Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellees
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1967
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellees, 1967. e0667c66-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/c71aede6-ada7-441f-80ad-6cd79422f67a/coppedge-v-franklin-county-board-of-education-brief-for-plaintiffs-appellees. Accessed November 03, 2025.
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I n t h e
Ihutrit Itars (tart at Appeals
F oe t h e F o u r t h C ir c u it
No. 11,794
H arold D ouglas C oppedge , et al.,
and
U n it e d S tates op A m e r ic a ,
b y R a m s e y C l a r k ,
Attorney General,
Appellees,
v s .
T h e F r a n k l in C o u n t y B oard op E d u c a tio n ,
a public body corporate, et al.,
Appellants.
ap pe a l from t h e d istric t court of t h e u n ite d states
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA
RALEIGH DIVISION-CIVIL
BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLEES
J a c k G reenberg
J am e s M. N a b r it , III
R obert B elto n
J am e s N . F in n e y
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
J . L eV o n n e C h am be rs
405% East Trade Street
Charlotte, North Carolina
C onrad O. P earson
203% East Chapel Hill Street
Durham, North Carolina
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees
I N D E X
Statement of the Case ............... ....................................... 1
Statement .......................... .................................................. 5
Composition of the Franklin County School Sys
tem ............................................................................. 5
Unequal Facilities and Programs ......................... . 7
School Desegregation in Franklin County ......... . 9
1. Pupil Desegregation .......................... 9
2. Faculty and Staff Desegregation .... .......... 11
Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals ............. 13
Questions Presented .......................................................... 17
A r g u m e n t
I. There Was Sufficient Evidence to Support the
District Court’s Conclusion That Desegregation
Under a Free Choice Plan in Franklin County
Was an Illusion ............ ......... ..... ........................... 18
II. The Record Clearly Showed That a Freedom of
Choice Plan Was Not Likely to Disestablish the
Dual School System in Franklin County ............ 20
A. Free Choice in Franklin Perpetuated the Dual
System ....................................... 21
B. Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals
Against the Negro Community Further Made
Free Choice Inadequate ...... 26
PAGE
11
III. A Freedom of Choice Plan Is Constitutionally Un
acceptable Where There Are Other Methods
Which Are Educationally, Financially and Ad
ministratively More Feasible and Which Would
More Speedily and Substantially Disestablish the
PAGE
Dual System............................................................... 29
C o n clu sio n ............................................................ ............................... 35
T able of C ases
Anderson v. Federal Cartridge Corp., 156 F.2d 681
(8th Cir. 1946) ........................................ ............. ......... 19
Armstrong v. Board of Education of the City of Birm
ingham, 333 F.2d 47 (5th Cir. 1963) .......................... 31
Bowman v. County School Board of Charles County,
Va., 382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967) ........................ 20, 21,32
Bradley v. School Board of City of Richmond, 345 F.2d
310 (4th Cir. 1965), vacated and remanded on other
grounds, 382 U.S. 103 ............................................20, 24, 32
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 .................23, 32
Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 .........23, 29, 30,
31, 32
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958) ............................... 32
Corbin v. County School Board of Loudoun County,
Va., ------ F. Supp. ------ , C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Va,
Aug. 29, 1967) ................................................................. 32
Graver Tank and Mfg. Co. v. Linde Air, 339 U.S. 605
(1950) ............................................................................. 9
Kier v. County School Board of Augusta County, 249
F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va. 1966) 22
I ll
Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 P. Supp.
458 (M.D. Ala. 1967) ...................................................... 20
Moses v. Washington Parish School Board, C.A. No.
5973 (E.D. La., October, 1967) ......................... ........ 29,32
Roger v. Paul, 382 TT.S. 198 (1965) .................................. 24
United States v. Aluminum Co. of America, 148 F.2d
416 (2nd Cir. 1945) ........................................................ 19
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education,
372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d with modifications
on rehearing en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (1967), cert,
denied,------ U .S .------- (1967) .............................. 20,21, 24
United States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333 U.S.
364 (1948) ....................................................................... 18
West v. Schwarz, 182 F.2d 721 (7th Cir. 1950) .......... 19
Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 363 F.2d
738 (4th Cir. 1966) ....................................................... 24
Other Authorities:
McCormick, Evidence §228 .... 32
5 Moore’s Federal Practice §52.03, Note 21 ................... 19
Revised Statement of Policies for School Desegrega
tion Plans under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 (45 C.F.R. Part 181.54) .................................. 21
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Southern School
Desegregation, 1967 (July 1967) ................................. 29
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Survey of School
Desegregation in Southern and Border States, 1965-
66 (February, 1966), p. 51
PAGE
23
I n t h e
States ©Hurt of Kypraiz
F oe t h e F o u e t h C ib c u it
No. 11,794
H aeold D ouglas C oppedge , et al.,
and
U n it e d S tates of A m e b ic a ,
b y R a m s e y Cl a e k ,
Attorney General,
Appellees,
vs.
T h e F r a n k l in C o u n t y B oard of E d u c a tio n ,
a public body corporate, et al.,
Appellants.
APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
FOB THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA
RALEIGH DIVISION-CIVIL
BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLEES
Statement of the Case
This appeal is brought by the Franklin County School
Board of Franklin County, North Carolina, seeking reversal
of an Order entered by the District Court on August 17,
1967. The court found that a “ freedom of choice” deseg
regation plan was ineffective to disestablish the segregated
school system and ordered the Board to file a desegrega
tion plan utilizing a unitary system of non-racial at
tendance zones, consolidation of grades, schools or both
2
which would, in fact, desegregate schools, faculties, facil
ities and eliminate or upgrade inferior schools.
The plaintiffs, Negro parents and children of Franklin
County, North Carolina, filed on December 8, 1965, in the
United States District Court for the Eastern District of
North Carolina, this class action seeking injunctive relief
against the defendant Franklin County Board of Educa
tion in operating a racially segregated school system;
plaintiffs also filed a motion for preliminary injunction
seeking the admission of Negro school children to for the
second half of the 1965-66 school year (2a-9a).1
On January 20, 1966, upon motions of the Attorney
General of the United States, the District Court allowed
the United States to (1) intervene as a party plaintiff, and
(2) to add the individual members of the School Board as
defendants (17a-20a).
Hearing on motions for a preliminary injunction com
menced February 8, 1966. The principal issue raised by
these motions was whether Negro students in grades still
segregated under the Board’s desegregation plan should
be allowed to transfer to all-white or predominantly all-
white schools for the second semester of the 1965-66 school
year. The School Board had failed to give proper notice
of two criteria it would consider in granting or denying
transfers to Negro students in non-desegregated grades.
On February 21, 1966, the District Court denied the mo
tions for preliminary injunction on the ground that it was
not in the best interest of the minor plaintiffs to change
school in mid-term, but found that the School Board had
failed to give sufficient notice for lateral transfers (156a-
161a).
1 References to Defendants’ Appendix are indicated herein by “ D.
App.” and page number. Reference to Appellees’ Appendix are indi
cated herein by the page number followed by the letter “a.”
3
At the hearing held on July 25, 1966, the principal issues
raised were the adequacy and pace of faculty desegre
gation and the adequacy of the “ free choice” method of
desegregation in a community which was openly hostile
to desegregation and in which acts of intimidation had
taken place which inhibited the exercise, of choice by Negro
students and their parents.
On July 27, 1966, following extensive conference between
the court and counsel for all parties and on the basis of
testimony and exhibits presented, the District Court en
tered an Interim Order (162a-166a) requiring the School
Board to conduct a special freedom of choice period for
Negroes, since the Court had found that only 23 Negroes
had elected to transfer out of all Negro schools for the
1966-67 school year during the earlier choice period. The
Board was further enjoined from considering race in
staff and faculty assignments and employment (D. App.
6A). The School Board was ordered to present to the
Court on or before August 10, 1966, objective standards
for the non-discriminatory employment, assignment and
retention of teachers and other school personnel and to
advise the Court of the number of teachers and students
assigned to schools for the 1966-67 school year at which
their race was in the minority.
After the School Board had filed its plan for the em
ployment, assignment and retention of teachers and other
school personnel (D. App. 43A), plaintiffs and United
States filed their respective objections thereto. On April
10, 1967, plaintiffs and the United States moved the court
for an order requiring the School Board to eliminate
disparities between predominantly white and Negro schools
and to require the School Board to implement an effective
desegregation plan; the motions alleged that fear, caused
by threats and intimidation, was preventing Negro parents
4
and children from exercising an uninhibited “ free choice” ;
that the Board was continuing to employ and assign
teachers and school personnel on a racial basis; that the
School Board was continuing to perpetuate inferior schools
for Negro students; and that the Board was continuing
the dual transportation system for Negro and white schools
(182a).
On August 17, 1967, the court below entered its Order
and Opinion (D. App. 6A-37A) after a full evidentiary
hearing on July 25 and 26, 1967.
The Court found as a matter of law that the “ freedom
of choice” plan used by the Board was totally ineffective
to disestablish the segregated school system (28a-32a) and
ordered the Board to submit a plan for the assignment of
students on the basis of a unitary system of nonracial
geographic attendance zones or a plan for the consolida
tion of grades, or schools, or both; to refrain from pub
licizing the names of and addresses of pupils assigned to
any school; to disregard race in the hiring, assignment,
reassignment, promotion, demotion, or dismissal of teach
ers and other professional staff, except to eliminate past
discriminatory patterns; to take immediate affirmative
steps to accomplish substantial faculty desegregation for
the 1967-68 school year; to eliminate racial discrimination
in any service activity or program (including transporta
tion, athletics or other extra-curricular activity); to cor
rect disparities in buildings, equipment; and to eliminate
student overcrowding between schools formerly designated
all-white and all-Negro schools (D. App. 32A-37A).
The Board filed a notice of appeal on August 25, 1967
and also a motion to stay execution of certain portions of
the Order pending appeal (262a).
On September 5, 1967, the District Court denied the
Board’s motion to stay but allowed the Board to delay filing
5
the plan and reports required by the Order until 30 days
after March 1, 1968, or 30 days after decision on the appeal
by the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Cir
cuit, whichever event should first occur (271a).
After Notice of Appeal was filed, a group of Negro par
ents moved to intervene as defendants in this action in
the court below; subsequently a similar petition was filed
by this group with, and is presently pending before, this
Court. Plaintiffs have filed a response thereto opposing
such petition as an untimely attempt to relitigate the deci
sion below.
Statement
Since the School Board failed to summarize all the
salient facts presented to the court below, plaintiffs deem
it necessary to present this additional Statement of Facts
to this Court.
Composition of the Franklin County School System
There are twelve schools in the Franklin County school
system. Until the 1965-66 school year, five schools were
officially designated as Negro schools—attended solely by
Negro students and staffed exclusively by Negro teachers
and administrators—and seven were officially designated as
white schools—attended solely by white and staffed exclu
sively by white teachers and administrators.
A study was made on May 10, 12, 1967 of the Franklin
County school system by William L. Stormer,2 a school
2 Mr. Stormer has a B.A. degree in Education from Youngstown Uni
versity and an M.A. in Education Administration from the University of
Wyoming. He did additional graduate work beyond the Master Degree
in Educational Administration with an emphasis on school planning.
Presently, the nature of Mr. Stormer’s work is the administration of
school construction programs under Public Law 815; his primary job
is to examine school construction projects, review and approve them both
in the money aspect and construction where it pertains to educational
6
construction planning expert who is Assistant Chief of
School Construction, Division of School Assistance, United
States Office of Education (1036 et seq.).8
Mr. Stormer testified that the schools in four areas of
Franklin County (Louisburg, Bunn, Youngsville and Gold
Sand) are organized in groups and clusters of two or three;
one is a traditionally white school and one or more tradi
tionally Negro. Every Negro school is within a mile or so
of a predominantly white school covering the same grades.* 3 4
In two other parts of the county—Epsom and the general
area of Edward Best High School and Edward Best Ele
mentary School—there are white schools but no Negro
schools. Several of the high schools are very small (Epsom,
a white high and elementary school, had only 72 pupils
enrolled in grades 9-12 for the 1966-67 school year), and
only one or two are large enough to make diversified edu
cational opportunities available to students at a reasonable
cost per pupil (1040a-1042a).
Mr. Stormer further testified that he knew of no educa
tional advantage to the maintenance of “pairs of schools”
planning. He has worked with the Bureau of Education in the State of
Ohio and the State of West Virginia in school plant development and
constructions. Mr. Stormer has reviewed or inspected several hundred
school building's throughout the country and in a number of different
states (1036a-1038a).
3 The School Board declined to cross-examine Mr. Stormer at the time
of the taking of his deposition (1095a) or at the trial, and his testimony,
is for the most part, uncontradieted.
4 By Mr. Schwelb:
Q. Where you referred to schools located close to one another,
serving the same grades and same types of schools, what particular
schools were you referring to, Mr. Stormer? A. Well, Youngsville
[white] offers grades one to twelve. Youngsville Elementary [Negro]
offers grades one to eight. Perry’s [Negro] offers grades one to
twelve. Gold Sand [white] offers one to twelve; Louisburg [white]
is one to twelve, and Riverside [white] is one to twelve, and in the
same approximate area within this area is Cedar Street [Negro],
which is one to seven (1041a).
7
offering the same grades which are located in the same
general area. He knew of several disadvantages, including
the sacrifice of program diversification, the incurrence of
higher than necessary per pupil costs, and inefficient utili
zation of school plants and equipment (1042a-1045a). Hav
ing studied hundreds of school districts in many parts of
the country, nowhere, he testified, was the “pairs of schools”
tendency so pronounced as in Franklin County (1040a).
Segregated athletic and other extra-curricular activities
have also been left undisturbed. Mr. Stormer also testified
that no undue practical difficulties would be presented were
the School Board to adopt a program of school consolida
tion, altering the educational programs in schools situated
in close geographic proximity such that different grades
would be taught in each, and coupling this reorganization
with a plan of pupil assignment on the basis of residential
proximity. This approach would provide an effective in
ducement for correcting existing disparities in all-Negro
and wholly or predominantly white schools, and provide
as well, a context in which substantial student and faculty
desegregation could be achieved (1079a).
Unequal Facilities and Programs
Eeports filed by the School Board with the State Board
of Education presents striking statistical information which
shows that the Board tolerated substantial inequalities be
tween the segregated schools. As the following table shows,
previously all-white schools are substantially superior in
buildings and equipment to all-Negro schools; they have
little or no problem of overcrowding, smaller classes, more
library books per pupil and more acreage per pupil; the
school buildings themselves have a substantially higher
valuation, and their equipment and facilities are newer,
in better repair, and more plentiful.
8
1965-66
Valuation of School
Property per pupil ..............
Acreage of School
Property per pupil ..............
Pupil-classroom Ratio ................
Library Volumes per pupil ......
Pupils per teacher (based
on enrollment) ..... ...................
Students per school bus................
And see: Stormer (1053a-1063a)
Despite improvements during the 1966-67 school year,
attributable primarily to federal financial assistance under
the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, serious dis
parities remain.5 All of the wholly or predominantly white
elementary schools are accredited by the State of North
Carolina. No Negro elementary school is accredited.
The problem of overcrowding in Negro schools and the
continued maintenance of small underutilized white schools
is so expensive that teachers’ salaries are $350.30 per
pupil in some classes—Epson High (white) as compared
to others—$188 at Bunn (white), $231.09 at Perry’s (Ne-
Predominantly
White Schools Negro Schools
$913.44 $285.18
.04 .01
22.8 to 1 34.9 to 1
9.05 4.0
24.9 31.8
43 64.1
5 In 1966-67, the School Board had received federal assistance in the
form of portable classrooms, library books, and equipment of various
kinds. The Board’s reports to the State Board o f Education for 1966-67
disclosed that these additions reduced the disparities in several of these
categories, in particular valuation of school property per pupil and li
brary books per pupil, as follows:
1966-67
Valuation of School
Property per Pupil —
Library Books per Pupil
Pupils per Bus ..............
Predominantly
White Schools
$991
9.3
40.2
Negro Schools
$611
5.1
54.7
In other categories, including acreage per pupil and teacher ratio, the
disparities remained essentially unchanged from the 1965-66 school year.
9
gro) and $235.09 at Riverside (Negro) (1566a). Yet, the
Board buses some Negro students 13 miles to Riverside
High School which is overcrowded.
There are also disparities in course offering,6 extra
curricular activities and athletic facilities7 in the separate
schools.
School Desegregation in Franklin County
1. Pupil Desegregation
Prior to the 1965-66 school year the Franklin County
school system was completely segregated by race. All
white students attended schools staffed exclusively by
white teachers and administrators. All Negro students
attended schools staffed exclusively by Negro teachers
and administrators. Students were assigned to schools
pursuant to a dual system of geographic attendance zones
— one for whites and one for Negroes.
In the 1965-66 school year The School Board adopted a
desegregation plan pursuant to the Civil Rights Act of
1964. The plan provided for desegregation under the
“ freedom of choice” system of grades 1, 2, 9 and 12 for
the year 1965-66 school year, and for the desegregation of
the remaining grades in 1966-67.8 The plan further pro
vided for lateral transfers9 in the nondesegregated grades
for any applicant who could show either (a) that he
desired to take a course of instruction not available in
the school to which assigned, or (b) that he had either
entered the school system, or a different geographical at
6 (1044a-1045a).
7 (1055a-1058a).
8 Facially, the Franklin County plan provided for the desegregation of
all grades in every school one year earlier than required by the guide
lines promulgated by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
9 Lateral transfer refers to transfers allowed to students who were in
grades not yet reached by the desegregation plan.
10
tendance zone, for the first time. The Board failed to
give proper notice to students and their parents of the
specified criteria, and those Negro students who did not
specify one of these criteria were rejected.10
About 76 Negro students of a total of approximately
3,100 in the system requested transfers to attend predom
inantly white schools for the 1965-66 school year. Thirty-
one were accepted. Of these thirty-one, several withdrew
their applications during the summer; others withdrew
from predominantly white schools after school opened.
At the conclusion of the 1965-66 year, only six Negro
students were attending predominantly white schools (D.
App. 19A). During the 1966 choice period for which all
grades were desegregated for the 1966-67 school year,
twenty-three of the approximately 3,100 Negro pupils
elected to attend predominantly white schools. No white
student elected to attend a Negro school.
In July, 1966, the Negro plaintiffs and the United States
were prepared to present evidence to the court below that
because there were serious acts of hostility and intimida
tion to school desegregation in the community (see infra
pp. 13-17) a free choice desegregation plan was ineffective
to desegregate the schools in Franklin County. However,
after extensive discussion between the court and counsel,
trial was postponed, and the cout entered an Interim Order
in which the Board was ordered to conduct a new choice
period and to use reasonable safeguards to prevent intimi
dation (D. App. 9A).
In August, 1966, pursuant to the Interim Order of July
27, 1966, the School Board conducted a special freedom of
10 The School Board appointed intermediary, Rev. Robert Latham, a
white minister, testified that the criteria were adopted after the applica
tions were filed and that this fact notwithstanding, the board ignored
his recommendation that in fairness all lateral transfer requests be ac
cepted (491a).
11
choice period for Negroes. During this special choice period
an additional 49 Negroes elected, and were assigned to
attend, predominantly white schools. During neither of the
“choice periods” for the 1967-68 school year did any whites
elect to attend Negro schools.
In March, 1967, the Board conducted a freedom of choice
period for the 1967-68 school year. Forty-five Negroes
elected to attend predominantly white schools and were
scheduled to attend such schools for the 1967-68 school year.
The 1967 freedom of choice period was the fourth con
ducted in Franklin County since 1965. On each of these
occasions, all white students have elected to attend pre
dominantly white schools, and the previously Negro schools
have remained all-Negro in the composition of their stu
dent bodies. Three of the seven traditionally white schools
have never had a Negro student,11 a fourth has never had
more than one Negro student,12 and a fifth has never had
more than two Negro students, one of whom has dropped
out.13 More than 98.5% of the Negro students in the Frank
lin County system have remained in all-Negro schools
throughout the period that the schools have been officially
desegregated.
2. Faculty and Staff Desegregation
Prior to the entry of the Interim Order of July 27, 1966,
by the court below, Negro teachers taught in all-Negro
schools and white teachers taught in all-white or predomi
nantly white schools.
By the terms of the Interim Order, the School Board was
ordered to fill all faculty and professional staff vacancies
11 Edward Best Elementary, Gold Sand and Youngsville High.
12 Epsom.
13 Edward Best High School.
12
on a nonracial basis and to “ encourage” transfers by pres
ent members of the faculty to schools within the system in
which pupils are wholly or predominantly of a race other
than that of the teacher.
Five teachers testified in this case—two Negro teachers
called by the United States, and two white teachers and
one Negro teacher called by the School Board. All testi
fied that they had not been requested to transfer to a school
in which their race was in the minority. Each testified to
having expressed a choice for the school to which he was
assigned; and several expressed a preference in favor of
staying at their current schools because they had become
accustomed to them. All five testified that they would be
willing, if assigned, to teach in a school where their race
was in the minority.14 *
Forty-nine new teachers were employed for the 1966-67
school year, twenty-five of whom were white and twenty-
four were Negro. This number represents more than 20%
of the entire teaching staff in the County. The white teach
ers were assigned to white schools and the Negro teachers
were assigned to all-Negro schools (215a).
The policy of the Board is to assign teachers generally to
the school of their choice (D. App. 46A). Most teachers
have, accordingly, remained at the schools to which they
had been assigned when the schools were completely racially
segregated. Of the twelve schools in the Franklin County
system, faculty desegregation has occurred in only three
schools as follows: one white teacher and one white librar
ian have been assigned to one all-Negro school, one Negro
teacher and one Negro librarian have been assigned to
predominantly white schools; three white staff members
14 Teachers: Massenburg (1002a); Anderson (1019a); Fleming (1226a);
Suitt (1216a); Griffin (1223a).
13
have been assigned to all Negro schools; and two Negro
and four white staff members have been assigned to all the
schools in the County system (D. App. 37-38). No school
principal has been transferred to a school in which his race
is in the minority. Faculties and staff of the schools in
Franklin County remain almost entirely segregated, with
the effect that each school in the county system is clearly
racially identifiable by the composition of its faculty.
Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals
The record shows that there has been a marked hostility
to school desegregation in Franklin County.15 This hostil
ity has been evidenced by a continuous, effective and widely
publicized campaign of intimidations and reprisals directed
against Negroes who have sought to effectuate school de
segregation under a “ free choice” plan, and against white
persons who have taken a public stand in favor of school
desegregation.
Even before the Board had adopted a desegregation
plan in 1965-66, attempts to desegregate the public schools
in Franklin County resulted in threats against several
Negroes involved. On September 16, 1963, after attending
a meeting to discuss school desegregation with the Board,
the foster children, Rev. Sidney 6. Dunston, a Negro min
ister and civil rights worker, received an anonymous tele
phone call threatening his home (274a-412a). During June,
1964, eight Negro children applied for transfer to white
schools (Franklin Times, 6/16/64) and the mother of one
of the children seeking transfer was advised to stay off 16
16 See Chronology of Intimidation prepared by the United States (238a-
257a). Although the Chronology lists acts of violence which occurred in
the jurisdiction of the Franldinton City School Board, the court in the
instant case ruled that he did not consider any of this activity in his
Findings of Facts.
14
the property of her landlord or suffer the consequences
(421a; 451a). Considerable publicity was given to Ku Klux
Klan activity in 1964 (363a-364a, 1567a-1573a).
The Board took steps toward school desegregation for
the first time in the 1965-66 school year; the choice period
was conducted in the Spring of 1965. In June, 1965, the
names of Negro families and students who had applied for
transfer to white school were broadcast by the local radio
(69a-71a) station and published in the Franklin Times (D.
App. 69A-71A).16 From the beginning of the choice plan and
throughout the 1965-66 school year, various forms of in
timidations, harassment and threats were directed at the
Negro community, particularly those Negroes directly en
gaged in school desegregation efforts: explosions were set
off near homes (605a, 674a, 760a-761a, 880a-890a); oil was
put into wells (198a, 398a, 569a, 629a); shots were fired
into homes (372a, 414a, 424a-428a, 1575a, 1596a) ;16 17 18 nails
were strewn in the driveway of one of the Negro plaintiffs
(411a, 499a, 567a) ;1S crosses were burned near several
16 The Franklin Times is a local newspaper of eonnty-wide circulation
whose managing editor is Albert Clinton Fuller. Mr. Fuller is a member
o f the School Board and is named as a party defendant to this action
(18a).
17 E.g., on June 17, 1965, the Franklin Times carried a headline story
on the shooting by allegedly unknown assailants into the homes of two
Negro families (Lenwood Arrington and Sandy Jones) who had children
to apply for transfers to white schools. Mrs. Irene Arrington testified:
“Well, after the first shooting (May 28, 1965) I had a lot of telephone
calls started around supper-time and would last until 11 :00 o’clock, and
a lot of them would tell me, asked me was I trying to get white, why
did I want my children to do to an all-white school. Some of them was
telling me that something was going ‘to happen to you, you are going
to get killed’ ” (428a-429a).
18 Rev. Luther Coppedge testified that nails were strewn in his drive
way about 13 times sinee 1964 and that his automobile sustained a flat
tire on two occasions as a result.
15
homes19 and eeonomie reprisals.20 Numerous threats were
made; most often they were made by anonymous telephone
callers, but occasionally they were delivered by anonymous
letter or in person.21
The campaign of intimidations and threats neither ceased
nor abated during the 1966-67 school year;22 it has been
19 Depositions of Driver (310a); Norwood (890a); Rev. Coppedge
(565a-566a).
20 Negroes in Franklin County are particularly vulnerable to economic
reprisal. They are readily identifiable, and as a group characteristic, are
markedly dependent upon the white community economically (see 258a-
259a).
Mrs. Irene Arring’ton, a plaintiff in this action and one of the eight
Negroes who had applied for a transfer of her child to an all-white
school in 1964 testified that, in June, after the applications were filed,
St. Clarence Arrington, who also applied for transfer of his child, told
her that he was withdrawing his application in fear of eviction by his
landlord; he also told Mrs. Arrington that his landlord wanted her to
stay off his land (421a).
Joseph Branch, Negro, was told by his employer to withdraw his
grandchild’s transfer application or else the Klan might blow up the em
ployer’s building. Branch complied (Branch: 691a-693a). Cecil Macon,
a Negro employer relayed a telephone demand to Sidney Manley, his
employee, that Manley withdraw his child’s application. Manley did so.
(Macon: 328a-329a; Manley: 336a).
Mrs. Annie Esther Sattenvhite was discharged from her job tying to
bacco. Mrs. Satterwhite had a child enrolled in Bunn (white). When she
acknowledged this in response to her employer’s question, the employer
told her she was fired because the employer did not believe in race mixing
(410a). A co-worker of Mrs. Satterwhite, Mrs. Alveretta Moore, testified
that Mrs. Satterwhite accurately recounted the incident (Moore: 411a).
21 Arringon’s deposition (428a-429a); Coppedge’s deposition (564a-
565a); Dunston’s deposition (277a-278a). .Rev. Dunston also testified that
on one occasion three white strangers in a truck decorated with Con
federate flags drove into his driveway and asked his children to convey
to him their threat on his life (Dunston: 278a-279a). In another instance
a Negro girl who had applied to attend a predominantly white school
found an anonymous letter in her mailbox threatening the lives of her
parents (Crudup: 651a-652a; Exhibit 667a).
22 The church of Rev. Plummer Alston was dynamited. A Negro min
ister, Rev. Plummer is married to Rev. Luther Coppedge’s niece. (Re
ported in the Franklin Times, 3/8/66) (Coppedge: 570a); (Alston:
16
directed against Negro homes, and Negro students attend
ing predominantly white schools ;23 it has been directed, as
well, against the few white citizens of the county who have
dared to publicly support school desegregation.24 In the
Interim Order of July 27, 1966, the District Court expressly
enjoined any interference with the exercise of choice. In
cidents of interference were to be reported to the United
States Attorney, at Raleigh, North Carolina. Such efforts
have been fruitless. The Federal Bureau of Investigation,
as well as state and local law enforcement officials, has
investigated most, if not all, of the acts of intimidation
which have taken place. To date, however, not a single
arrest has been made (371a-379a).
In March, 1967, during the freedom of choice period for
the 1967-68 school year, the intimidations intensified. Rev.
Luther Coppedge, father of one of the Negro plaintiffs,
testified that he received six to eight harassing, anonymous
telephone calls a day. One call was received on the night of
July 22, 1967, only three days prior to his testimony in
the trial of this case (1279a).25 26
605a); (Exhibit, 611a). In May, 1966, sugar was put in the gas tank of
Rev. Coppedge’s tractor (Coppedge: 569a, 570a, 762a, 1279a-1280a;
Davis: 1273a).
23 Jerome Cheek, one of six Negroes in predominantly white schools, re
ceived two threatening racial notes at school; and oil was placed in the
well at his home on two separate occasions ( Cheek: 628a-630a; see also:
Fogg: 825a-826a).
24 During the spring and summer of 1966, large nails were placed in the
driveway of Rev. Lathan’s home. Rev. Latham, a white minister, had
been speaking out against the Ku Klux Klan and urging, both publicly
and privately, that Negro transfer applications be treated fairly. (Latham,
499a). In July, crosses were burned at the home of Rev. Wood also a
white minister (Wood, 535a), and Rev. Latham (Latham, 499a).
26 More recently, the Raleigh News and Observer reported that the home
of Rev. Coppedge was fired into the evening the District Court’s Order
and Opinion of August 17, 1967 was publicized. Rev. Coppedge’s home
was fired into again, it was reported, Christmas evening of December,
1967.
17
Since the beginning of freedom of choice plan in 1965,
there has been a decline each year in the number of Negro
students requesting reassignment to previously all-white
schools—1965-66: 76 applied, 31 were accepted, at the end
of the school year only 6 remained; 1966-67:72 applied
although there were two choice periods for the school year;
1967-68: only 45. For the 1967-68 school year only 1.5% of
3,100 Negro students are attending desegregated classes in
Franklin County.
Questions Presented
1. Whether—13 years after Brown v. Board of Educa
tion—a school board may adequately discharge its obli
gation to desegregate a school system under a freedom of
choice plan where the evidence shows that such a plan is
not likely to disestablish the dual system because of overt
acts of hostility, intimidation, and reprisals against Ne
groes in the community effectively inhibit meaningful
exercise of choice.
2. Whether a district court may, as a matter of consti
tutional law, order a school board to abandon a freedom
of choice desegregation plan and to adopt some other plan
which is educationally, financially and administratively
more feasible and which would immediately produce mean
ingful desegregation where the evidence shows that a free
dom of choice plan engrafted on a purposefully designed
segregated system is not likely to disestablish the dual
schools.
3. Whether the evidence supports the findings of the
court below that the freedom of choice desegregation plan
in this case was not likely to produce meaningful desegre
gation.
18
ARGUMENT
I.
There Was Sufficient Evidence to Support the Dis
trict Court’s Conclusion That Desegregation Under a
Free Choice Plan in Franklin County Was an Illusion.
The School Board’s main argument on this appeal is
the evidence was insufficient to support the district court’s
finding that: (1) there was marked hostility to school de
segregation in Franklin County; (2) after free choice had
been adopted by the School Board, acts of intimidation,
threats, and reprisals against Negro parents, several Ne
gro parents withdrew their request for assignments of their
children to previously all-white schools; and (3) the com
munity’s attitudes and pressures in the Franklin County
school system effectively inhibited the exercise of free
choice by Negro pupils and their parents.
The standard for review of the findings of a trial court
sitting without a jury is set out in Rule 52(a) of the Fed
eral Rules of Civil Procedure, which provides in pertinent
part:
Findings of fact shall not be set aside unless clearly
erroneous, and due regard shall be given to the oppor
tunity of the trial court to judge of the credibility of
witnesses.
See also United States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333
U.S. 364 (1948). Like any other issue of fact, final deter
mination requires a balancing of credibility, persuasiveness
and weight of evidence. Where the court is sitting with
out a jury, this determination is to be decided by the trial
court and that court’s decision, under general principles
19
of appellate review should not be disturbed unless clearly
erroneous. Graver Tank and Mfg. Co. v. Linde Air Prod
ucts Co., 339 U.S. 605, 609-610 (1950). In the overwhelm
ing majority of cases where appellate courts have applied
the clearly erroneous rule a strong presumption exists in
favor of the trial court’s findings of fact.26
This Court need not engage in the presumption that the
findings of fact made by the court below abridged the
clearly erroneous rule. The findings of fact made by the
court below that intimidation, harassment and economic
reprisals effectively inhibited free choice in the Franklin
County school system are amply documented by deposi-
tional and oral testimony, exhibits and statistical evidence
of a substantial number of witnesses. There is also un
contradicted evidence that the intimidations, harassments
and economic reprisals caused Negro students or their
parents to withdraw from enrollment in predominantly
white schools. Moreover, since the School Board has chal
lenged the sufficiency of the evidence to support the find
ings of the court below, plaintiffs and the United States
have found it necessary to reproduce a substantial portion
of a record as an appendix in order to show this Court
that the sufficiency argument of the School Board is with
out merit.
26 E.g.: “ The findings of the court are presumptively correct and will
not be set aside unless resulting from an erroneous view of the law or
are clearly against the weight of the substantial evidence, and in consid
ering this question we view the evidence in the light most favorable to
the prevailing party, the burden being on the unsuccessful party to show
that the evidence compelled a finding in his favor.” Anderson v. Federal
Cartridge Corp., 156 F.2d 681, 684 (8th Cir. 1946). “ It is idle to try
to define the meaning of the phrase ‘clearly erroneous’ ; all that can be
profitably said is that an appellate court, though it will hesitate less to
reverse the finding o f a judge than that of an administrative tribunal or
of a jury, will nevertheless, reverse it most reluctantly and only when
well persuaded.” Hand, J. United States v. Aluminum Co. of America,
148 F-2d 416, 432 (2nd Cir. 1945) ; see also West v. Schwarz, 182 F.2d
721 (7th Cir. 1950); 5 Moore’s Federal Practice §52.03, Note 21.
20
II.
The Record Clearly Showed That a Freedom o f
Choice Plan Was Not Likely to Disestablish the Dual
School System in Franklin County.
The School Board seems to contend (Brief, pp. 33-34)
that the Order of Judge Butler requiring the Board to
submit a desegregation plan providing for either a uni
tary system of nonracial geographic attendance zones or
the consolidation of grades, schools, or both, deprives
Negro and white students of a constitutional right to select
the school of their choice under a freedom of choice plan.
There is no such right.
Although freedom of choice desegregation plans have
been approved by this Court and other courts, see e.g.,
Bowman v. County School Board of Charles County, Va.,
382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967); Bradley v. School Board of
City of Richmond, 345 F.2d 310 (4th Cir. 1965), vacated
and remanded, on other grounds, 382 U.S. 103; United
States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 372 F.2d
836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d with modifications on rehearing
en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (1967), cert, denied sub nom. Caddo
Parish School Board v. United States, ------ U.S. ------
(1967), the measure which has been judicially developed
to determine the acceptability of a freedom of choice plan
—or, for that matter, any desegregation plan—is whether
the plan results in actual desegregation.27 The United
States Department of Health, Education and Welfare
(HEW) has also taken the position that a freedom of
27 In United States v. Jefferson County Board, the Fifth Circuit stated
the standard thusly: “ The only school desegregation plan that meets con
stitutional standards is one that works.” 372 F.2d at 847 (emphasis in
the original). See also Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267
F. Supp. 458 (M.D. Ala. 1967).
21
choice plan must work, i.e., it must result in actual de
segregation. And under the Revised Statement of Policies
for School Desegregation Plans under Title VI of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 (45 C.F.R. Part 181.54), the
Commissioner has the power, where the results under a
free choice plan continue to be unsatisfactory, to require,
as a precondition to making available further federal
funds, that the school system adopt a different type of
desegregation plan.28
A. Free Choice in Franklin Perpetuated the Dual System.
The adequacy of a particular desegregation plan fre
quently cannot be judged by examining only the four cor
ners of the plan. Courts have recognized that various
factors, some subtle and some not so subtle, may operate
in such a way with a freedom of choice plan, that rather
than eliminating a segregated school system, works to
perpetuate the segregated system. Recently this Court
stated in Bowman v. County School Board, supra at pp.
327-28, that:
Whether or not the choice is free may depend upon
circumstances extraneous to the formal plan of the
school board. If there is a contention that economic
or other pressures in the community inhibit the free
exercise of the choice, there must be judicial appraisal
of it, for “ freedom of choice” is acceptable only if
the choice is in the practical context of the exercise.
If there are extraneous pressures which deprive the
choice of its freedom, the school board may be required
to adopt affirmative measures to counter them. (Em-
28 Although administrative regulations are not binding on courts deter
mining rights under the Fourteenth Amendment, nonetheless, they are
entitled to great weight. United States v. Jefferson Corny Board, 372
F.2d at 847; Bowman v. County Board of Education, supra at 328.
22
pliasis supplied.) See also Kiev v. County School
Board of Augusta County, 249 F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va.
1966).
Some of the “ economic and extraneous pressures” which
inhibit choice under a “ free choice” plan are listed in a
recent report issued by the United States Commission on
Civil Rights:
3. The slow pace of integration in the Southern
and border States is in large measure attributable to
the manner in which free choice plans—the principal
method of desegregation adopted by school districts
in the South—have operated.
4. Freedom of choice plans accepted by the Office
of Education have not disestablished the dual and
racially segregated school systems involved, for the
following reasons:
a. Negro and white schools have tended to retain
their racial identity;
b. White students rarely elect to attend Negro
schools;
c. Some Negro students are reluctant to sever
normal school ties, made stronger by the racial
identification of their schools;
d. Many Negro children and parents in Southern
States, having lived for decades in positions of
subservience, are reluctant to assert their rights;
e. Negro children and parents in Southern States
frequently will not choose a formerly all-white school
because they fear retaliation and hostiliity from the
white community;
f. In some school districts in the South, school
officials have failed to prevent or punish harassment
23
by white children of Negro children who have elected
to attend white schools;
g. In some areas in the South where Negroes
have elected to attend formerly all-white schools,
the Negro community has been subjected to re
taliatory violence, evictions, loss of jobs, and other
forms of intimidation.
5. In some areas in the South, as the result of the
harassment of Negro children electing* to attend white
schools and the intimidation to which the Negro com
munity was subjected, all or many of the Negro chil
dren who originally had elected to attend white schools
returned to the Negro schools.29
Plaintiffs contended, the testimony, exhibits and statis
tical evidence showed, and the court below found that all
of the “ economic and extraneous pressures” enumerated
by the Civil Eights Commission above were present in
the Franklin County community which made “ free choice”
illusory and meaningless.
The Board in the instant case did not take any steps
toward desegregating the schools until shortly before the
1965-66 school year—more than ten years after the Su
preme Court held that segregation in public schools is un
constitutional.30 When the Board did act, it adopted a
freedom of choice plan pursuant to the HEW Eevised
Guidelines. The Revised Guidelines suggests that systems
using free choice plans for at least two years should ex
29 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Survey o f School Desegregation in
Southern and Border States, 1965-66 (February, 1966), p. 51. The Civil
Rights Commission has made studies of school desegregation in Southern
and border states over the past several years.
30 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (Brown I ) ; 349 U.S.
294 (Brown II).
24
pect 15-18% of the pupil population to have selected de
segregated schools. However, after free choice was first
adopted in Franklin County, instead of increasing with
each passing year, there has been a decline each year
successive in the number of Negro students requesting re
assignment to desegregated schools. In 1965-66, 76 Negroes
applied to transfer to previously all-white schools; 31 were
accepted, but at the end of the school year, only six Negroes
remained in all white-schools. For the 1966-67 school year,
only 72 out of approximately 3,100 Negroes applied, al
though there were two choice periods for the school year.
For the 1967-68 school year, only 45 Negroes applied for
transfer. As of the 1967-68 school year, only 1.5% of
Negro students were attending desegregated classes in
Franklin County; no white student has ever elected to at
tend or applied to transfer to an all-Negro school, nor has
the Board assigned any white student to an all-Negro
school.
This 1.5% is far less than the percent of desegregation
in the whole State of North Carolina. Even the percentage
of desegregation for the State of Mississippi was higher
than that for Franklin County. The court below was justi
fied in considering the gross disparity between the per
centage of Negroes in desegregated schools in Franklin
County as compared to all of North Carolina (or the Re
vised Guidelines percentages) to raise the inference that
free choice was not working as it should to provide a uni
tary nonsegregated system. See United States v. Jefferson
County Board, 372 F.2d at 887, and cases cited in n. 108.
Faculty and staff desegregation is an integral part of a
free choice desegregation plan. Bradley v. School Board
of Richmond, 382 U.S. 103 (1965); Roger v. Paul, 382 U.S.
198 (1965); Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education,
363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966). The evidence regarding the
25
assignment of faculty and staff also reveals that free choice
was insufficient to desegregate the system.
Prior to the 1966-67 school year, Negro schools had all-
Negro faculties and staff and white schools had all-white
faculties and staff. The School Board was ordered to fill
faculty and staff vacancies on a nonracial basis and to
encourage transfers across racial lines by the Interim
Order entered July 27, 1966 (164a). Between the time of
the Interim Order and the order from which this appeal
is taken (August 17, 1967), the Board had ample oppor
tunity to effectuate significant faculty and staff desegrega
tion. The Board hired 49 new teachers (25 white, 24 Negro)
into the system for the 1966-67 school year (215a); the
white teachers were assigned to all-white schools and the
Negro teachers were assigned to all-Negro schools. The
“ encouragement” the Board gave teachers already in the
system consisted primarily of meeting with the teachers
and reading a copy of the Interim Order and of advising
the teachers that they would be assigned to the school of
their choice. Nine of twelve schools in the system remain
totally segregated as to the faculty. In the other three,
desegregation is at best token: one Negro librarian at
each of two white schools, and a white librarian and a
white English teacher, who taught only five hours a week,
assigned to the one all-Negro school.
Several Negro students testified that they withdrew their
applications for transfer to desegregated schools because
they were reluctant to sever school ties created by racial
identification of their schools; others testified that Negro
students who had transferred to desegregated schools had
been harassed by white students and faculty; there was also
testimony that some Negroes who had transferred to de
segregated grades returned to all-Negro schools because
of harassment and intimidation (628a, 926a, 1589a).
26
B. Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals Against
the Negro Community Further Made Free Choice
Inadequate.
Plaintiffs submit that the above enumerated factors alone
would be sufficient to show that free choice did not and
could not desegregate the schools in Franklin County;
however, the principal ground relied on by the court below
was the existence of community hostility which resulted in
acts of intimidation, harassment, economic reprisal being
directed against the Negro community and particularly,
Negroes who were seeking a desegregated education.
The court found, inter alia, that:
11. Since the beginning of the freedom of choice
plan in 1965, there has been a decline each year in the
number of Negro students requesting reassignment to
previously all-white schools. During 1966-67 in North
Carolina, 54,600 of 409,707 Negro students attended
desegregated schools, representing 15.4 percent. The
percentage in Mississippi was 2.5 percent. In the
Franklin County School system for the coming year,
1967-68, the percentage is presently fixed at about 1.5
percent.
12. Community attitudes and pressures in the Frank-
tin County School system have effectively inhibited the
exercise of free choice of schools by Negro pupils and
their parents. (D. App. 24a-25a) (Emphasis added).
The School Board attacks the sufficiency of the evidence
to support this finding (Brief, p. 25), but the evidence
clearly shows that there has been marked hostility in
Franklin County before31 and after the Board adopted a
31 In 1963, a Negro minister who had signed a petition to the Board
requesting the Board to desegregate the school received an anonymous
call threatening his home (274a-412a). In 1964, a Negro mother who
27
free choice plan in 1965—even np to three days before the
trial of the case.
The Board could not, in good faith, have hoped that
enough students would choose the school previously closed
to them to truly desegregate the system where the attitude
of the community had already strongly evidenced opposi
tion to desegregation. It is reasonable to infer that the
Board was aware of the community’s strong opposition
to the school desegregation. The managing editor of the
Franklin Times, the major newspaper in the county, was
also a member of the Board. The Franklin Times had
chronicled the activities of the Klan, the efforts made by
Negroes to seek a desegregated education and the harass
ment received by such persons. Moreover the Board for
several years prior to the adoption of free choice had
operated under the North Carolina Pupil Enrollment Act,
under which any student could, presumably, as in free
choice, choose any school. When the Board adopted free
choice, no Negro student had been allowed to transfer to
the white schools, although Negroes had applied for such
transfers in 1964 and had been denied by the Board (66A-
67A; 1537a-1538a).
Acts of intimidations and harassments occurred at the
very beginning of free choice plans. The Franklin Times
published the names of Negro applicants and their fam
ilies in 1965 shortly after free choice was adopted (D. App.
69A-71A). Following the publication of the names, many
of the Negro applicants and their families w'ere victims of
intimidation and harassment. The acts of intimidations,
harassments and reprisals which took place in the corn-
had applied for transfer for her child to an all-white school was threatened
by her landlord (421a, 451a). Considerable publicity was given to Ivu
Klux Klan activity, such as cross burnings, rallies and intimidations
(363a-364a; 1567a-1574a).
28
munity, at times more intensified than others, consisted o f :
explosions set off near homes; oil put into wells; shots
fired into homes; nails strewn in driveways of Negro
applicants; crosses burned; parents of Negro children who
had applied for transfers were subject to economic re
prisals, and a number of Negroes received anonymous and
threatening telephone calls (see supra pp. 13-17). The
Franklin Times reported a substantial number of these inci
dents (1575a-1587; 1591-1607).32 The record demonstrates
that the court went to great lengths to give the Board an
opportunity to show that a freedom of choice plan could
effectively disestablish the dual system. Four choice
periods were held during the more than two years that
freedom of choice has been in operation; instead of an
increase in the number of Negro students attending de
segregated grades each year, there was an actual de
crease of the number of students who had applied for
transfer. There was not meanginful faculty desegregation.
The choice of Negro parents and students were effectively
inhibited by the acts of intimidation and harassment.
Given the dimension of the intimidation, harassment and
other acts of violence, two years was more than enough
time to show that free choice was ineffective to disestab
lish segregation in Franklin County.
32 Evidence of the publicity which the acts of intimidation received
was offered in conjunction with evidence that Negroes in the community
were likely to, and, in many instances, did hear of these incidents; and
that this information tended to have a substantial effect on their exercise
of choice. As such the trial court could admit evidence of the publicity
which acts of intimidation received as an exception to the hearsay evi
dence rule. See McCormick, Evidence §228.
29
III.
A Freedom of Choice Plan Is Constitutionally Un
acceptable Where There Are Other Methods Which Are
Educationally, Financially and Administratively More
Feasible and Which Would More Speedily and Substan
tially Disestablish the Dual System.
After Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294,
southern school boards were faced with the problem of
effectuating the transition to a racially nondiserimina-
tory system (Brown II at 301). The easiest method was
to convert the dual attendance zones, drawn according to
race, into single attendance zones without regard to race,
so that assignment of all students would depend only on
proximity and convenience. With rare exception, however,
southern school boards, when finally forced to begin the
desegregation process, rejected this relatively simple
method in favor of the complex and discriminatory pro
cedures of pupil placement laws, and when these were
invalidated, switched to what has in practice worked the
same way as the so-called freedom of choice plans.33
Under the freedom of choice plans of desegregation
students are given a privilege rarely enjoyed in the past,
the opportunity to attend the school of their choice. Not
only are such plans more difficult to administer, they are
in addition, far less likely to disestablish a dual school
system.34
33 According to the Civil Rights Commission, the vast majority of school
districts in the South use freedom of choice plans. See Southern School
Desegregation, 1967, a report of the U.S. Commission of Civil Rights,
July 1967, p. 71.
34 As Judge Heebe said: “Free choice systems, as every southern school
official knows, greatly complicate the task of pupil placement in the
system and add to the tremendous workload of the already overburdened
school official.” Moses v. Washington Parish School Board, C.A. No. 5973
(B.D. La., October, 1967).
30
Under free choice plans the extent of actual desegrega
tion varies with the number of students seeking and ac
tually being permitted to transfer to schools previously
maintained for the other race. It should have been ob
vious, however, that white students, in view of the general
notions of Negro inferiority and the hard fact that in
many areas Negro schools are vastly inferior to those
furnished for white, would not seek transfers to formerly
Negro schools. Indeed, the evidence in the instant case
shows that no white has elected to apply for transfer to an
all-Negro school under the free choice plan. Thus, from
the very beginning, the burden of disestablishing the dual
system under free choice plans was thrust squarely upon
the Negro children and their parents despite the admoni
tion of the Supreme Court in Brown II that school authori
ties have the primary responsibility for desegregating the
school.35 Although court after court has stated this prin
ciple, these courts have given judicial approval to freedom
of choice plans.
°5 “ School authorities have the primary responsibility for elucidating,
assessing, and solving these problems [e.g., local school problems
which might arise as a result of efforts to implement the constitu
tional principles enunciated] courts will have to consider whether
the action of school authorities constitutes good faith implementa
tion of the governing constitutional principles.”
* * * # # *
The burden rests upon the defendants to establish that such time
is necessary in the public interest and is consistent with good faith
compliance at the earliest practicable date. To that end, the courts
may consider problems related to administration, arising from the
physical condition of the school plant, the school transportation
system, personnel, revision of school districts and attendance areas
into compact units to achieve a system of determining admission
to the public schools on a nonraeial basis, and revision of local laws
and regulations which may be necessary in solving the foregoing
problems.” Brown IT (349 U.S. 294, 299)
31
The freedom of choice plan adopted by the School Board
in the instant case placed the burden of disestablishing the
Franklin County school system on the Negro pupils and
their parents. To be sure each pupil was given the right,
facially, to attend any school in the system, but as previ
ously noted, desegregation never occurred except by trans
fer by Negroes to white schools. Thus, the freedom of
choice plan used by the Board prior to the court order of
August 17, 1967, like all other plans, placed the burden of
achieving a single unitary system upon the Negro citizens.
The obligation of a school board in the mid-60’s is to
adopt that plan which would more speedily accomplish the
effective desegregation of the system. The sequence of
responsibility in desegregating a school system is, first,
that of local school authorities, then the local district
courts, and if need be, appellate courts (Brown 11) ■ Arm
strong v. Board of Education of the City of Birmingham,
333 F.2d 47 (5th Cir. 1963). Where the local school au
thorities have failed to take the initiative, as the School
Board did in the instant case,36 then the responsibility
devolves to the district court. In the instant case the
district court assumed that responsibility and ordered the
School Board to adopt a plan other than a free choice
plan. We quite willingly concede that a court should not
enforce its will where alternative methods are not likely
to produce dissimilar result—that much discretion should
still be in the province of the school board. We submit,
however, that a court may not—at this late date, in the
absence of persuasive evidence showing the need for delay
—permit the use of any plan other than one which would
36 Even on appeal, the School Board is urging that where a school
board has failed to adopt an effective desegregation plan, a court does
not have the power to require the board to adopt a plan drawn up by
the court. (Brief, p. 33.)
32
more speedily and effectively desegregate the system. Put
another way at this point, that method must be mandated
which will do the job more quickly and effectively.
When free choice plans were initially conceived, courts
generally adhered—mistakenly, we submit—to the belief
that it was sufficient to permit each student an unrestricted
free choice of schools. The notion that the making avail
able of an unrestricted choice satisfies the Constitution,
quite apart from whether a significant number of white
students choose Negro schools or Negro students choose
white schools, is, we submit, fundamentally inconsistent
with the decisions of this Court in Brown I and II. Cooper
v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1; Bradley v. School Board of the City
of Bichmond, 382 U.S. 103, and the entire series of school
cases it has decided.
The test for any school desegregation plan is whether
the plan achieves substantial desegregation which is con
stitutionally required and that a plan not accomplishing
this result must be abandoned and another substituted.
Cf. Bowman v. County School Board, supra. This Court
has not held, nor did the Fifth Circuit in Jefferson hold,
and we do not urge, that freedom of choice plans are un
constitutional per se. Indeed, in areas where residential
segregation is substantial and entrenched, a free choice
plan might well be the most effective method of desegre
gation. Bather, our opposition is that a freedom of choice
plan is not an adequate desegregation plan (Brown II,
supra, 349 U.S. at 301) if there is another plan equally
feasible to administer which will more speedily and effec
tively disestablish the dual school system. Moses v. Wash
ington Parish School Board, supra; Corbin v. County
School Board of Loudoun County, P a .,------ F. Supp._____
C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Va. August 29, 1967).
33
Evidence was presented to the court below which clearly
showed that there were alternative methods which the
Board could have implemented that were less difficult to
administer than a freedom of choice plan which would
more speedily disestablish the segregated school system.
Mr. Stormer, a school construction planning expert
whose testimony was largely uncontradicted, testified that
the schools in Franklin County were located in four prin
cipal areas; that schools in each area were organized in
clusters of two’s or three’s—one or more traditionally
white and one or more traditionally Negro; that each
school, Negro or white, within each area was located within
a mile of each other covering the same grades. Before
the Board adopted a freedom of choice plan in 1965, stu
dents were assigned to schools based on dual geographic
zones—one zone used to assign Negro students to Negro
schools and a different zoning procedure used to assign
white students to white schools.
When the Board decided to adopt a desegregation plan—
albeit more than ten years after the mandate of the Su
preme Court in the Brown decisions—a more efficient
method would have been to assign students to schools on
a unitary, nonracial geographical zoning plan. As Judge
Heebe said in Moses v. Washington Parish School Board,
supra:
If [one had to pick] a method of assigning students
to schools within a particular district [heretofore
having used dual geographic zones], bearing very un
usual circumstances [one] could imagine no method
more inappropriate, more unreasonable, more need
lessly wasteful, in every respect than the so-called
‘free choice’ system. (Emphasis added.)
3 4
Mr. Stormer testified that consolidation of side-by-side
schools, with the facilities of each used for some grades,
was feasible and educationally advantageous and would
automatically desegregate the schools (1078a-1079a; 1042a
et seq.; 1556a). He also testified that administrative con
venience would adhere in a geographical zoning plan which
would likewise eliminate the dual system (1074a-1079a).
The court below ordered the School Board to adopt one
or both of these methods only after the court had found
that a freedom of choice plan was incapable of desegregat
ing the schools. Plaintiffs submit that the method proposed
by the court was the more appropriate, reasonable, and
efficient method for desegregating the schools in Franklin
County.
35
CONCLUSION
Since the Franklin County school system was not, and
has not been, effectively desegregated as required under
Broivn v. Board of Education under a free choice plan,
and the Board has not presented any other adequate plan,
the district court properly ordered that certain basic ele
ments be included in the plan the Board is to submit. As
a court of equity obligated to provide adequate relief
for a wrong, it could do no less. Therefore, the district
court’s order should be upheld.
Respectfully submitted,
J a c k G reenberg
J am e s M. N a b r it , III
R obert B elto n
J am e s N. F in n e y
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
J . L eV o n n e C h am be rs
405% East Trade Street
Charlotte, North Carolina
C onrad 0 . P earson
203% East Chapel Hill Street
Durham, North Carolina
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees
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