eat lunch in the class
room, and this lunch is shipped in by truck from all-Negro
Riverside, past predominantly white Louisburg (1434a).
The situation at Youngsville Elementary is similarly poor
(1058a, 1098a).
15
The problems are many, but the most acute is over
crowding. During 1966-67, the Franklin County Board of
Education was receiving federal assistance under the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1422a). There
are mobile classrooms—nicknamed “portables”—all over
the already overcrowded Negro school sites, and there is
other federal equipment (1050a-1053a, 1423a-1425a). This
federal assistance has increased the value of buildings and
equipment per pupil at the Negro schools, and has re
duced to some limited extent the number of pupils per
classroom at Negro schools (D. App. 28A).
However, even after the addition of portable classrooms,
ail of the Negro schools except Cedar Street remain over
crowded, and Cedar Street would be without its portable
(1063a). White Epsom High, on the other hand, with 72
students in grades 9 through 12, all white, is at 39.5%
of reasonable capacity (1560a). To run a high school of
that size is so expensive that teacher salaries are $350.30
per pupil in the class, compared with $188 at Bunn, $231.09
at Perry’s and $235.91 at Riverside (1566a). Neverthe
less, the Negro students living in Epsom are carried 13
miles to Riverside High School, at which students number
126.4% of capacity even with the portable. Similarly,
Negro students living near under-utilized white Youngs-
ville High travel 14 miles to Riverside, and those in the
vicinity of under-utilized and white Edward Best High
ride a similar distance to overcrowded all-Negro Perry’s
(1415a-1417a).
During 1966-67, using 25 pupils as the capacity per class
room, the Negro schools were overcrowded by a total of
392 pupils, whereas five of the predominantly white schools
—Edward Best Elementary, Edward Best High, Epsom,
Gold Sand and Louisburg High—were under-utilized by a
16
total of 492 places.9 Even if choice in Franklin County had
really been free, the defendants would still have been under
the obligation to assure approximately equal pupil-class
room ratios.10 Quite apart from the effect of intimidation
on the amount of desegregation in Frankin County, Judge
Butler’s Order directing defendants to transfer a sufficien t
number of Negro pupils to white schools for 1967-68 to
assure that a total of at least 10% attend desegregated
schools, was an appropriate response to the overcrowding
problem alone.
The existence of these uncontested disparities required
the District Court to include in its Order a strong equali
zation provision, and the Court did so (D. App. 35A-36A).
The significance of so extreme a denial of equal educa
tional opportunities, however, goes beyond that portion of
the decree, and affects the principal issue of the constitu
tional adequacy in Franklin County of desegregation under
“free choice.” In Franklin County, private sources make
major contributions to the schools, and, since white people
in the county are generally much wealthier than Negroes,
the white schools reecive most of the benefit (1400a-1401a).
Since, under freedom of choice plans, schools tend to
retain their racial identities, and formerly Negro schools
remain all-Negro for lack of white pupils electing to at
9 These statistics include the portable classrooms provided by the Fed
eral Government and located at overcrowded Negro school sites (1423a-
1425a). The only possible justification for further overcrowding the
Negro sites by locating the portables there is racial. I f the portables had
been placed where there was room for them, it would have been even
more imperative to transfer Negro pupils to white schools. The author
ities require, as did the District Court here, that any substantial additions
to existing schools be made with the “ objective of eradicating the ves
tiges of the dual system.” Jefferson, supra, 380 F. 2d at 394, Kelley,
supra, 378 F. 2d at 499.
10 See the Fifth Circuit’s Model Decree in Jefferson, 380 F. 2d at 393-
394; Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, 378 F. 2d at 499.
17
tend them,11 contributions, under such a system, are likely
to continue to go to predominantly white schools, and the
existence of inferior and sub-standard schools readily
identifiable as Negro institutions will tend to continue.
Consequently, as Judge Wisdom observed in Jefferson,
supra,
A freedom of choice plan will be ineffective if the
students cannot choose among schools that are sub
stantially equal. 372 F.2d at 891.
D. Transportation.
In Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark. School District, supra, 378
F.2d at 497, the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit
said:
The Board of Education transports rural students
to and from their homes precisely as it did during
the many years it operated a segregated school sys
tem. It was inefficient and costly then. It is just as
inefficient and costly now. Running two school buses
down the same country road, one to pick up and de
liver Martin students and the other to pick up and
deliver next door neighbors attending Altheimer, is
a luxury that this impoverished school board could
not afford in the past and cannot afford now. The
difference is that, before Brown the Board had the
same right to operate segregated school buses as it
had to operate segregated schools. While we have no
authority to strike down transportation systems be
cause they are costly and inefficient, we must strike
them down if their operation serves to discourage the
desegregation of the school system.
11 United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, supra, 372
F. 2d at 889; Rep. U. S. Comm, on Civil Rights, Survey of Desegregation
in the Southern and Border States, 1965-66, p. 33.
18
The organization of the Franklin County district pur
suant to a system of side-by-side schools makes the cited
language of the Kelley case particularly applicable to the
facts at bar. In the rural areas of Franklin County, whites
and Negroes live side-by-side (1418a). Since the white and
Negro schools are also located, for practical purposes, side
by side, and since, except as indicated below, each school
has its own bus routes, substantial overlapping results
(1418a).
The feasibility and desirability of consolidating bus
routes—a step which would end unnecessary duplication—
has been recognized by the defendants by their conduct.
Since Franklin County employs high school students as
drivers, it has been necessary to provide pupils from other
schools to drive school buses, for three elementary schools
—Edward Best Elementary (white) and Cedar Street and
Youngsville Elementary (Negro). Accordingly, the bus
routes of each of these schools have been combined with
those of schools which offer high school grades. It is
in this context that the dual system orientation of the
defendants is most clearly exposed; the Negro elementary
schools have common bus routes with other Negro schools,
and the white elementary school has a common route with
white Edward Best High. The most extreme example has
been the consolidation of the routes of all-Negro Youngs
ville Elementary with those of all-Negro Riverside, four
teen miles away, rather than with all-white Youngsville
High School, half a mile away (1418a). Similarly, all-
Negro Cedar Street was combined with Riverside rather
than with predominantly white Louisburg (which is lo
cated between the two), not only for transportation of
pupils (1418a-1422a), but also with regard to the lunch
program; lunch is trucked in from Riverside past Louis
burg to Cedar Street (1434a).
19
Defendants’ transportation policy carries with it all of
the usual incidents of racial discrimination. Not only do
the Negroes attending Negro schools—98.5% of all the
Negroes—ride separate buses, but their transportation is
inferior. When suit was brought, the average load on buses
at Negro schools was 64.1, for buses at white schools 43
(D. App. 27A).12 13 Negro bus routes are longer in mileage
and time spent than those of white schools; e.g., the longest
bus route for Negro Youngsville Elementary takes 120
minutes each way, the longest for white Youngsville High
fifty-five. At all-Negro Riverside, fourteen of sixteen buses
make more than one trip per day; at predominantly white
Louisburg, none (Government’s Trial Exhibits 24 and 32:
not reproduced in appendix). Consequently, we believe
that Franklin County is a prime example of the principle,
restated by the Court in Kelley, supra, that
the school bus is a principal factor in perpetuating
school segregation in many areas of the South. 378
F.2d at 497.
Conversion to a system of nonracial geographic attendance
zones, or to school or grade consolidation, as directed by
the District Court, will, of course, not only eliminate the
irrationality and wastefulness of the present transporta
tion system, but provide meaningful opportunities for a
desegregated education as wTell.18
12 A year later the figures were 54.7 to 40.2 (D. App. 28A).
13 In Corbin and United States v. County School Board of Loudoun
County, Va., ------ F. Supp. ------ , C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Ya. August 29,
1967), United States District Judge Oren R. Lewis ordered, among other
things, that
As soon as practicable during the 1967-68 school year, and consistent
with economy and efficiency, all transportation of pupils shall be
desegregated and, to that end, the defendants shall forthwith dis
continue the practice of limiting any particular bus route to any
particular school whenever such limitation results in unreasonable
overlapping between the routes of buses serving traditionally white
schools and those serving traditionally Negro schools.
20
In two recent decisions, District Courts in Virginia and
Louisiana have ordered the abandonment of the “ free
choice” system of desegregation even without proof of
intimidation. In Corbin and United States v. County School
Board of Loudoun County, Va., —— F. Supp. ------ , C.A.
No. 2737 (F..D. Va. August 29, 1987), the proof showed
that in Loudoun County, Negroes, who comprised about
15% of the student population, were scattered throughout
the county and, under a somewhat informal “ free choice”
system, rode long distances past predominantly white
schools to all-Negro schools. The Superintendent admitted
that most of the Negro pupils could be accommodated at
predominantly white schools close to their homes. There
was gross duplication in white and Negro bus routes.
Progress towards disestablishing dual school zones had
been halting. Judge Oren E. Lewis, accepting the Govern
ment’s argument that there was no rational non-racial
basis for continued adherence to any system, including
“free choice,” which would preserve the existence of all-
Negro schools, entered an Order which included the follow
ing provisions:
Effective for the 1967-68 school year, the defendants
shall assign all Negro elementary school students in
the system who reside outside the town limits of Lees
burg to the schools nearest their homes having the
capacity to accommodate them.
• # # # #
No later than the commencement of the 1968-69 school
year, the Loudoun County Elementary Schools shall
be operated on the basis of a system of compact, uni
tary, non-racial geographic attendance zones in which
there shall be no schools staffed or attended solely by
Negroes. Upon the completion of the new Broad Eun
21
High. School, the high schools shall be operated on a
like basis.
In Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board,------
F. Supp, ------ , CA No. 15973 (E.D. La. October 19, 1967),
the Court, noting the existence of some of the educational
and administrative disadvantages of the “free choice” sys
tem which are proved by the record here, ordered “the
abandonment of the so-called ‘free choice’ method of pupil
assignment for the Washington Parish school system and,
in its place, the institution of a geographical zoning plan.”
Judge Heebe traced the origins of the free choice system
and expressed the view that it was a logical interim
measure:
In the process of grade by grade desegregation, it is
not difficult to imagine the hardships inherent and
indeed the practical impossibility of requiring shifting
geographical zones for desegregated grades, while al
lowing maintenance of the segregated assignments for
grades not yet reached by the desegregation proc
ess. . . .
But the usefulness of such plans logically ended with
the end of the desegregation process. With all grades
desegregated, there is no apparent reason for the
continued use of the purely interim and temporary
free choice system.
Expounding at some length on the educational shortcom
ings of “ free choice,” including its disruption of the “first
principle of pupil assignment . . . [which] ought to be
to utilize all available classrooms and schools to accommo
date the most favorable number of students,” and on its
inherent uncertainties, as a result of which “the board
cannot make plans for the transportation of students to
22
schools,14 plan curricula, or even plan such things as lunch
allotments and schedules,” the Court found that the School
Board was adhering to “ free choice” not because of real
concern about the pupil’s volition, which had been deemed
irrelevant prior to desegregation, but rather for the pur
pose of “ shifting to both white and Negro students the
hoard’s own burden to run honestly and actually desegre
gated truly non-racial systems.” The Court concluded that
since “the implementation of the absurd system of free
choice on a permanent basis has followed closely on the
heels of the imperative to desegregate,” and since the
School Board had not shown any valid non-racial purpose
for continuing to this system, the “ free choice” plan would
be disapproved and geographic zoning ordered.
The holdings in the Corbin and Moses cases, and the
remarks of appellate courts in others,15 16 suggest that it is
at least arguable that the uncontested facts of this case,
even absent any intimidation, would make Franklin
County’s “ free choice” plan constitutionally inadequate.
We think these dual system facts important because they
illustrate the extent to which conversion to a unitary sys
tem will eliminate the administrative and educational as
well as racial burdens which Franklin County has had to
bear for so long. This Court need not decide here, how
ever, whether the Board’s “dual system” policies and prac
tices would invalidate free choice in a free and uninhib
ited atmosphere, for in Franklin County there has been
no such atmosphere. In this County, racial intimidation
has been such that “ freedom of choice” has been, in the
14 See in this connection the testimony of Thaddeus Jerome Cheek
(627a, 632a).
16 Jefferson, supra, 372 F. 2d at 889; Kemp v. Beasley, 352 F. 2d 14,
21 (8th Cir. 1965); Singleton v. Jackson Municip. Separate School Dist.,
355 F. 2d 865, 871 (5th Cir. 1966).
23
District Court’s words, both an illusion and a misnomer,
and the choice has not been free in the practical context
of its exercise. Bowman v. County School Board of
Charles City County, 382 F.2d 326, 327-328 (4th Cir. 1967).
n.
Pressures Inhibiting the Exercise of Free Choice.
The District Court’s decision holding unconstitutional
Franklin County’s “ free choice” plan was principally
grounded on the existence of community hostility to de
segregation and on numerous acts of violence and intimi
dation directed against Negroes seeking a desegregated
education for themselves or for their children. While
there are suggestions in defendants’ brief that the District
Court erred on the law, and that the “free choice” plan
should be allowed to stand even if choice was effectively
inhibited by intimidatory acts of third parties,16 the thrust
of their argument appears to be that the evidence was
insufficient to support Judge Butler’s findings of commu
nity hostility and intimidation.16 17 We submit that this con
tention is completely without substance. While, under Rule
52(a) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the Court
of Appeals will sustain the District Court’s factual de
terminations, unless they are “clearly erroneous,” and will
16 See Defendants’ brief, pp. 33-34, 37.
17 Defendants also (brief, pp. 11-13) attack the sufficiency of Judge
Butler’s finding that the defendants failed, in 1965, to give parents in
still segregated grades notice of criteria for transfer to desegregated
schools. They claim that this finding is at odds with the Court’s earlier
Order of February 24, 1966. Actually, the two orders are perfectly con
sistent; compare Conclusion No. 6 of the 1966 order (D. App. 4A)
with pertinent language in the 1967 Order (D. App. 15A-16A, 19A).
Moreover, Rev. Latham, who discussed desegregation both with the
Board and with Negro leaders as a kind of informal emissary, tes
tified, after the date of the earlier order, that the criteria were not
determined until after the Negroes had applied (492a, 498a).
24
not disturb the trial court’s findings merely because it may
doubt their correctness, Darter v. Greenville Hotel Corp.,
301 F.2d 70, 72-73 (4th Cir. 1962), questions about the
scope of review appear almost academic in this case. The
intimidation proved in this record is uncontradicted, and
its volume is probably unparallelled in the history of
school desegregation litigation.18 Its effects are apparent
from the 1.5% pupil desegregation achieved on the fourth
try in Franklin County—less than one tenth of the North
Carolina average.
A. Community Attitudes.
At pages 13-14 of their brief, defendants attack as un
supported by the evidence the District Court’s finding that
there is “ marked hostility to school desegregation in Frank
lin County.” We submit that they know better. On Octo
ber 20, 1964, Mr. Clinton Fuller, one of the defendants
in this action, who wears two hats as Vice President of the
School Board and editor of the county newspaper, wrote
in a rather sympathetic Franklin Times editorial about a
large Klan rally that
The Klan has been strong in this county for many
years. By the nature of the organization, this has
been kept secret. It will undoubtedly gain strength
now following the rally (1571a).19
The Board of Education minutes of April 12, 1965, reflect
the filing of a petition with the Board, signed by 767
persons, stating that
18 A partial chronology of intimidatory incidents or events, as presented
to the trial court, is set forth at pp. 238a, et seq. of our Appendix.
19 For an illuminating discussion o f what the presence of a strong
Klan means to Negroes seeking to exercise civil rights, see United States
v. Original Knights of Ku Klux Klan, 250 F. Supp. 330 (E.D. La. 1965)
(three-judge court).
25
We, the undersigned people of Franklin County, do
hereby express our preference to forfeit Federal Aid
to the schools of said county rather than to support
integration. We suggest this be put to a vote by the
people to maintain and operate our school system by
a tax on each and every adult taxpayer (1539a).
On August 5, 1965, Mr. Fuller remarked, in a Franklin
Times editorial about school desegregation headlined
“Frustration Is The Word” , that
Most local citizens oppose integration of the schools.
We do ourselves. We don’t believe it will work (1581a).
In September of 1966, a citizens’ petition signed by 584
persons, together with other pressures, prompted the re
versal of the decision by the school board of the admin
istratively separate Franklinton unit in Franklin County
of an initial decision to agree to requests by the U. S. Office
of Education for further desegregation (854a, 1606a); the
Franklin Times of September 8, 1966 headlined the occa
sion “FRANKLINTON BOARD VOTES NO” (1602a). On
December 1, 1966, Mr. Fuller’s headline read: “FRANK
LINTON BUS USE LIFTED FOLLOWING K KK
THREAT” (1610a). Finally, on November 22, 1967, Ne
gro applicants for intervention who seek to return to all-
Negro schools, and on whose intervention defendants claim
to rely (brief, pp. 29, 35), alleged in their motion “ that
they are being forced to go to schools where they have
no friends; and that they are nervous and upset”—a posi
tion which can hardly be reconciled with the supposed
non-existence of community hostility.
Even without actual violence, this strong and highly
publicized community feeling would make freedom of
choice less than free in fact. Negroes in the county are
26
in general much poorer than white persons and are eco
nomically dependent on them,20 and poverty and depend
ence restrict the range of choice. Cf. Vick v. County School
Board of Obion County, Tenn., 205 F. Supp. 436, 440 (W.D.
Tenn. 1962). In Franklin County, however, choice has
not been inhibited simply by community attitudes. The
underlying hostility has been implemented by pervasive
acts of violence and intimidation which have jeopardized
the safety and well-being of any Negro who might seek a
desegregated education.
B. Acts of Intimidation.
Since defendants attack the sufficiency of the evidence
to support the findings of intimidation, we have found it
necessary to print in our Appendix most of the proof we
have adduced with respect thereto, so that the Court may
judge for itself. We believe that the Chronology of In
timidation (238a et seq.) provides the Court with a useful
perspective as to the obstacles Negroes seeking a deseg
regated education have had to meet, and we will only
provide a brief outline here.
The evidence of intimidation in this record begins in
1963, with a bomb threat to Eev. Dunston, NAACP leader
20 The 1960 Census, extracts from which are in the record (259a et
seq.) shows the following data for Franklin County:
% of All
White % of All
Persons Nonwhites
Category in Category in Category
Family income over $3,000 per year ........... 58.3% 13.2%
Family income over $5,000 per year ........... 29.5% 2.7%
Family income over $7,000 per year ........... 12.1% 0.7%
Persons with income over $3,000 per year —. 27.8% 4.9%
Persons residing in owner occupied units .... 63% 29%
Median Income—Families ............................ $3,507 $1,281
Median Income—Persons ............................... $1,701 $595
27
who had presented a 130-name petition for desegregation
to the School Board (274a, 412a). In 1964 an unsuccessful
attempt was made by a group of Negroes to transfer to
desegregated schools; the parents involved were promptly
warned to stay off a white man’s land (421a; 451a). In
1964, considerable publicity was given to Klan activity,
including cross burnings, rallies, and the successful in
timidation of the Chairman of the annual Christmas parade
for not putting Negroes in the back of the procession
(363a-364a, 1567a-1573a). Accordingly, in the spring of
1965, when the defendants elected to desegregate by the
“ freedom of choice” method, they knew that the Klan was
active in the county and that some opponents of deseg
regation had violent tendencies, and they might well have
anticipated just how free “ free choice” would be.
On June 8, 1965, following the defendants’ adoption of
the “ freedom of choice” plan, the Franklin Times dis
closed the names and schools of the Negroes who applied
to attend previously all-white schools (D. App. 69A-71A).21
Following the release of these names, the intimidation be
came particularly intense. There were shootings into
homes (372a, 414a, 424a-428a, 1575a, 1596a); explosions at
Negro residences, (605a; 674a; 760a-761a; 888a-890a;
1587a); well poisonings and similar incidents (398a, 569a,
629a, 886a); the scattering of nails in driveways; (411a,
499a, 567a); threatening or obscene notes (596a, 667a, 628a,.
927a, 960a, 1109a); hundreds of threatening or abusive
telephone calls (277a, 329a, 429a, 487a; 499a; 564a-565a;
884a-885a; 1278a-1279a); cross burnings (310a, 499a, 535a,
21 On other occasions, Mr. Fuller also published the addresses of some
or all families involved in desegregation, or in incidents arising there
from (426a, 721a, 1568a, 1575a, 1582a, 1584a), and he told a fellow
board member who tried to restrain him from such publication to “ mind
his own business.” (495a-496a)
28
565a, 730a, 890a); and economic reprisals of various kinds
(282a; 335a-337a; 410a-411a; 566a-567a; 691a-693a; 742a
et seq.; 907a et seq.; 1591a et seq.).
The result was, as Judge Butler found, that while 76
of approximately 3,100 Negro pupils applied to attend
previously all-white schools, and 31 were accepted, all but
six -withdrew before the close of the 1965-66 school year
(D. App. 19A).22 Several of the Negro students who did
attend desegregated schools in 1965-66 were treated un
kindly by their fellow pupils; some received threatening
and abusive notes, and one was pushed around so much
in the first few days that he dropped out of school (628a,
926a, 1589a). The same period also witnessed Klan-type
harassment of Superintendent Rogers of the Franklinton
schools, who was trying to comply with federal desegre
gation requirements, and of two white ministers, Robert
Latham and Frank Wood, who were openly trying to im
prove race relations (499a-500a, 530a-536a, 730a-731a).
It was in July, 1966, immediately following the most
recent of these events, that this case was initially scheduled
for trial. Only 23 Negroes had elected to attend deseg
regated schools for 1966-67, and both plaintiffs and the
United States were ready to present the evidence of in
timidation which we have just described and to contend
that it had made “free choice” constitutionally inadequate
in Franklin County. After discussions between the District
22 Margaret Crudup, whose testimony defendants seek to minimize
(brief, pp. 23-24), wrote a letter withdrawing her application to a white
school after her parents received the following anonymous note:
Dear Mr. and Mrs. Crudup. We hear that you are sending a child
to Youngsville School. Well we are giving you 30 days to get out
of Franklin County. Pay your landlord what you owe him if any.
Leave your crop. We are not going to warne you agane. We will
start in your family and will start with you to killing. (667a; see
also 649a, 661a)
29
Court and counsel, however, trial on the merits was post
poned, and an Interim Order was entered in which defen
dants were required to conduct a new “ freedom of choice”
period for Negroes with such safeguards against intimi
dation as could reasonably be put in a decree of this type
(D. App. 8A-14A). Following the entry of the Order,
counsel for all parties met with representative community
groups to try to make free choice work (D. App. 24A-
25A), and the plaintiffs, the ministers interested in better
race relations, and others did their best to cooperate in
all ways with the District Court’s Order (742a-744a, 912a,
1265a). A new choice period ensued, and a total of 49
Negro pupils elected to attend desegregated schools (D.
App. 19A).
The hopes that the intimidation would cease and that
choice would become free in fact did not, however, ma
terialize. Immediately after the court-ordered free choice
period, shots were fired into a Negro home, and, while the
victim of this shooting did not have children in a desegre
gated school, the Franklin Times immediately associated
the incident with school desegregation and speculated as
to its effect on the Interim Order (1212a, 1596a). Soon
after school opened, shots were fired into the home of a
Negro whose two daughters had just enrolled for the first
time at a desegregated school (822a-823a).23 Negro pupils
23 One of the more bizarre of defendants’ contentions on appeal (brief,
pp. 19-20) is that the District Court should not have considered this
incident because the Government proved it through the testimony of one
of the teenaged students instead of through the father or mother. They
suggest that if the parents had testified this would have shown that some
nonracial reason lay behind the shooting. Actually, defendants did not
call any other family member although they certainly could have done
so, and there is not one shred of evidence in the record to support defen
dants’ speculations. The reason we called the daughter rather than the
father was that she could, and did, testify to other intimidatory and
related incidents at the desegregated school, which would have been hear
say from her parents (825a et seq.).
30
continued to receive unfriendly treatment from fellow stu
dents at white schools (791a-792a; 825a; 927a-928a; 960a-
961a). The racial troubles of the Franklinton system to
which we have referred earlier were front page news, and
every Negro in the County could read in the Franklin
Times and elsewhere that intensive community pressure
had forced the Franklinton Board to capitulate to persons
hostile to desegregation (1602a), and that Mr. Rogers’
home was under guard (1600a).24 25 Within a few months
of the opening of school, both of the white clergymen
whose concern for racial equity had led them to speak out
for their convictions and to testify for the United States
had been forced out of their pulpits, one formally by a
lop-sided vote of his congregation (749a), and one by the
accumulation of race-connected pressures which impeded
his ministry and threatened his family (911a).26 Super
intendent Rogers of Franklinton also resigned after he was
subjected to civil and criminal charges and described in
the Franklin Times as the center of controversy over in
tegration (1600a), so that by the date of the 1967 trial,
all of the Government’s white witnesses at the 1966 depo
sitions had lost their jobs or resigned under pressure.
24 In an editorial about the Franklinton situation entitled “ Pressure in
a Thicket,” the Raleigh News and Observer o f September 10, 1966, pre
dicted that “ the extraordinary citizen pressure generated against the
school board is going to be evidence as to why a ‘freedom of choice’ plan
of desegregation has not worked there. It is doubtful whether any court
would believe ‘freedom of choice’ is possible where such pressure has
been demonstrated.” (1606a-1607a)
25 While defendants, (brief, pp. 21-22) consider it “ extremely unjust
for any person to even guess at the real reason” why these ministers lost
their pulpits, we submit that a reading of their depositions (each testified
twice, once before and once after the loss of his pulpit; 483a et seq., 907a
et seq.; 526a et seq., 742a et seq.) and a consideration of their racial
activities, the harassment, and the sequence of events leaves no doubt as
to why they are no longer in Franklin County. Cf. Johnson v. Branch,
364 F. 2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1966).
31
In the spring of 1967, Franklin County held its “ free
choice” period for 1967-68—the fourth such period in two
years. The choice period coincided with an abrupt increase
in the level of harassment. In the first week in March,
an explosion took place outside the Coppedge home; this
incident is corroborated, despite defendant’s pleas to the
court to disregard it (Brief, pp. 20-21), not only by the
Government’s witnesses (1130a, D. App., 83A, 90A) but
also, except as to details, by defendants’ witnesses (D.
App. 221A-228A). Prior to the choice period, there had
been some let-up in the number of threatening and harass
ing telephone calls to the Coppedges, but after the period
began, the number rose to a peak of perhaps seven or
eight such calls per day (1278a-1280a). These calls con
tinued throughout the year and the last as to which there is
testimony took place three days before the trial (1280a).26
The choice period which was conducted under these condi
tions resulted in 45 Negroes selecting desegregated schools
—less than 1.5% of the total and a drop of four from the
previous year (D. App. 19A).
C. Defendants5 Attempts to Refute the Proof
of Intimidation.
The melancholy history represented by our Chronology
of Intimidation is uncontradicted, and no arrests have been
made of the perpetrators of any of these acts of violence
(370a-379a, 1482a). Unable to meet the proof of unchecked
26 Assorted other incidents, during the 1966-67 school year, including
one additional shooting into a Negro home, are listed in our Chronology
of Intimidation (249a et seq.). Unfortunately, the publicized intimida
tion did not end with the entry of the decree, and the Franklin Times
of September 14, 1967, reported a new shooting into the Coppedge resi
dence under the telling headline “ SHOTS FIRED INTO HOME OF
SCHOOL SUIT PLAINTIFF.” Further shots were fired into the Cop
pedge home on Christmas Eve, 1967.
(Franklin Times, December 28,1967.)
32
intimidation directly, the defendants have attacked it from
all directions. They allege that the District Judge should
not have considered some, or any, of the evidence (brief,
pp. 17, et seq.), or should not have believed the Govern
ment’s witnesses (p. 25), or should have disregarded tes
timony because plaintiffs or the Government called the
wrong witnesses (pp. 19-21), or used the wrong kind of
evidence (p. 34). They ask this Court to find that Judge
Butler was clearly erroneous in finding a relation between
the minimal progress in desegregation and the evidence
of intimidation—he should, they say (brief, p. 28), have
attributed this meager progress to lack of federally spon
sored “free lunch” programs at white schools, even though
not a single witness mentioned this consideration, and
even though it is the policy of HEW to assure that benefits
“ follow the eligible child who has transferred under the
school desegregation program” (1427a-1428a). Finally,
defendants called witnesses of their own and claim on
appeal to have proved that nobody was afraid of the in
timidations and that the reprisals did not have any effect.27
This case being on appeal, we believe that additional
discussion of credibility and like issues is superfluous. We
do wish to comment, however, on defendants’ claim (brief,
p. 26) that “ the learned trial Judge has in his findings of
fact been unduly influenced by sensational-sounding, hear
say, newspaper articles.” First, the articles in evidence are
not hearsay. They were not introduced to prove the truth
of their contents, but rather to show the publicity given
27 Defendants say (brief, p. 30) that plaintiffs and the Government
failed to produce a single witness who was influenced by fear during the
1967 choice period. While we think it unnecessary to call numerous wit
nesses to prove that shootings and bombings intimidate, defendants’
statement is simply inexplicable in the light of the testimony of Rev.
Arthur L. Morgan (1096a-1100a) and Ossie Lynn Spivey (1127a-1133a).
33
to intimidatory incidents in Franklin County. In most
instances, the fact of a shooting or bombing or similar
event was proved by competent testimony, and the news
paper article was introduced simply to show that news of
the incident was widely disseminated and therefore likely
to influence more people. In the few instances where
newspaper articles were used without independent proof
of the incident—e.g., the two shootings into plaintiff Cop-
pedge’s home after Judge Butler’s decision—their rele
vance was to show that people in Franklin County were
reading in their newspaper of intimidatory incidents, for
such reading alone may well inhibit choice. Finally, al
most all of the “ sensational sounding” articles are from
the Franklin Times, which is edited and controlled by the
defendant Fuller. See also Usiak v. New York Tank Barge
Company, 299 F.2d 808, 810 (2d Cir. 1962).28
This brings us to what the defendants apparently con
sider to be their affirmative non-intimidation case. A num
ber of Negro parents and students testified on behalf of
the defendants to the effect that it was not fear, but rather
preference for schools with which they were familiar and
in which they or their children had friends, that led them
to return to all-Negro schools (D. App. 102A; D. App.
197A; 1163a, 1183a, 1189a). W hile many of the witnesses
had heard of some or all of the acts of violence or intimida
tion which had occurred in the county, they testified that
28 Newspapers have been admitted or used for various purposes in
assorted civil rights cases. See, e.g., Swann v. Charlotte Mecklenburg Bd.
of Educ., 369 F.2d 29, 31 (4th Cir. 1966); Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp.
872, 879-881 (S.D. Ala. 1949), aff’d. 336 U.S. 933 (1949); United States
v. State of Louisiana, 225 F. Supp. 353, 375-376 (E.D. La. 1963); aff’d.
380 U.S. 145 (1965); Hall v. St. Helena Parish School Board, 197 F.
Supp. 649 (E.D. La. 1961), aff’d. 368 U.S. 515 (1962). Cf. Dallas Co.
v. Commercial Union Assurance Co., 286 F.2d 388 (5th Cir. 1961).
34
they would have returned to all-Negro schools anyway
(D. App. 100A; D. App. 1Q2A-103A; D. App. 133A-134A;
D. App. 152A). Much of this is inevitable; where, as here,
a school board, as a result of its faculty assignment and
other dual system policies, offers Negroes a choice be
tween schools identifiable as white or Negro (1175a, 1236a,
1285a), rather than between genuinely desegregated
schools, Negro pupils will inevitably be encouraged to
select the schools maintained for them. See Kiev v. County
School Board of Augusta Cty., Va., 249 F. Supp. 239, 247-
248 (W.D. Va. 1966).
The testimony adduced by defendants may support a
contention that intimidation and fear were not the only
reasons for Negroes remaining at all-Negro schools. It
could even be argued that such evidence would have sup
ported a finding (had the District Court made it) that
there were some Negroes who were so brave that the
prospects of shootings, explosions, telephone harassment,
well pollution and the rest would not make them hesitate
to elect desegregated schools for their children, although
even here several of the witnesses conceded that they had
no way of knowing if they would suffer reprisals or not,
and it is incredible that they did not care (1232a, 1236a,
1255a).29 What these witnesses could not, and did not,
show was that choice in Franklin County was free. Their
testimony does not support the contention that it was
sheer coincidence that the amount of desegregation was
low where the level of intimidation was so high. In fact,
29 Mrs. Ollie Strickland, a Negro mother, was one of those who testified
that she was not afraid, but on cross-examination acknowledged that
Negroes get along fine if they stay in their place, and that she was not
afraid because she did not plan to get out of her place (1241a). Much
of the testimony of lack of fear is most readily understandable in the
context that Negroes who chose Negro schools had nothing to be afraid
of (1252a-1253a).
35
many of the defendant’s witnesses conceded the contrary.
A few examples follow:
(a) Gladys Hayes, Negro mother, sent her children
to all-Negro Perry’s because that was where they
wanted to go, but admitted that in fact they did
not know how they would be treated at a white
school and that they were “kind of afraid to find
out” (1243a-1244a).
(b) Evelyn Harris, Negro high school honor student
who selected all-Negro Riverside school, acknowl
edged that the Klan is strong in Franklin County,
that she knew of numerous incidents of intimida
tion which happened to Negroes who elected de
segregated schools, that she attributed these in
cidents to their choice of white schools, that some
Negroes were certainly afraid to select white
schools, and that their number might well be
quite substantial (1246a-1251a). See also the simi
lar testimony of fellow student Veronica Hawkins
(1252a-1255a),
(c) Ira Bowden, white, aged 66, a neighbor of the
Coppedges who has lived in Franklin County all
his life, acknowledged that the Klan had been
strong in Franklin County for years, that it was
known to be against integration generally and
school integration in particular, and that he, like
the Negro mother Ollie Strickland, was not afraid
of the Klan simply because he was doing nothing
to offend it (1158a-1162a).
(d) Mrs. Mattie W. Crudup, Negro grandmother, testi
fied that she sent her grandchildren to all-Negro
Gethsemane voluntarily and felt that the small
number of Negro teachers and pupils at Bunn
36
was a significant factor influencing her choice; if
there were more Negro pupils and teachers at
white schools, the Negro children would feel “more
free” (1180a).
(e) Mrs. Mattie 6. C. Harris, a Negro mother with
some college training, elected Gethsemane rather
than Bunn for her children because they preferred
it, although she recognized that Bunn had a
broader curriculum and that attendance there
would have obviated a long bus ride; she had
heard of some intimidatory incidents and was
familiar with the Klan; she believed the acts of
violence happened to people with children in white
schools, and that the white community was hostile
to desegregation; in general, she would prefer
each child to attend the school nearest to his home
(1165a-1170a).
(f) Melissa Dean, Negro mother, elected to send chil
dren to all-Negro Perry’s school because she even
prefers a bad Negro school to a good white school;
she knew of several intimidatory incidents which
happened to Negroes with children in white
schools; she refused to answer the question
whether she thought such incidents would dis
courage integration, but admitted that she wanted
to help counsel for defendants and admitted that
she knew the answer to the question which she
refused to answer (1240a-1242a).
We believe that if the testimony by defendants’ wit
nesses is read as a whole, rather than conveniently charac
terized as at page 29 of defendants’ brief, its impact on
the District Court’s finding that choice in Franklin County
was not free in fact was minimal, and the Court was justi-
37
fled in reaching its conclusion without explicit reference
to it.
D. The Legal Effect of Community Attitudes and
Intimidation on the Constitutionality of
the Freedom of Choice Plan.
In setting aside “freedom of choice” in Franklin County,
the Court below said, citing numerous authorities:
Every freedom of choice plan must be judged on a
case by case basis. “ The plan must be tested not
only by its provisions, but by the manner in which it
operates to provide opportunities for a desegregated
education.” Wright v. County School Board, 252 F.
Supp. 378, 383 (E.D. Va. 1966). It is a permissible
plan so long as it comports with constitutional stan
dards. It is constitutionally impermissible and, in
deed, a misnomer when the choice is not free in fact.
This Court has found that community attitudes and
pressures in the Franklin County School system have
effectively inhibited the exercise of free choice of
schools by Negro pupils, and their parents. So-called
“ freedom of choice” under such circumstances is an
illusion. * * * (D. App. 30A-31A; 273 F. Supp. at 299).
Defendants apparently disagree with this statement of
the law. They contend (Brief, p. 37) that intimidation by
third parties is in effect irrelevant in that it does not
constitute state action but private conduct. Carried to its
logical conclusion, this argument means that if a county
has a “ free choice” plan, and every Negro who elects to
attend a previously all-white school is shot to death, this
does not affect the plan’s constitutionality. Such a doc
trine would, in effect, be an invitation to hostile elements
to destroy a desegregation plan, and is not supported by
reason or authority. It is now settled law that “If choice
38
influencing factors are not eliminated, freedom of choice
is an illusion,” 30 that an atmosphere of fear and intimida
tion makes “free choice” impermissible, and that an in
ordinately low amount of pupil desegregation is persuasive
evidence that the plan is not operating constitutionally.
In Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375 F.2d
648, 653 (4th Cir. 1967), a hospital discrimination case in
which the defendants sought to attribute the lack of Negro
doctors on the staff to lack of interest rather than to dis
crimination, this Court held that the fact “ that so few
Negroes have applied is no indication of lack of interest,”
and noted by analogy that the former U. S. Commissioner
of Education “ recently observed that a ‘Freedom of Choice’
plan is meaningless in many cases because people are in
fear of reprisals should they attempt to exercise a choice.”
Developing this theme further in its most recent decision
on “ freedom of choice,” this Court said:
Whether or not the choice is free may depend upon
circumstances extraneous to the formal plan of the
school board. I f there is a contention that economic
or other pressures in the community inhibit the free
exercise of the choice, there must be a judicial ap
praisal of it, for “ freedom of choice” is acceptable
only if the choice is free in the practical context of
its exercise. If there are extraneous pressures which
deprive the choice of its freedom, the school board
may be required to adopt affirmative measures to
counter them. Bowman v. County School Board of
Charles City County, 382 F.2d 326, 327-28 (4th Cir.
1967).
30 Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp. 458, 479
(M.D. Ala. 1967) (three judge court).
39
Other courts have reached the same conclusion. In
Kelly v. Board of Education of City of Nashville, 270 F.2d
209, 229-230 (6th Cir. 1959), the Court, in upholding a
“free choice” transfer provision in a desegregation plan
based on geographic attendance zones, held assignment
pursuant to choice to be lawful, but observed:
*' * * It is conceivable that the parent may have made
the choice from a variety of reasons—concern that
his child might otherwise not be treated in a kindly
way, personal fear of some kind of economic reprisal;
or a feeling that the child’s life will be more har
monious with members of his own race. In common
justice, the choice should be a free choice, uninfluenced
by fear of injury, physical or economic, or by anxieties
on the part of a child or his parents.
* * # # *
* * * But if it should appear, upon a showing, that
there are impediments to the exercise of a free choice,
and that a change should be made in the plan to carry
out, in good faith, and with every safeguard to the
children’s rights, the mandate of the Supreme Court,
the district court, having retained jurisdiction during
the entire period of the process of desegregation under
the Board’s plan, shall make such modification in its
decree as is just and proper.31
In Vick v. County School Board of Obion County, Ten
nessee, 205 F. Supp. 436, 440 (W.D. Tenn. 1962) the
Court, in upholding the facial constitutionality of a “ free
dom of choice” plan, cautioned that
31 The Court in the Kelly case upheld the validity of the minority to
majority transfer rule, since declared unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court as preservative of segregation. Goss v. Board of Education of
Knoxville, 373 U.S. 683 (1963).
40
* * * In the event that, upon the registration of the
Negro students in June, it should appear that eco
nomic or other pressure, overtly or covertly, is
brought to bear on the Negro parents and students,
this Court, having retained jurisdiction, might find it
necessary to eliminate the choice provision from the
plan in order to effectuate the mandate of the Supreme
Court in the Brown decisions.
The two federal agencies which have had occasion to
consider this problem concur with the above-cited deci
sions. In its “ Survey of School Desegregation in the
Southern and Border States, 1965-66,” the U. S. Commis
sion on Civil Rights, following a study of the operation
of “ free choice” plans, recommended their disapproval by
the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in dis
tricts where “there is evidence that Negro parents have
been intimidated, threatened or coerced as a result of ex
ercising rights under the plan or in order to deter the
exercise of such rights.” Similarly, the Revised Desegrega
tion Guidelines of HEW’s Office of Education, to which the
courts give respectful consideration,32 provide as follows:
A free choice plan tends to place the burden of de
segregation on Negro or other minority group stu
dents and their parents. Even when school authorities
undertake good faith efforts to assure its fair opera
tion, the very nature of a free choice plan and the
effect of longstanding community attitudes often tend
to preclude or inhibit the exercise of a truly free
choice by or for minority group students.
# * # # #
32 Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, 382 F.2d
326, 328 (4th Cir. 1967); Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375
F.2d 648, 656-657 (4th Cir. 1967); United States v. Jefferson County
Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d en banc 380
F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967).
41
The single most substantial indication as to whether
a free choice plan is actually working to eliminate the
dual school structure is the extent to which Negro or
other minority group students have in fact transferred
from segregated schools. Thus, when substantial de
segregation actually occurs under a free choice plan,
there is strong evidence that the plan is operating
effectively and fairly, and is currently acceptable as
a means of meeting legal requirements. Conversely,
where a free choice plan results in little or no actual
desegregation, or where, having already produced
some degree of desegregation, it does not result in
substantial progress, there is reason to believe that
the plan is not operating effectively and may not be
an appropriate or acceptable method of meeting con
stitutional and statutory requirements. (45 CFR
§181.54)
The Guidelines also contain the general yardstick for as
sessing the success of a free choice plan to which the Dis
trict Court referred to in its third Conclusion of Law,
(D. App. 28A-29A; 273 F. Supp. 298) and the contrast
between the progress made by Franklin County and that
contemplated by the Guidelines is a telling measure of the
effect of intimidation and of the defendants’ dual system
policies. See also Jefferson, supra, 372 F.2d at 886-888,
and cases there cited.
The only authority cited by the defendants in support
of their apparent theory that intimidation is irrelevant is
United States v. Haywood County Board of Education, 271
F. Supp. 460 (W.D. Tenn. 1967). In that case the Court,
after admitting evidence of intimidation and of the sub
jective state of mind of the Negroes on the theory that
“ a freedom of choice plan is constitutional only if, in its
actual operation, the Negro pupils and their parents are
42
truly free to choose . . . in effect found a failure of proof
and therefore sustained the Board’s “free choice” plan.
The Court stated that the white citizens of the county dis
approved of the alleged acts of intimidation, that the
county’s business leaders were trying to promote equal
opportunities for Negroes, and that a biracial committee
was now effectively dealing with complaints of discrimi
nation. The Court concluded:
In short, while Haywood County has had some shame
ful incidents in its past history, the situation is improv
ing and we believe, from the evidence, will continue
to improve. (271 F. Supp. at 464)
That the Haywood County decision is not authority for
the defendants’ “ intimidation is irrelevant” theory is estab
lished by the following remarks made by the District Judge
from the bench in that case during the course of the trial :
* m * We have always made it clear that a freedom of
choice plan can be constitutional if, and only if it truly
is a free choice plan, and if there is any impediment
to the freedom of choice, from whatever source, which
is substantial, then the freedom of choice plan does
not meet the constitutional requirement to abolish
compulsory segregation, based on race. It’s as simple
as that.
# # # * #
* * * I think in order to bring yourself within the
requirement, that segregation based on race, which is
compulsory, that that be abolished, it is necessary if
you are going to go to the freedom of choice route,
to show that it is absolutely free and there is no sub
stantial impediment, and as I also indicated, it doesn’t
make any difference where the impediment comes from.
The School Board, for example, can be completely
43
honest and diligent in its effort to bring about a true
freedom of choice situation, but if others not within
the School Board’s control prevent that from taking
place, it’s just as if the School Board had done it, in
the Court’s view and, of course, as to the Constitu
tion. (Transcript, United States v. Haywood County
Board of Educ., pp. 31, 32)
While we do not agree with the District Court’s assess
ment of the evidence in the Haywood County case, and
have appealed the decision, we believe that the opinion
may fairly be considered an expression of the understand
able reluctance of courts to set aside desegregation plans
before every effort has been expended to make them work.
Judge Butler’s entry of his Interim Order in July, 1966
in the face of the Government’s readiness at that time to
prove widespread intimidation reflected a similar deter
mination to try to save “ freedom of choice” in Franklin
County before condemning it.83 In 1967, however, Judge
Butler faced a situation different in kind from that before
Judge Brown in Haywood County—a year had passed
under court-ordered “ free choice,” the intimidation had
continued, and the projected desegregation for 1967-68 was
even smaller than the negligible degree attained the previ
ous year. In that context, and since “delays in desegre
gating school systems are no longer tolerable,” Bradley 33 * * * * * * * *
33 In Teel v. Pitt County Board of Education, 272 F. Supp. 703, 707
(E.D. N.C. 1967), Judge John D. Larkins, in tentatively upholding Pitt
County’s “ freedom of choice” plan for another year, warned that:
It may be that, because of community hostilities and ineffective
operation of the plan by the School Board another year under free
dom of choice (as modified) in Pitt County will convince the Court
that some altogether different mode of pupil assignment must be
thrust upon the Board in order to eliminate the continuing vestiges
of racial discrimination.
44
v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103, 105 (1965), it was simply
too late to give Franklin County’s illusory “ freedom of
choice” plan still another chance.
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated, we respectfully request that the
judgment of the District Court be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
S teph en J. P ollak
Assistant Attorney General
F kank E. S chw elb
F bancis H . K ennedy
Attorneys,
Department of Justice
Washington, D.C. 20530
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