Copeland v. Martinez Petitioner's Reply to the Memorandum for the Respondent in Oppostion
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1979

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellees, 1967. e0667c66-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/c71aede6-ada7-441f-80ad-6cd79422f67a/coppedge-v-franklin-county-board-of-education-brief-for-plaintiffs-appellees. Accessed May 25, 2025.
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Ê <roxJ I n t h e Ihutrit Itars (tart at Appeals F oe t h e F o u r t h C ir c u it No. 11,794 H arold D ouglas C oppedge , et al., and U n it e d S tates op A m e r ic a , b y R a m s e y C l a r k , Attorney General, Appellees, v s . T h e F r a n k l in C o u n t y B oard op E d u c a tio n , a public body corporate, et al., Appellants. ap pe a l from t h e d istric t court of t h e u n ite d states FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA RALEIGH DIVISION-CIVIL BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLEES J a c k G reenberg J am e s M. N a b r it , III R obert B elto n J am e s N . F in n e y 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 J . L eV o n n e C h am be rs 405% East Trade Street Charlotte, North Carolina C onrad O. P earson 203% East Chapel Hill Street Durham, North Carolina Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees I N D E X Statement of the Case ............... ....................................... 1 Statement .......................... .................................................. 5 Composition of the Franklin County School Sys tem ............................................................................. 5 Unequal Facilities and Programs ......................... . 7 School Desegregation in Franklin County ......... . 9 1. Pupil Desegregation .......................... 9 2. Faculty and Staff Desegregation .... .......... 11 Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals ............. 13 Questions Presented .......................................................... 17 A r g u m e n t I. There Was Sufficient Evidence to Support the District Court’s Conclusion That Desegregation Under a Free Choice Plan in Franklin County Was an Illusion ............ ......... ..... ........................... 18 II. The Record Clearly Showed That a Freedom of Choice Plan Was Not Likely to Disestablish the Dual School System in Franklin County ............ 20 A. Free Choice in Franklin Perpetuated the Dual System ....................................... 21 B. Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals Against the Negro Community Further Made Free Choice Inadequate ...... 26 PAGE 11 III. A Freedom of Choice Plan Is Constitutionally Un acceptable Where There Are Other Methods Which Are Educationally, Financially and Ad ministratively More Feasible and Which Would More Speedily and Substantially Disestablish the PAGE Dual System............................................................... 29 C o n clu sio n ............................................................ ............................... 35 T able of C ases Anderson v. Federal Cartridge Corp., 156 F.2d 681 (8th Cir. 1946) ........................................ ............. ......... 19 Armstrong v. Board of Education of the City of Birm ingham, 333 F.2d 47 (5th Cir. 1963) .......................... 31 Bowman v. County School Board of Charles County, Va., 382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967) ........................ 20, 21,32 Bradley v. School Board of City of Richmond, 345 F.2d 310 (4th Cir. 1965), vacated and remanded on other grounds, 382 U.S. 103 ............................................20, 24, 32 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 .................23, 32 Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 .........23, 29, 30, 31, 32 Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958) ............................... 32 Corbin v. County School Board of Loudoun County, Va., ------ F. Supp. ------ , C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Va, Aug. 29, 1967) ................................................................. 32 Graver Tank and Mfg. Co. v. Linde Air, 339 U.S. 605 (1950) ............................................................................. 9 Kier v. County School Board of Augusta County, 249 F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va. 1966) 22 I ll Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 P. Supp. 458 (M.D. Ala. 1967) ...................................................... 20 Moses v. Washington Parish School Board, C.A. No. 5973 (E.D. La., October, 1967) ......................... ........ 29,32 Roger v. Paul, 382 TT.S. 198 (1965) .................................. 24 United States v. Aluminum Co. of America, 148 F.2d 416 (2nd Cir. 1945) ........................................................ 19 United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d with modifications on rehearing en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (1967), cert, denied,------ U .S .------- (1967) .............................. 20,21, 24 United States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333 U.S. 364 (1948) ....................................................................... 18 West v. Schwarz, 182 F.2d 721 (7th Cir. 1950) .......... 19 Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966) ....................................................... 24 Other Authorities: McCormick, Evidence §228 .... 32 5 Moore’s Federal Practice §52.03, Note 21 ................... 19 Revised Statement of Policies for School Desegrega tion Plans under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (45 C.F.R. Part 181.54) .................................. 21 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Southern School Desegregation, 1967 (July 1967) ................................. 29 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Survey of School Desegregation in Southern and Border States, 1965- 66 (February, 1966), p. 51 PAGE 23 I n t h e States ©Hurt of Kypraiz F oe t h e F o u e t h C ib c u it No. 11,794 H aeold D ouglas C oppedge , et al., and U n it e d S tates of A m e b ic a , b y R a m s e y Cl a e k , Attorney General, Appellees, vs. T h e F r a n k l in C o u n t y B oard of E d u c a tio n , a public body corporate, et al., Appellants. APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOB THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA RALEIGH DIVISION-CIVIL BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLEES Statement of the Case This appeal is brought by the Franklin County School Board of Franklin County, North Carolina, seeking reversal of an Order entered by the District Court on August 17, 1967. The court found that a “ freedom of choice” deseg regation plan was ineffective to disestablish the segregated school system and ordered the Board to file a desegrega tion plan utilizing a unitary system of non-racial at tendance zones, consolidation of grades, schools or both 2 which would, in fact, desegregate schools, faculties, facil ities and eliminate or upgrade inferior schools. The plaintiffs, Negro parents and children of Franklin County, North Carolina, filed on December 8, 1965, in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina, this class action seeking injunctive relief against the defendant Franklin County Board of Educa tion in operating a racially segregated school system; plaintiffs also filed a motion for preliminary injunction seeking the admission of Negro school children to for the second half of the 1965-66 school year (2a-9a).1 On January 20, 1966, upon motions of the Attorney General of the United States, the District Court allowed the United States to (1) intervene as a party plaintiff, and (2) to add the individual members of the School Board as defendants (17a-20a). Hearing on motions for a preliminary injunction com menced February 8, 1966. The principal issue raised by these motions was whether Negro students in grades still segregated under the Board’s desegregation plan should be allowed to transfer to all-white or predominantly all- white schools for the second semester of the 1965-66 school year. The School Board had failed to give proper notice of two criteria it would consider in granting or denying transfers to Negro students in non-desegregated grades. On February 21, 1966, the District Court denied the mo tions for preliminary injunction on the ground that it was not in the best interest of the minor plaintiffs to change school in mid-term, but found that the School Board had failed to give sufficient notice for lateral transfers (156a- 161a). 1 References to Defendants’ Appendix are indicated herein by “ D. App.” and page number. Reference to Appellees’ Appendix are indi cated herein by the page number followed by the letter “a.” 3 At the hearing held on July 25, 1966, the principal issues raised were the adequacy and pace of faculty desegre gation and the adequacy of the “ free choice” method of desegregation in a community which was openly hostile to desegregation and in which acts of intimidation had taken place which inhibited the exercise, of choice by Negro students and their parents. On July 27, 1966, following extensive conference between the court and counsel for all parties and on the basis of testimony and exhibits presented, the District Court en tered an Interim Order (162a-166a) requiring the School Board to conduct a special freedom of choice period for Negroes, since the Court had found that only 23 Negroes had elected to transfer out of all Negro schools for the 1966-67 school year during the earlier choice period. The Board was further enjoined from considering race in staff and faculty assignments and employment (D. App. 6A). The School Board was ordered to present to the Court on or before August 10, 1966, objective standards for the non-discriminatory employment, assignment and retention of teachers and other school personnel and to advise the Court of the number of teachers and students assigned to schools for the 1966-67 school year at which their race was in the minority. After the School Board had filed its plan for the em ployment, assignment and retention of teachers and other school personnel (D. App. 43A), plaintiffs and United States filed their respective objections thereto. On April 10, 1967, plaintiffs and the United States moved the court for an order requiring the School Board to eliminate disparities between predominantly white and Negro schools and to require the School Board to implement an effective desegregation plan; the motions alleged that fear, caused by threats and intimidation, was preventing Negro parents 4 and children from exercising an uninhibited “ free choice” ; that the Board was continuing to employ and assign teachers and school personnel on a racial basis; that the School Board was continuing to perpetuate inferior schools for Negro students; and that the Board was continuing the dual transportation system for Negro and white schools (182a). On August 17, 1967, the court below entered its Order and Opinion (D. App. 6A-37A) after a full evidentiary hearing on July 25 and 26, 1967. The Court found as a matter of law that the “ freedom of choice” plan used by the Board was totally ineffective to disestablish the segregated school system (28a-32a) and ordered the Board to submit a plan for the assignment of students on the basis of a unitary system of nonracial geographic attendance zones or a plan for the consolida tion of grades, or schools, or both; to refrain from pub licizing the names of and addresses of pupils assigned to any school; to disregard race in the hiring, assignment, reassignment, promotion, demotion, or dismissal of teach ers and other professional staff, except to eliminate past discriminatory patterns; to take immediate affirmative steps to accomplish substantial faculty desegregation for the 1967-68 school year; to eliminate racial discrimination in any service activity or program (including transporta tion, athletics or other extra-curricular activity); to cor rect disparities in buildings, equipment; and to eliminate student overcrowding between schools formerly designated all-white and all-Negro schools (D. App. 32A-37A). The Board filed a notice of appeal on August 25, 1967 and also a motion to stay execution of certain portions of the Order pending appeal (262a). On September 5, 1967, the District Court denied the Board’s motion to stay but allowed the Board to delay filing 5 the plan and reports required by the Order until 30 days after March 1, 1968, or 30 days after decision on the appeal by the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Cir cuit, whichever event should first occur (271a). After Notice of Appeal was filed, a group of Negro par ents moved to intervene as defendants in this action in the court below; subsequently a similar petition was filed by this group with, and is presently pending before, this Court. Plaintiffs have filed a response thereto opposing such petition as an untimely attempt to relitigate the deci sion below. Statement Since the School Board failed to summarize all the salient facts presented to the court below, plaintiffs deem it necessary to present this additional Statement of Facts to this Court. Composition of the Franklin County School System There are twelve schools in the Franklin County school system. Until the 1965-66 school year, five schools were officially designated as Negro schools—attended solely by Negro students and staffed exclusively by Negro teachers and administrators—and seven were officially designated as white schools—attended solely by white and staffed exclu sively by white teachers and administrators. A study was made on May 10, 12, 1967 of the Franklin County school system by William L. Stormer,2 a school 2 Mr. Stormer has a B.A. degree in Education from Youngstown Uni versity and an M.A. in Education Administration from the University of Wyoming. He did additional graduate work beyond the Master Degree in Educational Administration with an emphasis on school planning. Presently, the nature of Mr. Stormer’s work is the administration of school construction programs under Public Law 815; his primary job is to examine school construction projects, review and approve them both in the money aspect and construction where it pertains to educational 6 construction planning expert who is Assistant Chief of School Construction, Division of School Assistance, United States Office of Education (1036 et seq.).8 Mr. Stormer testified that the schools in four areas of Franklin County (Louisburg, Bunn, Youngsville and Gold Sand) are organized in groups and clusters of two or three; one is a traditionally white school and one or more tradi tionally Negro. Every Negro school is within a mile or so of a predominantly white school covering the same grades.* 3 4 In two other parts of the county—Epsom and the general area of Edward Best High School and Edward Best Ele mentary School—there are white schools but no Negro schools. Several of the high schools are very small (Epsom, a white high and elementary school, had only 72 pupils enrolled in grades 9-12 for the 1966-67 school year), and only one or two are large enough to make diversified edu cational opportunities available to students at a reasonable cost per pupil (1040a-1042a). Mr. Stormer further testified that he knew of no educa tional advantage to the maintenance of “pairs of schools” planning. He has worked with the Bureau of Education in the State of Ohio and the State of West Virginia in school plant development and constructions. Mr. Stormer has reviewed or inspected several hundred school building's throughout the country and in a number of different states (1036a-1038a). 3 The School Board declined to cross-examine Mr. Stormer at the time of the taking of his deposition (1095a) or at the trial, and his testimony, is for the most part, uncontradieted. 4 By Mr. Schwelb: Q. Where you referred to schools located close to one another, serving the same grades and same types of schools, what particular schools were you referring to, Mr. Stormer? A. Well, Youngsville [white] offers grades one to twelve. Youngsville Elementary [Negro] offers grades one to eight. Perry’s [Negro] offers grades one to twelve. Gold Sand [white] offers one to twelve; Louisburg [white] is one to twelve, and Riverside [white] is one to twelve, and in the same approximate area within this area is Cedar Street [Negro], which is one to seven (1041a). 7 offering the same grades which are located in the same general area. He knew of several disadvantages, including the sacrifice of program diversification, the incurrence of higher than necessary per pupil costs, and inefficient utili zation of school plants and equipment (1042a-1045a). Hav ing studied hundreds of school districts in many parts of the country, nowhere, he testified, was the “pairs of schools” tendency so pronounced as in Franklin County (1040a). Segregated athletic and other extra-curricular activities have also been left undisturbed. Mr. Stormer also testified that no undue practical difficulties would be presented were the School Board to adopt a program of school consolida tion, altering the educational programs in schools situated in close geographic proximity such that different grades would be taught in each, and coupling this reorganization with a plan of pupil assignment on the basis of residential proximity. This approach would provide an effective in ducement for correcting existing disparities in all-Negro and wholly or predominantly white schools, and provide as well, a context in which substantial student and faculty desegregation could be achieved (1079a). Unequal Facilities and Programs Eeports filed by the School Board with the State Board of Education presents striking statistical information which shows that the Board tolerated substantial inequalities be tween the segregated schools. As the following table shows, previously all-white schools are substantially superior in buildings and equipment to all-Negro schools; they have little or no problem of overcrowding, smaller classes, more library books per pupil and more acreage per pupil; the school buildings themselves have a substantially higher valuation, and their equipment and facilities are newer, in better repair, and more plentiful. 8 1965-66 Valuation of School Property per pupil .............. Acreage of School Property per pupil .............. Pupil-classroom Ratio ................ Library Volumes per pupil ...... Pupils per teacher (based on enrollment) ..... ................... Students per school bus................ And see: Stormer (1053a-1063a) Despite improvements during the 1966-67 school year, attributable primarily to federal financial assistance under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, serious dis parities remain.5 All of the wholly or predominantly white elementary schools are accredited by the State of North Carolina. No Negro elementary school is accredited. The problem of overcrowding in Negro schools and the continued maintenance of small underutilized white schools is so expensive that teachers’ salaries are $350.30 per pupil in some classes—Epson High (white) as compared to others—$188 at Bunn (white), $231.09 at Perry’s (Ne- Predominantly White Schools Negro Schools $913.44 $285.18 .04 .01 22.8 to 1 34.9 to 1 9.05 4.0 24.9 31.8 43 64.1 5 In 1966-67, the School Board had received federal assistance in the form of portable classrooms, library books, and equipment of various kinds. The Board’s reports to the State Board o f Education for 1966-67 disclosed that these additions reduced the disparities in several of these categories, in particular valuation of school property per pupil and li brary books per pupil, as follows: 1966-67 Valuation of School Property per Pupil — Library Books per Pupil Pupils per Bus .............. Predominantly White Schools $991 9.3 40.2 Negro Schools $611 5.1 54.7 In other categories, including acreage per pupil and teacher ratio, the disparities remained essentially unchanged from the 1965-66 school year. 9 gro) and $235.09 at Riverside (Negro) (1566a). Yet, the Board buses some Negro students 13 miles to Riverside High School which is overcrowded. There are also disparities in course offering,6 extra curricular activities and athletic facilities7 in the separate schools. School Desegregation in Franklin County 1. Pupil Desegregation Prior to the 1965-66 school year the Franklin County school system was completely segregated by race. All white students attended schools staffed exclusively by white teachers and administrators. All Negro students attended schools staffed exclusively by Negro teachers and administrators. Students were assigned to schools pursuant to a dual system of geographic attendance zones — one for whites and one for Negroes. In the 1965-66 school year The School Board adopted a desegregation plan pursuant to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The plan provided for desegregation under the “ freedom of choice” system of grades 1, 2, 9 and 12 for the year 1965-66 school year, and for the desegregation of the remaining grades in 1966-67.8 The plan further pro vided for lateral transfers9 in the nondesegregated grades for any applicant who could show either (a) that he desired to take a course of instruction not available in the school to which assigned, or (b) that he had either entered the school system, or a different geographical at 6 (1044a-1045a). 7 (1055a-1058a). 8 Facially, the Franklin County plan provided for the desegregation of all grades in every school one year earlier than required by the guide lines promulgated by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. 9 Lateral transfer refers to transfers allowed to students who were in grades not yet reached by the desegregation plan. 10 tendance zone, for the first time. The Board failed to give proper notice to students and their parents of the specified criteria, and those Negro students who did not specify one of these criteria were rejected.10 About 76 Negro students of a total of approximately 3,100 in the system requested transfers to attend predom inantly white schools for the 1965-66 school year. Thirty- one were accepted. Of these thirty-one, several withdrew their applications during the summer; others withdrew from predominantly white schools after school opened. At the conclusion of the 1965-66 year, only six Negro students were attending predominantly white schools (D. App. 19A). During the 1966 choice period for which all grades were desegregated for the 1966-67 school year, twenty-three of the approximately 3,100 Negro pupils elected to attend predominantly white schools. No white student elected to attend a Negro school. In July, 1966, the Negro plaintiffs and the United States were prepared to present evidence to the court below that because there were serious acts of hostility and intimida tion to school desegregation in the community (see infra pp. 13-17) a free choice desegregation plan was ineffective to desegregate the schools in Franklin County. However, after extensive discussion between the court and counsel, trial was postponed, and the cout entered an Interim Order in which the Board was ordered to conduct a new choice period and to use reasonable safeguards to prevent intimi dation (D. App. 9A). In August, 1966, pursuant to the Interim Order of July 27, 1966, the School Board conducted a special freedom of 10 The School Board appointed intermediary, Rev. Robert Latham, a white minister, testified that the criteria were adopted after the applica tions were filed and that this fact notwithstanding, the board ignored his recommendation that in fairness all lateral transfer requests be ac cepted (491a). 11 choice period for Negroes. During this special choice period an additional 49 Negroes elected, and were assigned to attend, predominantly white schools. During neither of the “choice periods” for the 1967-68 school year did any whites elect to attend Negro schools. In March, 1967, the Board conducted a freedom of choice period for the 1967-68 school year. Forty-five Negroes elected to attend predominantly white schools and were scheduled to attend such schools for the 1967-68 school year. The 1967 freedom of choice period was the fourth con ducted in Franklin County since 1965. On each of these occasions, all white students have elected to attend pre dominantly white schools, and the previously Negro schools have remained all-Negro in the composition of their stu dent bodies. Three of the seven traditionally white schools have never had a Negro student,11 a fourth has never had more than one Negro student,12 and a fifth has never had more than two Negro students, one of whom has dropped out.13 More than 98.5% of the Negro students in the Frank lin County system have remained in all-Negro schools throughout the period that the schools have been officially desegregated. 2. Faculty and Staff Desegregation Prior to the entry of the Interim Order of July 27, 1966, by the court below, Negro teachers taught in all-Negro schools and white teachers taught in all-white or predomi nantly white schools. By the terms of the Interim Order, the School Board was ordered to fill all faculty and professional staff vacancies 11 Edward Best Elementary, Gold Sand and Youngsville High. 12 Epsom. 13 Edward Best High School. 12 on a nonracial basis and to “ encourage” transfers by pres ent members of the faculty to schools within the system in which pupils are wholly or predominantly of a race other than that of the teacher. Five teachers testified in this case—two Negro teachers called by the United States, and two white teachers and one Negro teacher called by the School Board. All testi fied that they had not been requested to transfer to a school in which their race was in the minority. Each testified to having expressed a choice for the school to which he was assigned; and several expressed a preference in favor of staying at their current schools because they had become accustomed to them. All five testified that they would be willing, if assigned, to teach in a school where their race was in the minority.14 * Forty-nine new teachers were employed for the 1966-67 school year, twenty-five of whom were white and twenty- four were Negro. This number represents more than 20% of the entire teaching staff in the County. The white teach ers were assigned to white schools and the Negro teachers were assigned to all-Negro schools (215a). The policy of the Board is to assign teachers generally to the school of their choice (D. App. 46A). Most teachers have, accordingly, remained at the schools to which they had been assigned when the schools were completely racially segregated. Of the twelve schools in the Franklin County system, faculty desegregation has occurred in only three schools as follows: one white teacher and one white librar ian have been assigned to one all-Negro school, one Negro teacher and one Negro librarian have been assigned to predominantly white schools; three white staff members 14 Teachers: Massenburg (1002a); Anderson (1019a); Fleming (1226a); Suitt (1216a); Griffin (1223a). 13 have been assigned to all Negro schools; and two Negro and four white staff members have been assigned to all the schools in the County system (D. App. 37-38). No school principal has been transferred to a school in which his race is in the minority. Faculties and staff of the schools in Franklin County remain almost entirely segregated, with the effect that each school in the county system is clearly racially identifiable by the composition of its faculty. Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals The record shows that there has been a marked hostility to school desegregation in Franklin County.15 This hostil ity has been evidenced by a continuous, effective and widely publicized campaign of intimidations and reprisals directed against Negroes who have sought to effectuate school de segregation under a “ free choice” plan, and against white persons who have taken a public stand in favor of school desegregation. Even before the Board had adopted a desegregation plan in 1965-66, attempts to desegregate the public schools in Franklin County resulted in threats against several Negroes involved. On September 16, 1963, after attending a meeting to discuss school desegregation with the Board, the foster children, Rev. Sidney 6. Dunston, a Negro min ister and civil rights worker, received an anonymous tele phone call threatening his home (274a-412a). During June, 1964, eight Negro children applied for transfer to white schools (Franklin Times, 6/16/64) and the mother of one of the children seeking transfer was advised to stay off 16 16 See Chronology of Intimidation prepared by the United States (238a- 257a). Although the Chronology lists acts of violence which occurred in the jurisdiction of the Franldinton City School Board, the court in the instant case ruled that he did not consider any of this activity in his Findings of Facts. 14 the property of her landlord or suffer the consequences (421a; 451a). Considerable publicity was given to Ku Klux Klan activity in 1964 (363a-364a, 1567a-1573a). The Board took steps toward school desegregation for the first time in the 1965-66 school year; the choice period was conducted in the Spring of 1965. In June, 1965, the names of Negro families and students who had applied for transfer to white school were broadcast by the local radio (69a-71a) station and published in the Franklin Times (D. App. 69A-71A).16 From the beginning of the choice plan and throughout the 1965-66 school year, various forms of in timidations, harassment and threats were directed at the Negro community, particularly those Negroes directly en gaged in school desegregation efforts: explosions were set off near homes (605a, 674a, 760a-761a, 880a-890a); oil was put into wells (198a, 398a, 569a, 629a); shots were fired into homes (372a, 414a, 424a-428a, 1575a, 1596a) ;16 17 18 nails were strewn in the driveway of one of the Negro plaintiffs (411a, 499a, 567a) ;1S crosses were burned near several 16 The Franklin Times is a local newspaper of eonnty-wide circulation whose managing editor is Albert Clinton Fuller. Mr. Fuller is a member o f the School Board and is named as a party defendant to this action (18a). 17 E.g., on June 17, 1965, the Franklin Times carried a headline story on the shooting by allegedly unknown assailants into the homes of two Negro families (Lenwood Arrington and Sandy Jones) who had children to apply for transfers to white schools. Mrs. Irene Arrington testified: “Well, after the first shooting (May 28, 1965) I had a lot of telephone calls started around supper-time and would last until 11 :00 o’clock, and a lot of them would tell me, asked me was I trying to get white, why did I want my children to do to an all-white school. Some of them was telling me that something was going ‘to happen to you, you are going to get killed’ ” (428a-429a). 18 Rev. Luther Coppedge testified that nails were strewn in his drive way about 13 times sinee 1964 and that his automobile sustained a flat tire on two occasions as a result. 15 homes19 and eeonomie reprisals.20 Numerous threats were made; most often they were made by anonymous telephone callers, but occasionally they were delivered by anonymous letter or in person.21 The campaign of intimidations and threats neither ceased nor abated during the 1966-67 school year;22 it has been 19 Depositions of Driver (310a); Norwood (890a); Rev. Coppedge (565a-566a). 20 Negroes in Franklin County are particularly vulnerable to economic reprisal. They are readily identifiable, and as a group characteristic, are markedly dependent upon the white community economically (see 258a- 259a). Mrs. Irene Arring’ton, a plaintiff in this action and one of the eight Negroes who had applied for a transfer of her child to an all-white school in 1964 testified that, in June, after the applications were filed, St. Clarence Arrington, who also applied for transfer of his child, told her that he was withdrawing his application in fear of eviction by his landlord; he also told Mrs. Arrington that his landlord wanted her to stay off his land (421a). Joseph Branch, Negro, was told by his employer to withdraw his grandchild’s transfer application or else the Klan might blow up the em ployer’s building. Branch complied (Branch: 691a-693a). Cecil Macon, a Negro employer relayed a telephone demand to Sidney Manley, his employee, that Manley withdraw his child’s application. Manley did so. (Macon: 328a-329a; Manley: 336a). Mrs. Annie Esther Sattenvhite was discharged from her job tying to bacco. Mrs. Satterwhite had a child enrolled in Bunn (white). When she acknowledged this in response to her employer’s question, the employer told her she was fired because the employer did not believe in race mixing (410a). A co-worker of Mrs. Satterwhite, Mrs. Alveretta Moore, testified that Mrs. Satterwhite accurately recounted the incident (Moore: 411a). 21 Arringon’s deposition (428a-429a); Coppedge’s deposition (564a- 565a); Dunston’s deposition (277a-278a). .Rev. Dunston also testified that on one occasion three white strangers in a truck decorated with Con federate flags drove into his driveway and asked his children to convey to him their threat on his life (Dunston: 278a-279a). In another instance a Negro girl who had applied to attend a predominantly white school found an anonymous letter in her mailbox threatening the lives of her parents (Crudup: 651a-652a; Exhibit 667a). 22 The church of Rev. Plummer Alston was dynamited. A Negro min ister, Rev. Plummer is married to Rev. Luther Coppedge’s niece. (Re ported in the Franklin Times, 3/8/66) (Coppedge: 570a); (Alston: 16 directed against Negro homes, and Negro students attend ing predominantly white schools ;23 it has been directed, as well, against the few white citizens of the county who have dared to publicly support school desegregation.24 In the Interim Order of July 27, 1966, the District Court expressly enjoined any interference with the exercise of choice. In cidents of interference were to be reported to the United States Attorney, at Raleigh, North Carolina. Such efforts have been fruitless. The Federal Bureau of Investigation, as well as state and local law enforcement officials, has investigated most, if not all, of the acts of intimidation which have taken place. To date, however, not a single arrest has been made (371a-379a). In March, 1967, during the freedom of choice period for the 1967-68 school year, the intimidations intensified. Rev. Luther Coppedge, father of one of the Negro plaintiffs, testified that he received six to eight harassing, anonymous telephone calls a day. One call was received on the night of July 22, 1967, only three days prior to his testimony in the trial of this case (1279a).25 26 605a); (Exhibit, 611a). In May, 1966, sugar was put in the gas tank of Rev. Coppedge’s tractor (Coppedge: 569a, 570a, 762a, 1279a-1280a; Davis: 1273a). 23 Jerome Cheek, one of six Negroes in predominantly white schools, re ceived two threatening racial notes at school; and oil was placed in the well at his home on two separate occasions ( Cheek: 628a-630a; see also: Fogg: 825a-826a). 24 During the spring and summer of 1966, large nails were placed in the driveway of Rev. Lathan’s home. Rev. Latham, a white minister, had been speaking out against the Ku Klux Klan and urging, both publicly and privately, that Negro transfer applications be treated fairly. (Latham, 499a). In July, crosses were burned at the home of Rev. Wood also a white minister (Wood, 535a), and Rev. Latham (Latham, 499a). 26 More recently, the Raleigh News and Observer reported that the home of Rev. Coppedge was fired into the evening the District Court’s Order and Opinion of August 17, 1967 was publicized. Rev. Coppedge’s home was fired into again, it was reported, Christmas evening of December, 1967. 17 Since the beginning of freedom of choice plan in 1965, there has been a decline each year in the number of Negro students requesting reassignment to previously all-white schools—1965-66: 76 applied, 31 were accepted, at the end of the school year only 6 remained; 1966-67:72 applied although there were two choice periods for the school year; 1967-68: only 45. For the 1967-68 school year only 1.5% of 3,100 Negro students are attending desegregated classes in Franklin County. Questions Presented 1. Whether—13 years after Brown v. Board of Educa tion—a school board may adequately discharge its obli gation to desegregate a school system under a freedom of choice plan where the evidence shows that such a plan is not likely to disestablish the dual system because of overt acts of hostility, intimidation, and reprisals against Ne groes in the community effectively inhibit meaningful exercise of choice. 2. Whether a district court may, as a matter of consti tutional law, order a school board to abandon a freedom of choice desegregation plan and to adopt some other plan which is educationally, financially and administratively more feasible and which would immediately produce mean ingful desegregation where the evidence shows that a free dom of choice plan engrafted on a purposefully designed segregated system is not likely to disestablish the dual schools. 3. Whether the evidence supports the findings of the court below that the freedom of choice desegregation plan in this case was not likely to produce meaningful desegre gation. 18 ARGUMENT I. There Was Sufficient Evidence to Support the Dis trict Court’s Conclusion That Desegregation Under a Free Choice Plan in Franklin County Was an Illusion. The School Board’s main argument on this appeal is the evidence was insufficient to support the district court’s finding that: (1) there was marked hostility to school de segregation in Franklin County; (2) after free choice had been adopted by the School Board, acts of intimidation, threats, and reprisals against Negro parents, several Ne gro parents withdrew their request for assignments of their children to previously all-white schools; and (3) the com munity’s attitudes and pressures in the Franklin County school system effectively inhibited the exercise of free choice by Negro pupils and their parents. The standard for review of the findings of a trial court sitting without a jury is set out in Rule 52(a) of the Fed eral Rules of Civil Procedure, which provides in pertinent part: Findings of fact shall not be set aside unless clearly erroneous, and due regard shall be given to the oppor tunity of the trial court to judge of the credibility of witnesses. See also United States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333 U.S. 364 (1948). Like any other issue of fact, final deter mination requires a balancing of credibility, persuasiveness and weight of evidence. Where the court is sitting with out a jury, this determination is to be decided by the trial court and that court’s decision, under general principles 19 of appellate review should not be disturbed unless clearly erroneous. Graver Tank and Mfg. Co. v. Linde Air Prod ucts Co., 339 U.S. 605, 609-610 (1950). In the overwhelm ing majority of cases where appellate courts have applied the clearly erroneous rule a strong presumption exists in favor of the trial court’s findings of fact.26 This Court need not engage in the presumption that the findings of fact made by the court below abridged the clearly erroneous rule. The findings of fact made by the court below that intimidation, harassment and economic reprisals effectively inhibited free choice in the Franklin County school system are amply documented by deposi- tional and oral testimony, exhibits and statistical evidence of a substantial number of witnesses. There is also un contradicted evidence that the intimidations, harassments and economic reprisals caused Negro students or their parents to withdraw from enrollment in predominantly white schools. Moreover, since the School Board has chal lenged the sufficiency of the evidence to support the find ings of the court below, plaintiffs and the United States have found it necessary to reproduce a substantial portion of a record as an appendix in order to show this Court that the sufficiency argument of the School Board is with out merit. 26 E.g.: “ The findings of the court are presumptively correct and will not be set aside unless resulting from an erroneous view of the law or are clearly against the weight of the substantial evidence, and in consid ering this question we view the evidence in the light most favorable to the prevailing party, the burden being on the unsuccessful party to show that the evidence compelled a finding in his favor.” Anderson v. Federal Cartridge Corp., 156 F.2d 681, 684 (8th Cir. 1946). “ It is idle to try to define the meaning of the phrase ‘clearly erroneous’ ; all that can be profitably said is that an appellate court, though it will hesitate less to reverse the finding o f a judge than that of an administrative tribunal or of a jury, will nevertheless, reverse it most reluctantly and only when well persuaded.” Hand, J. United States v. Aluminum Co. of America, 148 F-2d 416, 432 (2nd Cir. 1945) ; see also West v. Schwarz, 182 F.2d 721 (7th Cir. 1950); 5 Moore’s Federal Practice §52.03, Note 21. 20 II. The Record Clearly Showed That a Freedom o f Choice Plan Was Not Likely to Disestablish the Dual School System in Franklin County. The School Board seems to contend (Brief, pp. 33-34) that the Order of Judge Butler requiring the Board to submit a desegregation plan providing for either a uni tary system of nonracial geographic attendance zones or the consolidation of grades, schools, or both, deprives Negro and white students of a constitutional right to select the school of their choice under a freedom of choice plan. There is no such right. Although freedom of choice desegregation plans have been approved by this Court and other courts, see e.g., Bowman v. County School Board of Charles County, Va., 382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967); Bradley v. School Board of City of Richmond, 345 F.2d 310 (4th Cir. 1965), vacated and remanded, on other grounds, 382 U.S. 103; United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d with modifications on rehearing en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (1967), cert, denied sub nom. Caddo Parish School Board v. United States, ------ U.S. ------ (1967), the measure which has been judicially developed to determine the acceptability of a freedom of choice plan —or, for that matter, any desegregation plan—is whether the plan results in actual desegregation.27 The United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) has also taken the position that a freedom of 27 In United States v. Jefferson County Board, the Fifth Circuit stated the standard thusly: “ The only school desegregation plan that meets con stitutional standards is one that works.” 372 F.2d at 847 (emphasis in the original). See also Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp. 458 (M.D. Ala. 1967). 21 choice plan must work, i.e., it must result in actual de segregation. And under the Revised Statement of Policies for School Desegregation Plans under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (45 C.F.R. Part 181.54), the Commissioner has the power, where the results under a free choice plan continue to be unsatisfactory, to require, as a precondition to making available further federal funds, that the school system adopt a different type of desegregation plan.28 A. Free Choice in Franklin Perpetuated the Dual System. The adequacy of a particular desegregation plan fre quently cannot be judged by examining only the four cor ners of the plan. Courts have recognized that various factors, some subtle and some not so subtle, may operate in such a way with a freedom of choice plan, that rather than eliminating a segregated school system, works to perpetuate the segregated system. Recently this Court stated in Bowman v. County School Board, supra at pp. 327-28, that: Whether or not the choice is free may depend upon circumstances extraneous to the formal plan of the school board. If there is a contention that economic or other pressures in the community inhibit the free exercise of the choice, there must be judicial appraisal of it, for “ freedom of choice” is acceptable only if the choice is in the practical context of the exercise. If there are extraneous pressures which deprive the choice of its freedom, the school board may be required to adopt affirmative measures to counter them. (Em- 28 Although administrative regulations are not binding on courts deter mining rights under the Fourteenth Amendment, nonetheless, they are entitled to great weight. United States v. Jefferson Corny Board, 372 F.2d at 847; Bowman v. County Board of Education, supra at 328. 22 pliasis supplied.) See also Kiev v. County School Board of Augusta County, 249 F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va. 1966). Some of the “ economic and extraneous pressures” which inhibit choice under a “ free choice” plan are listed in a recent report issued by the United States Commission on Civil Rights: 3. The slow pace of integration in the Southern and border States is in large measure attributable to the manner in which free choice plans—the principal method of desegregation adopted by school districts in the South—have operated. 4. Freedom of choice plans accepted by the Office of Education have not disestablished the dual and racially segregated school systems involved, for the following reasons: a. Negro and white schools have tended to retain their racial identity; b. White students rarely elect to attend Negro schools; c. Some Negro students are reluctant to sever normal school ties, made stronger by the racial identification of their schools; d. Many Negro children and parents in Southern States, having lived for decades in positions of subservience, are reluctant to assert their rights; e. Negro children and parents in Southern States frequently will not choose a formerly all-white school because they fear retaliation and hostiliity from the white community; f. In some school districts in the South, school officials have failed to prevent or punish harassment 23 by white children of Negro children who have elected to attend white schools; g. In some areas in the South where Negroes have elected to attend formerly all-white schools, the Negro community has been subjected to re taliatory violence, evictions, loss of jobs, and other forms of intimidation. 5. In some areas in the South, as the result of the harassment of Negro children electing* to attend white schools and the intimidation to which the Negro com munity was subjected, all or many of the Negro chil dren who originally had elected to attend white schools returned to the Negro schools.29 Plaintiffs contended, the testimony, exhibits and statis tical evidence showed, and the court below found that all of the “ economic and extraneous pressures” enumerated by the Civil Eights Commission above were present in the Franklin County community which made “ free choice” illusory and meaningless. The Board in the instant case did not take any steps toward desegregating the schools until shortly before the 1965-66 school year—more than ten years after the Su preme Court held that segregation in public schools is un constitutional.30 When the Board did act, it adopted a freedom of choice plan pursuant to the HEW Eevised Guidelines. The Revised Guidelines suggests that systems using free choice plans for at least two years should ex 29 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Survey o f School Desegregation in Southern and Border States, 1965-66 (February, 1966), p. 51. The Civil Rights Commission has made studies of school desegregation in Southern and border states over the past several years. 30 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (Brown I ) ; 349 U.S. 294 (Brown II). 24 pect 15-18% of the pupil population to have selected de segregated schools. However, after free choice was first adopted in Franklin County, instead of increasing with each passing year, there has been a decline each year successive in the number of Negro students requesting re assignment to desegregated schools. In 1965-66, 76 Negroes applied to transfer to previously all-white schools; 31 were accepted, but at the end of the school year, only six Negroes remained in all white-schools. For the 1966-67 school year, only 72 out of approximately 3,100 Negroes applied, al though there were two choice periods for the school year. For the 1967-68 school year, only 45 Negroes applied for transfer. As of the 1967-68 school year, only 1.5% of Negro students were attending desegregated classes in Franklin County; no white student has ever elected to at tend or applied to transfer to an all-Negro school, nor has the Board assigned any white student to an all-Negro school. This 1.5% is far less than the percent of desegregation in the whole State of North Carolina. Even the percentage of desegregation for the State of Mississippi was higher than that for Franklin County. The court below was justi fied in considering the gross disparity between the per centage of Negroes in desegregated schools in Franklin County as compared to all of North Carolina (or the Re vised Guidelines percentages) to raise the inference that free choice was not working as it should to provide a uni tary nonsegregated system. See United States v. Jefferson County Board, 372 F.2d at 887, and cases cited in n. 108. Faculty and staff desegregation is an integral part of a free choice desegregation plan. Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, 382 U.S. 103 (1965); Roger v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965); Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966). The evidence regarding the 25 assignment of faculty and staff also reveals that free choice was insufficient to desegregate the system. Prior to the 1966-67 school year, Negro schools had all- Negro faculties and staff and white schools had all-white faculties and staff. The School Board was ordered to fill faculty and staff vacancies on a nonracial basis and to encourage transfers across racial lines by the Interim Order entered July 27, 1966 (164a). Between the time of the Interim Order and the order from which this appeal is taken (August 17, 1967), the Board had ample oppor tunity to effectuate significant faculty and staff desegrega tion. The Board hired 49 new teachers (25 white, 24 Negro) into the system for the 1966-67 school year (215a); the white teachers were assigned to all-white schools and the Negro teachers were assigned to all-Negro schools. The “ encouragement” the Board gave teachers already in the system consisted primarily of meeting with the teachers and reading a copy of the Interim Order and of advising the teachers that they would be assigned to the school of their choice. Nine of twelve schools in the system remain totally segregated as to the faculty. In the other three, desegregation is at best token: one Negro librarian at each of two white schools, and a white librarian and a white English teacher, who taught only five hours a week, assigned to the one all-Negro school. Several Negro students testified that they withdrew their applications for transfer to desegregated schools because they were reluctant to sever school ties created by racial identification of their schools; others testified that Negro students who had transferred to desegregated schools had been harassed by white students and faculty; there was also testimony that some Negroes who had transferred to de segregated grades returned to all-Negro schools because of harassment and intimidation (628a, 926a, 1589a). 26 B. Intimidation, Harassment and Reprisals Against the Negro Community Further Made Free Choice Inadequate. Plaintiffs submit that the above enumerated factors alone would be sufficient to show that free choice did not and could not desegregate the schools in Franklin County; however, the principal ground relied on by the court below was the existence of community hostility which resulted in acts of intimidation, harassment, economic reprisal being directed against the Negro community and particularly, Negroes who were seeking a desegregated education. The court found, inter alia, that: 11. Since the beginning of the freedom of choice plan in 1965, there has been a decline each year in the number of Negro students requesting reassignment to previously all-white schools. During 1966-67 in North Carolina, 54,600 of 409,707 Negro students attended desegregated schools, representing 15.4 percent. The percentage in Mississippi was 2.5 percent. In the Franklin County School system for the coming year, 1967-68, the percentage is presently fixed at about 1.5 percent. 12. Community attitudes and pressures in the Frank- tin County School system have effectively inhibited the exercise of free choice of schools by Negro pupils and their parents. (D. App. 24a-25a) (Emphasis added). The School Board attacks the sufficiency of the evidence to support this finding (Brief, p. 25), but the evidence clearly shows that there has been marked hostility in Franklin County before31 and after the Board adopted a 31 In 1963, a Negro minister who had signed a petition to the Board requesting the Board to desegregate the school received an anonymous call threatening his home (274a-412a). In 1964, a Negro mother who 27 free choice plan in 1965—even np to three days before the trial of the case. The Board could not, in good faith, have hoped that enough students would choose the school previously closed to them to truly desegregate the system where the attitude of the community had already strongly evidenced opposi tion to desegregation. It is reasonable to infer that the Board was aware of the community’s strong opposition to the school desegregation. The managing editor of the Franklin Times, the major newspaper in the county, was also a member of the Board. The Franklin Times had chronicled the activities of the Klan, the efforts made by Negroes to seek a desegregated education and the harass ment received by such persons. Moreover the Board for several years prior to the adoption of free choice had operated under the North Carolina Pupil Enrollment Act, under which any student could, presumably, as in free choice, choose any school. When the Board adopted free choice, no Negro student had been allowed to transfer to the white schools, although Negroes had applied for such transfers in 1964 and had been denied by the Board (66A- 67A; 1537a-1538a). Acts of intimidations and harassments occurred at the very beginning of free choice plans. The Franklin Times published the names of Negro applicants and their fam ilies in 1965 shortly after free choice was adopted (D. App. 69A-71A). Following the publication of the names, many of the Negro applicants and their families w'ere victims of intimidation and harassment. The acts of intimidations, harassments and reprisals which took place in the corn- had applied for transfer for her child to an all-white school was threatened by her landlord (421a, 451a). Considerable publicity was given to Ivu Klux Klan activity, such as cross burnings, rallies and intimidations (363a-364a; 1567a-1574a). 28 munity, at times more intensified than others, consisted o f : explosions set off near homes; oil put into wells; shots fired into homes; nails strewn in driveways of Negro applicants; crosses burned; parents of Negro children who had applied for transfers were subject to economic re prisals, and a number of Negroes received anonymous and threatening telephone calls (see supra pp. 13-17). The Franklin Times reported a substantial number of these inci dents (1575a-1587; 1591-1607).32 The record demonstrates that the court went to great lengths to give the Board an opportunity to show that a freedom of choice plan could effectively disestablish the dual system. Four choice periods were held during the more than two years that freedom of choice has been in operation; instead of an increase in the number of Negro students attending de segregated grades each year, there was an actual de crease of the number of students who had applied for transfer. There was not meanginful faculty desegregation. The choice of Negro parents and students were effectively inhibited by the acts of intimidation and harassment. Given the dimension of the intimidation, harassment and other acts of violence, two years was more than enough time to show that free choice was ineffective to disestab lish segregation in Franklin County. 32 Evidence of the publicity which the acts of intimidation received was offered in conjunction with evidence that Negroes in the community were likely to, and, in many instances, did hear of these incidents; and that this information tended to have a substantial effect on their exercise of choice. As such the trial court could admit evidence of the publicity which acts of intimidation received as an exception to the hearsay evi dence rule. See McCormick, Evidence §228. 29 III. A Freedom of Choice Plan Is Constitutionally Un acceptable Where There Are Other Methods Which Are Educationally, Financially and Administratively More Feasible and Which Would More Speedily and Substan tially Disestablish the Dual System. After Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294, southern school boards were faced with the problem of effectuating the transition to a racially nondiserimina- tory system (Brown II at 301). The easiest method was to convert the dual attendance zones, drawn according to race, into single attendance zones without regard to race, so that assignment of all students would depend only on proximity and convenience. With rare exception, however, southern school boards, when finally forced to begin the desegregation process, rejected this relatively simple method in favor of the complex and discriminatory pro cedures of pupil placement laws, and when these were invalidated, switched to what has in practice worked the same way as the so-called freedom of choice plans.33 Under the freedom of choice plans of desegregation students are given a privilege rarely enjoyed in the past, the opportunity to attend the school of their choice. Not only are such plans more difficult to administer, they are in addition, far less likely to disestablish a dual school system.34 33 According to the Civil Rights Commission, the vast majority of school districts in the South use freedom of choice plans. See Southern School Desegregation, 1967, a report of the U.S. Commission of Civil Rights, July 1967, p. 71. 34 As Judge Heebe said: “Free choice systems, as every southern school official knows, greatly complicate the task of pupil placement in the system and add to the tremendous workload of the already overburdened school official.” Moses v. Washington Parish School Board, C.A. No. 5973 (B.D. La., October, 1967). 30 Under free choice plans the extent of actual desegrega tion varies with the number of students seeking and ac tually being permitted to transfer to schools previously maintained for the other race. It should have been ob vious, however, that white students, in view of the general notions of Negro inferiority and the hard fact that in many areas Negro schools are vastly inferior to those furnished for white, would not seek transfers to formerly Negro schools. Indeed, the evidence in the instant case shows that no white has elected to apply for transfer to an all-Negro school under the free choice plan. Thus, from the very beginning, the burden of disestablishing the dual system under free choice plans was thrust squarely upon the Negro children and their parents despite the admoni tion of the Supreme Court in Brown II that school authori ties have the primary responsibility for desegregating the school.35 Although court after court has stated this prin ciple, these courts have given judicial approval to freedom of choice plans. °5 “ School authorities have the primary responsibility for elucidating, assessing, and solving these problems [e.g., local school problems which might arise as a result of efforts to implement the constitu tional principles enunciated] courts will have to consider whether the action of school authorities constitutes good faith implementa tion of the governing constitutional principles.” * * * # # * The burden rests upon the defendants to establish that such time is necessary in the public interest and is consistent with good faith compliance at the earliest practicable date. To that end, the courts may consider problems related to administration, arising from the physical condition of the school plant, the school transportation system, personnel, revision of school districts and attendance areas into compact units to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonraeial basis, and revision of local laws and regulations which may be necessary in solving the foregoing problems.” Brown IT (349 U.S. 294, 299) 31 The freedom of choice plan adopted by the School Board in the instant case placed the burden of disestablishing the Franklin County school system on the Negro pupils and their parents. To be sure each pupil was given the right, facially, to attend any school in the system, but as previ ously noted, desegregation never occurred except by trans fer by Negroes to white schools. Thus, the freedom of choice plan used by the Board prior to the court order of August 17, 1967, like all other plans, placed the burden of achieving a single unitary system upon the Negro citizens. The obligation of a school board in the mid-60’s is to adopt that plan which would more speedily accomplish the effective desegregation of the system. The sequence of responsibility in desegregating a school system is, first, that of local school authorities, then the local district courts, and if need be, appellate courts (Brown 11) ■ Arm strong v. Board of Education of the City of Birmingham, 333 F.2d 47 (5th Cir. 1963). Where the local school au thorities have failed to take the initiative, as the School Board did in the instant case,36 then the responsibility devolves to the district court. In the instant case the district court assumed that responsibility and ordered the School Board to adopt a plan other than a free choice plan. We quite willingly concede that a court should not enforce its will where alternative methods are not likely to produce dissimilar result—that much discretion should still be in the province of the school board. We submit, however, that a court may not—at this late date, in the absence of persuasive evidence showing the need for delay —permit the use of any plan other than one which would 36 Even on appeal, the School Board is urging that where a school board has failed to adopt an effective desegregation plan, a court does not have the power to require the board to adopt a plan drawn up by the court. (Brief, p. 33.) 32 more speedily and effectively desegregate the system. Put another way at this point, that method must be mandated which will do the job more quickly and effectively. When free choice plans were initially conceived, courts generally adhered—mistakenly, we submit—to the belief that it was sufficient to permit each student an unrestricted free choice of schools. The notion that the making avail able of an unrestricted choice satisfies the Constitution, quite apart from whether a significant number of white students choose Negro schools or Negro students choose white schools, is, we submit, fundamentally inconsistent with the decisions of this Court in Brown I and II. Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1; Bradley v. School Board of the City of Bichmond, 382 U.S. 103, and the entire series of school cases it has decided. The test for any school desegregation plan is whether the plan achieves substantial desegregation which is con stitutionally required and that a plan not accomplishing this result must be abandoned and another substituted. Cf. Bowman v. County School Board, supra. This Court has not held, nor did the Fifth Circuit in Jefferson hold, and we do not urge, that freedom of choice plans are un constitutional per se. Indeed, in areas where residential segregation is substantial and entrenched, a free choice plan might well be the most effective method of desegre gation. Bather, our opposition is that a freedom of choice plan is not an adequate desegregation plan (Brown II, supra, 349 U.S. at 301) if there is another plan equally feasible to administer which will more speedily and effec tively disestablish the dual school system. Moses v. Wash ington Parish School Board, supra; Corbin v. County School Board of Loudoun County, P a .,------ F. Supp._____ C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Va. August 29, 1967). 33 Evidence was presented to the court below which clearly showed that there were alternative methods which the Board could have implemented that were less difficult to administer than a freedom of choice plan which would more speedily disestablish the segregated school system. Mr. Stormer, a school construction planning expert whose testimony was largely uncontradicted, testified that the schools in Franklin County were located in four prin cipal areas; that schools in each area were organized in clusters of two’s or three’s—one or more traditionally white and one or more traditionally Negro; that each school, Negro or white, within each area was located within a mile of each other covering the same grades. Before the Board adopted a freedom of choice plan in 1965, stu dents were assigned to schools based on dual geographic zones—one zone used to assign Negro students to Negro schools and a different zoning procedure used to assign white students to white schools. When the Board decided to adopt a desegregation plan— albeit more than ten years after the mandate of the Su preme Court in the Brown decisions—a more efficient method would have been to assign students to schools on a unitary, nonracial geographical zoning plan. As Judge Heebe said in Moses v. Washington Parish School Board, supra: If [one had to pick] a method of assigning students to schools within a particular district [heretofore having used dual geographic zones], bearing very un usual circumstances [one] could imagine no method more inappropriate, more unreasonable, more need lessly wasteful, in every respect than the so-called ‘free choice’ system. (Emphasis added.) 3 4 Mr. Stormer testified that consolidation of side-by-side schools, with the facilities of each used for some grades, was feasible and educationally advantageous and would automatically desegregate the schools (1078a-1079a; 1042a et seq.; 1556a). He also testified that administrative con venience would adhere in a geographical zoning plan which would likewise eliminate the dual system (1074a-1079a). The court below ordered the School Board to adopt one or both of these methods only after the court had found that a freedom of choice plan was incapable of desegregat ing the schools. Plaintiffs submit that the method proposed by the court was the more appropriate, reasonable, and efficient method for desegregating the schools in Franklin County. 35 CONCLUSION Since the Franklin County school system was not, and has not been, effectively desegregated as required under Broivn v. Board of Education under a free choice plan, and the Board has not presented any other adequate plan, the district court properly ordered that certain basic ele ments be included in the plan the Board is to submit. As a court of equity obligated to provide adequate relief for a wrong, it could do no less. Therefore, the district court’s order should be upheld. Respectfully submitted, J a c k G reenberg J am e s M. N a b r it , III R obert B elto n J am e s N. F in n e y 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 J . L eV o n n e C h am be rs 405% East Trade Street Charlotte, North Carolina C onrad 0 . P earson 203% East Chapel Hill Street Durham, North Carolina Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellees MEILEN PRESS IN C — N. Y. C .« ^ ^ » 2 1 9