City of Pensacola, Florida v. Jenkins Motion to Affirm
Public Court Documents
July 31, 1981
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. City of Pensacola, Florida v. Jenkins Motion to Affirm, 1981. d3b682fb-c09a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/cf1cad59-b484-4b3c-9c32-4969cf2d7592/city-of-pensacola-florida-v-jenkins-motion-to-affirm. Accessed November 03, 2025.
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In the
(tart of % Irntrti Stairs
October Term, 1980
CITY OF PENSACOLA, FLORIDA, et al,
Appellants,
v.
ELMER JENKINS, et al.,
Appellees.
ON APPEAL PROM THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
MOTION TO AFFIRM
Kent Spriggs
Spriggs & Henderson, P.A.
117 S. Martin Luther
King Jr. Blvd.
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
(904) 224-8701
J. U. Blacksher
Counsel of Record
Larry Menefee
P.O. Box 1051
Mobile, Alabama 36633
(205) 433-2000
W. Edward Still
Reeves & Still
Suite 400, Commerce Center
2027 1st Avenue, North
Birmingham, Alabama 35203
(205) 322-6631
Jack Greenberg
James M. Nabrit, III
Napoleon B. W illiams, Jr.
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
(212) 586-8397
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees
July, 1981
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Whether, after concluding that
there was an invidious racial purpose
behind the adoption in 1959 of an at-large
municipal election system, the courts below
correctly based their findings of present
discriminatory effect on proof that as a
result of the at-large plan black can
didates are consistently defeated by a
bloc-voting white majority.
2. Whether the courts below properly
applied the principles of Arlington Heights
v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.
to the evidence in this case — which met
all the Arlington Heights criteria, includ
ing open admissions of racial motive — to
find invidious intent in the adoption of an
at-large election scheme.
i
f the finding of racially
discriminatory intent by the courts below
was erroneous, whether Pensacola's at-large
election system nonetheless violates the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended, the
fourteenth amendment or the fifteenth
amendment.
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
QUESTIONS PRESENTED .................. i
I. THE QUESTIONS PRESENTED ARE
INSUBSTANTIAL .............. 1
II. THERE ARE ALTERNATIVE STATU
TORY AND CONSTITUTIONAL
BASES FOR THE RULING BELOW .. 20
CONCLUSION ........................... 22
- iii -
Table of Authorities
Page
Cases
Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan
Housing Development Corp.,
429 U.S. 252 (1977) ..... i f 4,1 0 ,14,
15,17 ,21
Branti v. Finkel, 445 U.S 507
(1980) .. 18
City of Mobile V. Bolden, 446 U.S
55 (1980) --- 2,3,4,5 ,6,
00 V
O to ,22
Columbus Board of Education v.
Penick, 443 U.S. 449 (1979) ___ 18
Graver Tank & Mf g. Co. v. Linde Air
Products, 336 U.S 271 (1949) ... 18
Lodge v. Buxton, 639 F.2d 1358
(5th Cir. 1981) .... 4
McMillan v Escambia County, Memo
randum Decision (unreported,
N.D. Fla. 1978) ........ 4,5,6,7,11,
13,14,15,20
McMillan v. Escambia County, 638
F.2d 1239 (5th Cir.
1981 ) ................ 2,5,11 ,13,
15,17,21
Personnel Administrator of Massa
chusetts v. Feeney, 442
U.S. 256 (1979) ............ 19
Page
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755
(1973) ......................... 8
Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297
(5th Cir. 1 973) (jen banc),
aff'd sub nom. East Carroll
Parish School Board v.
Marshall, 424 U.S. 636
(1976) .................... 3,4,6,7,8
Constitutional Provisions
Fourteenth Amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States ... ii,22
Fifteenth Amendment to the Consti
tution of the United
States ..................... ii,21,22
Statutes
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C.
§1973, Section 2 ...... ii,20,21,22
v
No. 80-1946
IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
October Term, 1980
CITY OF PENSACOLA, FLORIDA, et al.,
Appellants,
v.
ELMER JENKINS, et al.,
Appellees.
On Appeal From The United States
Court of Appeals For The
Fifth Circuit
MOTION TO AFFIRM
I.
THE QUESTIONS PRESENTED ARE INSUBSTANTIAL
This case does not present the first
question suggested in the City's Jurisdic
tional Statement, namely, whether present
discriminatory effect, as well as discrimi
2
natory intent, is required to invalidate an
at-large election system. The Court of
Appeals interpreted the rule of City of
Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), to be
as follows:
[I]f the purpose of adopting or
operating [the at-large] system is
invidiously to minimize or cancel out
the voting potential of racial minor
ities, and it has that effect, then it
is unconstitutional.
McMillan v. Escambia County, 638 F.2d 1239,
1248 (5th Cir. 1981) (emphasis added).
After concluding that the evidence in this
case fully supported the District Court's
conclusion that Pensacola's at-large system
had a racially discriminatory purpose, the
Court of Appeals then affirmed the judgment
of unconstitutionality "[b]ecause it is
undeniable that the system] ] [has] in
fact had that effect." I^d. (Footnote
omitted.)
3
Since the courts below concluded that
the election system was racially discrimi
natory in both purpose and effect, the
Appellant City's challenge of the decision
cannot ask whether present discriminatory
effect must be shown, but only whether the
lower courts' findings of discriminatory
effect are supported by the evidence.
Moreover, the Jurisdictional Statement
makes it clear that the Appellant proposes
to rehabilitate -- now as a measure of
discriminatory effect rather than intent —
the test of Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d
1 297 (5th Cir. 1 973) (en banc) , af f' d sub
nom. East Carroll Parish School Board v .
Marshall, 424 U.S 636 (1976), which was
discredited by City of Mobile v. Bolden.
The City urges this effect standard un
daunted by the District Court's conclusion
that in this case the black plaintiffs
4
satisfied the Z m_e r test, as well as
the test set out by this Court in Arlington
Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development
Cor£ 4 2 9 U.S. 252, 266-268 (1977).
Appendix to Appellants' Jurisdictional
Statement 41a (hereinafter cited as
"App."). More particularly, the Appellants
would isolate and elevate to paramount
status as a measure of discriminatory
effect the single Zimmer criterion of local
government unresponsiveness to minority
group interests, citing Lodge v. Buxton,
639 F. 2d 1 358 (5th Cir. 1981), which held
that unresponsiveness was an essential
element of proving invidious _in J: ent..
Appellants' Jurisdictional Statement at
12-13 (hereinafter cited as "J.S.").
This question has been answered in
City of Mobile v. Bolden. While there is
no majority view supporting the decision of
the Court, one thing is certain from the
various Bolden opinions; given a discrimi
5
natory legislative purpose, the unrespon
siveness of local officials is not the
measure of the electoral system's effect.
According to the Bolden plurality, un
responsiveness "is relevant only as the
most tenuous and circumstantial evidence of
the constitutional invalidity of the
electoral system ..." 446 U.S. at 74.
This undermines the utility of unrespon
siveness for proving effect or purpose; if
it tended to prove adverse impact, it would
be relevant as an important "starting
point" for proof of intent. Thus, Bolden
fully vindicates the holding of the Dis
trict Court in the instant case that "[t]he
effect of dilution, however, may exist
apart from the unresponsiveness of politi
cians," App. 41a-42a, and the agreement of
the Court of Appeals that "a slave with a
benevolent master is nonetheless a slave."
638 F.2d at 1249
6
Whatever may ultimately become the
minimum test for adverse effect when
coupled with intent, Bolden certainly says
that an aggregate of the Z immer factors
amply carries this burden. None of the
members of the Bolden Court doubted that
Mobile's at-large elections had been proved
to have an adverse impact on blacks. By
the same token, the findings in the
instant case are more than sufficient:
racially polarized voting and at-large
elections interacting to deny blacks access
to the political processes, past official
racial discrimination that shares respon
sibility for racial polarization and the
defeat of black candidates, majority vote
requirements and numbered places. App.
41a. The District Court thus found that
"these factors show, in the aggregate, that
the voting strength of blacks is effec
7
tively diluted. ..." App. 42a-43a (empha
sis added) .
If this Court should accept Appel
lants' argument that the District Court's
finding of discrimination under the
Z immer analysis is insufficient to prove
discriminatory effect solely because the
single factor of unresponsiveness is
absent, then — and only then — would it
be necessary to consider what constitutes
the minimum requirements for proving
effective dilution. To begin with, there
is a strong suggestion in the Bolden
plurality opinion that legislative intent
should be the sole focus in a dilution case
— that no proof of adverse effect is
required thereafter. See City of Mobile
v. Bolden, supra, 446 U.S. at 90 (Stevens,
J., concurring). But even if actual racial
impact must be shown, "[sjuch a requirement
8
would be far less stringent than the burden
of proof required under the rather rigid
discriminatory-effects test ... in White v .
Regester, [412 U.S. 755 (1973)]." 446 U.S.
at 139 n.39 (Marshall, J., dissenting).
The plurality opinion bears out Justice
Marshall's observation. It infers that,
once a discriminatory purpose has been
established, blacks need prove no more than
that they have not elected representatives
in proportion to their numbers. Td. at 66;
accord, id. at 101 (White, J., dissenting).
The White v. Regester factors, says the
plurality, go far beyond evidence of mere
adverse effect, actually establishing
invidious purpose. Ici. at 69. The "en
hancing" factors of Zimmer, standing alone,
"tend naturally to disadvantage any voting
minority ... Id. at 74.
9
But neither the District Court nor the
Court of Appeals based its conclusion
of effective dilution merely on a measureVof "proportional representation."
The Court of Appeals did not compare
the number of black city council members
with the percentage of blacks in Pensa
cola's population; rather, it based its
finding of effective dilution on the
detailed analysis of election returns
extending over some twenty years, all
indicating that as a direct result of the
at-large system, black candidates were
consistently defeated by a bloc-voting
white majority. This measure of the
racially discriminatory effect of the
at-large plan is a correct one; it depends
*_/ The argument in the Jurisdictional
Statement notwithstanding (we count no less
than four references to the term) , this is
not a "proportional representation" case.
1 0
neither on the concept of proportional
representation nor on an "amorphous"
judicial inquiry into the sociological and
political dynamics of the local community.
The evidence of circumstances leading
up to and surrounding the 1 959 statute
and referendum eliminating the use of
single-member district elections for the
Pensacola City Council make this case a
paradigm of the type of proof called for
by Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at
266-68. If the findings of invidious
intent made by the lower courts here
cannot be affirmed, then Arlington Heights
is, indeed, an illusory and impossible test
of racial discrimination. A_11_ of the
evidentiary elements of invidious intent
discussed in Arlington Heights were found
in the instant case:
(1) Adverse racial impact: the
exclusive use of at-large elections in
Pensacola effectively dilutes black voting
strength. 638 F.2d at 1 248 ; App. 53a.
(2) The historical background of the
1959 change, revealing a series of official
actions taken for invidious purposes: the
official disenfranchisement of a substan
tial majority of black Floridians during
the first half of the twentieth century; a
long-standing preference for a mixture of
single-member district and at-large elec
tions in Pensacola; Pensacola's adoption of
the white primary and Jim Crow ordinances;
and growing apprehension in the 1940's and
1950's about increasing black voter regis
tration. 638 F.2d at 1247; App. 47a.
(3) The sequence of events leading up
to the change: the first black candidate
in living memory almost defeats the white
- 1 1 -
12
mayor of Pensacola in a close single-member
district election in 1955; the City Council
responds in 1956 by gerrymandering more
whites into the threatening black district;
and following other such gerrymander
efforts, the same City Council in 1959
requests the Florida legislature to elimin
ate Pensacola's single-member districts
altogether.
(4) Substantive and procedural
departures: the combination of single
member district and at-large elections had
been satisfactory to Pensacolians for 28
years, when the district elections were
abruptly eliminated by direct state legis
lation, even though the Pensacola City
Charter authorized modification of the
election system without reference to the
legislature by using the more deliberative
process of apportionment of a charter
13
amendment committee by the City Council
followed by a public referendum.
(5) The legislative history: al
though there is no official record of the
debates over the statute, because the
practice in the Florida legislature is not
to record such proceedings, one of the
members of the 1959 Pensacola City Council
admitted that the council had requested
the change to ensure against the possibil
ity of a black person being elected, the
legislator who introduced the bill admitted
that another petitioning council member had
alluded to a desire to avoid "a salt and
pepper council," and the Pensacola news
paper editorialized that the "prime" reason
for the proposed change was to prevent
blacks from being elected. See generally
638 F.2d at 1247-8; App. 47a-48a.
14
The second question presented in the
Jurisdictional Statement urges this Court
to rule that, solely because the District
Court accepted the sponsoring legislator's
personal disavowal of discriminatory
motives, as a matter of constitutional law,
invidious purpose cannot be proved.
Appellant City contends that, even where
the District Court found that the estab
lished practice of the local legislators
was to pass no laws concerning city govern
ment without the unanimous approval and
petition of the city council, App. 48a, the
racial motives of the city council members
may not be considered in the Arlington
Heights analysis. But, in order to agree
with Appellants' argument, this Court would
have to conclude that the lower courts'
reliance on all the other, overwhelming
Arlington Heights evidence was of no avail
and that the District Court and the Court
of Appeals misstated the law by holding
that " [d]iscriminatory intent at any stage
[of the formal or informal legislative
process] infects the entire process." App.
48a n.9, accord, 638 F.2d at 1246 n.14.
Such a result would fundamentally
negate the teaching of Arlington Heights
that " [d]etermining whether invidious
discriminatory purpose was a motivating
factor demands a sensitive inquiry into
such circumstantial and direct evidence of
intent as may be available." 429 U.S. at
266, cited in 638 F.2d at 1 243. If there
is any hope that the inquiry into purpose
or intent can provide a manageable judicial
standard for equal protection cases, and
in particular for racial vote dilution
cases, courts must be permitted to consider
the motives of all persons who exercised
16
substantial influence or control over
the ultimate official decision. If the
inquiry is required to identify and
focus on the motives of the single most
influential actor in the decision-making
process, then federal judges truly will be
enmeshed in the political thicket.
For example, in the instant case the
Appellant City argues that Governor
(then Representative) Askew's motives alone
are relevant, simply because he testified
that he had the power, by informal conven
tion of the local legislative delegation,
to "kill" the City Council's proposed bill.
But the same thing can be said of the other
two members of the Escambia County legisla
tive delegation, and the record says
nothing about their motives in voting
for the election change. Further extending
the City's theory to its logical conclusion
1 7
would require proof of invidious motives on
the part of a majority of the state legis
lators, who have the ultimate power to
overrule even local delegation decisions.
Clearly, Arlington Heights calls for a more
pragmatic consideration of the concept of
legislative purpose, and requires courts
to judge the intent of official actions by
weighing the entire evidentiary record.
As the Court of Appeals said in this
case, "[i]t is not easy for a court in 1981
to decide what motivated people in 1959."
638 F . 2d at 1 248 . Based on all of the
direct and circumstantial evidence, the
Court of Appeals agreed with the District
Court’s finding that " [t]he conclusion of
plaintiffs' expert historian that race was
a concurrent motivating factor in the 1959
change is inescapable. " I_d. Iff a s
Appellants contend, the constitutional
18
inquiry requires the courts to determine
the subjective motives of every one of the
individual legislators capable of altering
the outcome of proposed statutes, then
nothing short of a written statement of
racial intent within the law itself would
suffice. Moreover, acceptance of appel
lants' contention that both courts below
erred in their assessments of evidence
probative of discriminatory purpose would
be contrary to "[this Court's] settled
practice of accepting, absent the most
exceptional circumstances, factual determi
nations in which the district court and the
Court of Appeals have concurred ..."
Branti v. Finkel, 445 U.S 507, 512 n.6
(1980); accord, Graver Tank & Mfg. Co. v .
Linde Air Products , 336 U.S. 271, 275
(1949). S e e , e .g ., Columbus Board of
Education v. Penick, 443 U.S. 449, 464
(1979).
19
Finally, Appellants argue that the
plaintiffs in a vote dilution case must
prove that the racial motives outweighed
the nonracial motives. They are therefore
asking this Court to reject its formulation
of proof of intent in Personnel Adminis
trator of Massachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S.
256, 279 (1979):
'Discriminatory purpose' ... implies
that the decisionmaker ... selected
or reaffirmed a particular course of
action at least in part 'because of,'
not merely 'in spite of,' its ad
verse effects upon an identifiable
group.
(Footnote omitted). This formula was
adopted by the Bolden plurality, 446 U.S.
at 71 n. 1 7. Feeney requires more than
lip-service to the usual "good government"
rationales of a "city-wide perspective" and
elimination of ward heeling. Otherwise, no
at-large electoral system could be chal-
The inability orlenged by minorities.
20
refusal of the lawmakers here to justify
how the racial consequences of their
actions were outweighed by the need for a
city-wide perspective supports the trial
judge's conclusion that the "good-govern
ment" rationale was a pretext for discrimi
nation, "at least in part."
II.
THERE ARE ALTERNATIVE STATUTORY AND
CONSTITUTIONAL BASES FOR THE RULING
BELOW
Plaintiffs contended below that §2 of
the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C.
§1973, allowed them to sue to enforce
their voting rights and that this right did
not depend upon a finding of purposeful
discrimination. The trial court agreed
that the plaintiffs had proved a violation
of 42 U.S.C. § 1 973 , but did not decide
whether proof of intent was necessary under
that statute. App. 55a. The Court of
21
Appeals disagreed with the District Court's
conclusion that at-large vote dilution
violated the fifteenth amendment and held
that plaintiffs could sue only under the
fourteenth amendment to support such a
claim. 638 F.2d at 1242-3 nn. 8 and 9.
The Court of Appeals rejected the
Voting Rights Act and fifteenth amendment
predicates of the trial court's judgment on
account of the Court of Appeals' adoption,
in toto, of the plurality opinion in City
of Mobile v. Bolden. By concluding that
the evidence of invidious intent in the
adoption of Pensacola's at-large system
satisfied the requirements of Arlington
Heights, the lower courts grounded their
judgments of unconstitutionality on the
single theory that would clearly satisfy a
majority of the members of the Bolden
Court. But there was no majority agreement
22
with the plurality opinion's views of the
Voting Rights Act and fifteenth amendment
causes of action. Consequently, if this
Court were to disapprove the findings of
invidious intent made below, it would then
become necessary for it to reexamine the
difficult statutory and constitutional
questions that were not resolved in Bolden.
In this event, Plaintiffs-Appellees would
contend that at-large election systems
which have a demonstrably discriminatory
impact on a racial minority violate the
fourteenth amendment, the fifteenth amend
ment and §2 of the Voting Rights Act of
1965, whether or not an invidious racial
purpose could be proved.
CONCLUSION
This Court should decline to note
probable jurisdiction, and, on the merits,
affirm the judgment of the Court of
Appeals.
Respectfully submitted,
KENT SPRIGGS
Spriggs & Henderson, P.A.
117 S. Martin Luther
King Jr. Blvd.
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
(904) 224-8701
J.U. BLACKSHER
Counsel of Record LARRY MENEFEE
Blacksher, Menefee &Stein, P.A.
P.O. Box 1051
Mobile, Alabama 36633
(205) 433-2000
W. EDWARD STILL
Reeves & Still
Suite 400, Commerce Center
2027 1st Avenue, North
Birmingham, Alabama 35203
(205) 322-6631
JACK GREENBERG
JAMES M. NABRIT, III
NAPOLEON B. WILLIAMS, JR.
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
(212) 586-8397
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appell
MEILEN PRESS INC — N. Y. C. 219