Supplemental Brief of Defendants-Appellants
Public Court Documents
July 1, 1977

20 pages
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Case Files, Bolden v. Mobile Hardbacks and Appendices. Supplemental Brief of Defendants-Appellants, 1977. 215a8976-cdcd-ef11-8ee9-6045bddb7cb0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/d0828b97-9432-4273-a9f2-94a9ed2e23fe/supplemental-brief-of-defendants-appellants. Accessed August 19, 2025.
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76-4210, 77-2042 United States Court of Appeals FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT Nos. 76-4210, 77-2042 WILEY L. BOLDEN, ET AL, Plaintiffs-Appellees, CITY OF MOBILE, ET AL., Defendants-Appellants. Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Alabama SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, ET AL. OF COUNSEL: Hand, Arendall, Bedsole, Greaves & Johnston Post Office Box 123 Mobile, Alabama 36601 Legal Department of the City of Mobile Mobile, Alabama 36602 Rhyne and Rhyne 400 Hill Building Washington, D.C. 20006 C. B. Arendall, Jr. William C. Tidwell, III Travis M. Bedsole, Jr. Post Office Box 123 Mobile, Alabama 36602 Fred G. Collins, City Attorney City Hall Mobile, Alabama 36602 Charles S. Rhyne William S. Rhyne Donald A. Carr Martin W. Matzen 400 Hill Building Washington, D.C. 20006 CASILLAS PRESS, INC.—1717 K Street, N.W.,—Washington, D.C.—223-1220 : IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCU1IT Nos. 76-4210, 77-2042 WILEY L. BOLDEN, ET AL., Plaintiffs-Appellees, versus CITY OF MOBILE, ET AL., Defendants—~Appellants. Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Alabama SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, ET AL. Following the close of oral argument on June 13,1977, the Court invited the parties to submit supplemental briefs on the issues presented herein, and specifically requested that such briefs address the meaning and application in this context of two recently decided cases, Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors of Hinds County, Mississippi, No. 75-2212 (5th Cir. May 31, 1977) (en banc), and Ta 1/ — pavid v. Garrison, No. 75-1731 (5th Cir. June 10, 1977). 1/ "This Court also has granted leave (Order, June 22, 19277) oC respond to the Amicus Curiae Brief of the United States, served four days before oral argument (see Motion for Leave to file, June 7, 1977, p. 1). : ey - Neither case breaks new legal ground in this Circuit. Kirksey is an exercise of this Court's supervisory power over the form and effectiveness of electoral plans ordered by the District Courts at the relief stage of trial. It repeatedly distinguishes between the standards it applies to such court-ordered plans, and the less stringent standards to be applied in evaluating the constitutionality of legislative plans in the liability stage of trial. Slip op. at 3793-94, 3485. Kirksey therefore does not touch the crucial issue here presented on appeal -- whether the District Court erred in finding Mobile's Commission Government constitutionally defective. David, in contrast to Kirskey, does have bearing on the initial liability stage of actions alleging unconstitutional denial of access to the political process. It further reinforces the long-established policy of this Court to require clear proof of the alleged unconstitutionality of legislative plans before the District Courts undertake this legislative function, and to insist upon findings below which reflect not merely conclusions, but proper analysis of all facts salient to the political realities of the plan under scrutiny. S1ip op. at 3703-04, 3707. Accord: Nevett v. Sides, 5337.24 1361, 1365 {5th Cir. 1976); Bradas v. Rapides Parish Police Jury, 508 F.2d 1109, 1112-13 {Sth Cir. 1375). Conclusory statements on the most important question of black access to and participation in the political process in Mobile are clear error of the District Court below, 423 F. Supp. -3- oy — 384, 389. The law of this Circuit, most recently expressed in David, requires reversal in Mobile. In Mobile, the District Court, rather, labored under the erroneous assumption that only that black political participation which led to election of black Commissioners could indicate constitutionally sufficient access by blacks to Mobile's poli- tical process. {(D.Br. 35-43; D.Rep.Br. a. The Court's findings and analyses therefore fail to address the positive and undisputed evidence that black Mobilians do participate fully and effectively in City politics. (D. Br. 8-12). 2/ The only facts of present access and participation by blacks er in the electoral politics of the Mobile city Commission on which the District Court below made any finding at all were: 1) The unsupported conclusion that the structure of the Commission form of government effectively discourages qualified black citizens from seeking office, 423 F. Supp. at 389; this unsupported conclusion is clearly erroneous as citations to the record show {see D.Br. 35-43). 2) That the only blacks who ran for City Commissioner were unqualified and failed to carry even the black tracts, 14. at 388. All other findings on access and participation by the District court involved other jurisdictions, or other races. 3/ The following abbreviations are used throughout: "APP. " _ citation to page in joint appendix np.Br. " . citation to page in brief of Plaintiffs—-Appellees "D.Br., "m _ citation to page in initial brief of Defendants-Appellants "n.Rep.Br. mn _- citation to page in reply brief of Defendants-Appellants "Amicus Br. mn _ citation to page in brief of United ——————— States as amicus curiae dl - [3 Unless this Court is prepared to adopt a test of representa- tion based on the color of one's skin, this positive evidence of real anid elfdotive black participation must be determinative, and requires reversal. An examination of this evidence from the per- spective of the Amicus Brief of the United States shows the clear error of the District Court below. One further issue merits discussion, an issue in which this Court expressed interest at oral argument. Though the Dis- trict Court based its decision here only upon the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment also prohibits abridgement of voting rights "on account of race." Plaintiffs have suggested that this Court may, despite this explicit language of that amendment, conclude that Mobile's facially neutral electoral system abridges the voting rights of black Mobilians "on account of" their race without any proof whatsoever that the system purposefully targets black voters for discriminatory treatment. (P.Br. 44-50). Not only does the record here clearly refute Plaintiffs’ claim that Mobile's at-large electoral plan in any sense has the effect of abridging black voting rights; but Plaintiffs' asser- tion that Fifteenth Amendment claims require no proof of purpose or intent is contrary to both reason and authority. T. ' THE CLEAR RECORD OF EFFECTIVE BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION HERE REQUIRES REVERSAL. The ultimate issue here is whether black citizens are denied access to the political processes of Mobile. In White v. Register, -5—- 412 5.5, 755 (1973), the Supreme Court sustained such a claim for the first time, upon findings that Texas' electoral system "effectively excluded" Dallas County blacks and "effectively re- moved" Bexar County Mexican-Americans from the political process. 412 U.S. at 767, 769. Thus, "access to the political process” is the "barometer of dilution of minority voting strength." gimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297, 1303 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc}, aff'd sub nom. East Carroll Parish School Board v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976). Where access and participation are shown in the record, the constitutional test is met and "dilution" cannot be found. Any less rigorous standard to support overturning a government of 66 years' standing would run afoul of the standards of prudence set forth in David, Slip op. at 3706. The record here contains ample evidence of real and effec- tive black political participation which clearly refutes Plain- tiffs' claim that they are fenced out of Mobile's political life. The United States as Amicus shows in its brief the vigorous parti- cipation by black Mobilians. A. The Amicus Brief Underscores Black Mobilians' Unfettered Access To, And Effective Participation In, The City's Political Processes. As Amicus correctly points out, former Finance Commissioner Joe Langan, a white man "long identified with black interests," served as Commissioner continuously from 1953 to 1969. Amicus Br. 19. Of the election statistics offered by Plaintiffs to show racially polarized voting, those analyzing Langan's races yo - "furnished the only significant data with respect to city commission elections, for no blacks ran for city commission until 1973, and then as minor candi- dates." Id. at 19. Amicus argues that the 1961, 1965, and 1969 Langan races show progressively increasing degrees of racially polarized voting. Amicus Br. 19-20. Yet Langan won in both 1961 and 1965, and his testimony attributes his defeat in 1969 as much to failure of blacks to turn out for him at the polls as to polarized wing ot Amicus concedes that by comparison to the Langan races of 1961 and 1965, the statistics showed "only moderate correlations between voting and race" in other races in those years, and that income was almost as good an explanatory variable as race during that period. Amicus Br. 22 n.74. In the most recent Commission elections, held in 1973, Commissioner Doyle ran unopposed, both Mayor Mims and Commissioner Greenough received the endorsement of the black Non-Partisan Voters League, and Greenough won on the margin of the black "swing" 5/ vote. iD. Br. 8-10. "Race was poL manifestly a factor in 1973 | as between the[se] white candidates." Amicus Br. 21 (emphasis original). 4/ Langan testified that black militants "put on a very active campaign to keep the people from voting," a campaign which included threats to keep other blacks away from the polls. App. 295 | 5/ Amicus seeks to disparage the significance of the Greenough | victory in stating that his opponent Bailey received a larger share of the black vote (Amicus Br. 44 n.108), but fails to inform the Court that Bailey was the very candidate who defeated Langan in 1969. Any suggestion that Langan suffered defeat to a candidate objectionable to the black community is therefore without merit. : -] = - ¥ Amicus asserts that the low degree of polarized voting in these 1973 elections demonstrates only that the white candidates failed to address "the particularized needs of the black community." Amicus Br. 44 n.l108. This assertion simply cannot be squared with the undisputed fact that the three black candidates who opposed Mims and Greenough in 1973 "garnered relatively few votes even in predominantly black wards." Id. at 21. The conclusion that black voters thought their "particularized interests" would be better served by these more experienced white dandidates is inescapable. The effective expression of such a preference by black Mobilians is all that the Constitution requires. ‘ In Mobile, then, black voters possess and have exercised real electoral clout under the City's present at-large system. Indeed, blacks have long enjoyed representation roughly proportion- ate to their numbers, i.e., one Commissioner indisputably res- ponsive to black interests served continuously from 1953 to 1969; and in 1974, black voters chose the winners (Commissioners Mims and Greenough) in the only two contested seats in preference tO less experienced candidates of their own race. While no interest group, racial or otherwise, is constitutionally entitled to pro- portional representation, Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130, 136 n.8 (1976), any group which achieves roughly proportional repre- sentation by "legislators of [its] choice" has certainly not been denied access to the political process. Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.5..124, 149 (1971). -8- The District Court entirely neglected to consider, much less address, the undisputed evidence that black voters have real political clout in Mobile and Plaintiff black leaders' own testi- mony that such clout has produced responsive Commissioners. D.Br. 8-10, 40-43. This failure is explicable only on the basis that the Court erroneously thought that the only proper proof of "access" was the guaranteed election of black Commissioners. The holding of the District Court here can be affirmed only if the constitutionally relevant political participation is solely that which leads to election of a member of one's own race, and if constitutionally sufficient representation may be afforded only by a legislator of one's:-own color. B. Under David v. Garrison, the Record in the District Court Below Does Not Support a Mere Judicial Conclusion of Dilution. David Vv. Garrison, supra, highlights the gross deficiency of the Mobile Court's findings and constitutional analysis. David involved a "dilution" challenge to the at-large Commission Govern- ment of Lufkin, Texas, a city 28% black. Slip op. at 3703. The District Court found that Lufkin had never had a black Commissioner, and indeed, that no black had ever been elected to county office either, despite its substantial black population. (Finding No. 8 of District Court opinion, reprinted in full as note 1 to dissent of Circuit Judge Tuttle, Slip op. at 3712}. The District Court had further found that one black had run for Commissioner in 1971 with the overwhelming support of the black community, achieved a plurality in the general election, and been forced into a runoff against a white by the City's majority -Q ~ vote requirement. (Finding No. 6, Slip. op. at 3711-12). The black candidate lost to his white opponent in an election charac- terized by virtually absolute bloc voting along racial lines and the "largest voter turnout in the history" of the City. (Id.) This Court held these findings insufficient under Zimmer's 6/ OT "access" factor: "The district court made no findings as to the existence of any organization which was involved in the slating process or the method of slating, if any, which forecloses minority participation. It did discuss the candidacy of Inez Tims, a black, for City Commissioner. The presence of Mr. Tims on the ballot is suggestive of the fact that there is minority access to the nomination process. There is no indication that any other blacks have since sought election." Slip. op. at 3707. In the absence of any evidence like that in David that quali- fied black candidates for the Mobile City Commission had run and been defeated as a result of polarized voting, the Mobile Court based its decision on a black "discouragement" conclusion impli- citly rejected by this Court in Send In David, as in Mobile, the City's form of government had been in effect without substantial change since the early 1900's. 6/ The Court's concern over the size of the at-large electorate — and its effect on "access" (Slip. op. 3705), is inapposite to Mobile, where there is conclusive evidence of effective black participation and the District Court could find no tendency of Mobile's size alone to inhibit such participation. 423 F. 5upp. at 393, 401. 7/ In David, the District Court had found "a decline in interest in city politics in the black community" following the dramatic defeat of a black candidate who had received the whole-hearted support of the black community. (Finding No. 6, Slip.op.2t 3711~- 12). This Court held that the findings of the District Court were "not adequate to support its decision." Slip. op. at 3709. 3 Q- Slip. op. at 3703. This Court noted that Lufkin had adopted its commission Government at a time when its policy favoring at-large elections "could not have had racial underpinnings," citing McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976), and faulted the District Court for its failure to make findings as to whether Lufkin's amounted to a strong policy not rooted in racial discrimination under Zimmer. Slip. op. at 3708-9. David v. Garrison counsels that "the Courts must be careful to upset the legislative plan adopted by the people only when the Constitution clearly dictates that such plan is unlawful." Slip. op. at 3704. This is especially true because the "remedy" of single member districting is not only an "uncertain" cure, but potentially a 8/ cure worse than the disease. 1d. at 3704, 3706." pavid underscored the point made by Judge Rives in Nevett v. Sides, supra, 533 F.24 at 1365: "Specifically, the trial court's findings may be read as indicating that elections must be somehow so arranged -- at any rate where there is evidence of racial bloc voting -- that black voters elect at least some candidates of their choice regardless of their percentage turnout. This is not what the constitution requires." Given the positive evidence that blacks participate fully and effectively in Mobile politics, the Mobile Court's opinion can only be read as requiring judicial re-arrangement of Mobile's , electoral system to guarantee the election of black officials. 8/ "To replace an at-large system with several single member dis- ji tricts invites variance from the perfect one person-one. vote goal, and forever compartmentalizes the electorate, reinforces the bloc voting syndrome, and prevents members of a minority class from ever exercising influence on the political system beyond the bounds of their single member districts. They remain forever a minority in their representative influence." . Slip. op. at (} 6 Se 1) Bla 54-850 : -11~- In earlier "dilution" cases, this Court has never hesitated to erring the facts closely, and to reverse where the District Court's ultimate factual conclusions were either inadequately supported by the record or induced by an erroneous view of the law.. See Bradas, supra, 508 F.24 at 1112-13; McGill, supra, 535 P.24 at 280-81. Where, as here, a District Court's findings are not only refuted by evidence of record but are clearly based on erroneous legal premises, reversal is both necessary and proper. II. THIS COURT'S RECENT EN BANC DECISION IN KIRKSEY DOES NOT TOUCH THIS CASE. Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors of Hinds County, Mississippi, supra, "concerns the establishment by a court-ordered plan of voting districts for the election of county officers elected by single- member ‘districts . . ." 8lip. op. 378) (emphasis added). The pre-existing plan was clearly defective under the one-man, one- vote standard, and the court-ordered replacement plan was designed £0 correct that malapportionment. Slip. op. at 3782, 3793. The constitutional liability of the pre-existing plan was unquestioned, and this Court directed its attention to the form and sufficiency of judicial relief. The Kirksey Court found that the court-ordered plan properly consisted of single-member districts of substantially equal popu- lation, but held the plan defective for "fragmenting a geographically concentrated but substantial black minority in a community where bloc voting has been a way of political life." 14, at 3795. 9/ The Court strongly criticized the trial court for its readiness to accept "thin evidence and "gossamer possibilities" that blacks would enjoy effective participation under the court-ordered plan. Slip. op. at 379%. In contrast, the record in Mobile demonstrates that black citizens are in fact an effective political force within the City. (See infra, pp. 4-8). -12=- similar claims of "fragmentation" were also made by appellants in Connor v. Finch, U.5. , 454 U.S, LW. 4528 {U.5. May 31, 1977), where a court-ordered plan reapportioning the Mississippi Legis- lature was under scrutiny. Within Hinds County, this plan employed the same districts at issue in Kirksey. 45 U.S.L.W. at 4532. Although the Supreme Court in Connor disapproved the judicial plan for its deviations from population equality, 45 U.S.L.W. at 4530-31, the Court deemed it appropriate to "give some further guidance" to the District Court in connection with the charges that its districting had diluted the black vote: "In view of the serious questions raised concerning the purpose and effect of the present decree's unusually shaped legislative districts in areas with concentrations of Negro population, the District Court on remand should either draw legislative districts that are reasonably contiguous and compact, so as to put to rest suspicions that Negro voting strength is being impermissibly diluted, or explain precisely why in a particular instance that goal cannot be accomplished." Id. at 4533. The Court noted that where the Federal Courts must undertake the usually legislative chore of reapportionment, "the court's task is inevitably an exposed and sensitive one that must be accomplished cir- cumspectly, and in a manner free from any taint of arbitrariness or discrimination. Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710 [1%964}." 45 U.8.L.W. at 4530. The Kirksey Court, too, repeatedly stressed that court- ordered plans such as the one there under scrutiny are subject to stricter standards than legislative plans. Slip. op. at 3793-94, 3795. See Chapman v. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 18 (1975). As this Court recently adminished in David v. Garrison, supra, "We should not, however, confuse the standard by which to judge a legislatively-enacted scheme of election for dilution with the standard by which to judge a court-ordered scheme which is to be substi- tuted for a constitutionally infirm system." Slip« Op. at 3704-05. The absolute necessity for avoiding such a confusion is highlighted by comparison of Kirksey to two recent decisions in which the Supreme Court scrutinized legislative electoral plans applying both statutory (Voting Rights Act of 1965) and constitu- tional standards. 1n Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130 (1976), the Court upheld a New Orleans' redistricting plan which retained two at-large seats and which contained single-member districts drawn in a pattern which the Attorney General urged would slice up predominantly black districts and "almost inevitably" dilute the effectiveness of the black vote. 425 U.S. at 136. Although New Orleans' plan clearly afforded blacks less than maximum voting power, it passed the statutory standard of §5, 42 U.8.C. 81973¢c., 425 U.8. at 141. Aang it did not even "remotely approach a violation of the constitutional standards" set forth 1g/ in such dilution cases as White v. Register, supra. Id. 0k 1420.04. 10/ While Beer demonstrates that legislative plans need not under me the Constitution be so drawn as to assure proportional rep- resentation, 425 U.S. at 136 n.8, the more recent case of United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburgh v. Carey, '. B.S , 97 S.Ct. 996 (1977), holds that a legislature may consti- tutionally gerrymander along racial lines to assure proportion- al representation. There, the Supreme Court upheld a New York legislative districting plan in which the State had purposefully created districts containing 65% black population majorities to guarantee blacks "safe" legislative seats. 97 S.Ct. at 1004. The decision does not resolve whether such "benign" gerrymandering is permissible by jurisdictions not subject to the mandate of the Voting Rights Act and to the resultant supervision of the Attorney General. wld The point is, quite simply, that Rirksey is entirely inapposite where, as here, the validity of a legislative electoral plan is at issue. If Rirksey requires that judicial plans district in such a way as to maintain racial concentrations sufficient to guarantee black voters "safe" seats proportional to their popu- lation, its application to legislative plans would not only be contrary to Beer,but overrule sub silentio such Fifth Circuit cases as Bradas, McGill, Nevett, and David. Application of such a standard to any at-large electoral system with a substantial black population minority would amount to no less than the per se approach to constitutional analysis repeatedly rejected by this Court. E.g., Zimmer, supra, 485 F.2d at 1304. Kirksey distinguishes between the standards applicable to legislative and court-ordered electoral plans, and indicates that it is applying the latter. Slip. Op. at 3793-94, 3795. 'This demonstrates that the en banc Court intended no such upheaval in the law of voting "dilution." Kirksey clearly has no bearing on the central issue here on appeal -- whether Mobile's existing form of government and at- large electoral system, legislated into being some 66 years ago, unconstitutionally denies blacks access to the City's political processes. III. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT HERE PROVIDES NO ALTERNATIVE The Fifteenth Amendment proscribes denial or abridgement of the right to vote "on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." Not only does the record here preclude the conclusion -15- [J that Mobile's existing at-large system abridges black voting rights (infra, pp.4-8), but Plaintiffs' contention (P.Br. 44-50) that no proof of racial purpose is necessary to establish vio- lation of the Fifteenth Amendment is entirely without support in either the language of the Amendment or the decisions applying 11/ ic. For example, in Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 338 (1960), the Court struck down on Fifteenth Amendment grounds an act of the Alabama legislature which had redrawn the city boundaries of Tuskeegee to shut out all but a few black citizens while excluding few whites. The Court found that this act "singles out a readily isolated segment of a racial minority for special discriminatory treatment . . .," 364 U.S. at 346, and "despoil[s] colored citizens, and only colored citizens, of their theretofore enjoyed voting rights.” Id.at 347. In Viilage of Arlington Heights v. Metro- a —_—— p—— politan Housing Development Corp., U.S. 37 S.Ct: 555, (1977), a decision instructive on the manner in which the purpose or intent requirement of the Fourteenth Amendment may be met, 11] the Court cited Gomillion as a case where the "stark" pattern, "unexplainable on grounds other than race," makes the evidentiary inquiry into racial purpose "relatively easy." 97 S.Ct. at 564. And in Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52 (1.964), another Fifteenth Amendment decision, the Court upheld a New York congressional 11/ Plaintiffs assert that the language of the Amendment "does not pg itself suggest a motive or purpose requirement." P.Br. 46. They offer no explanation as to how this Court may conclude that voting rights are here being abridged "on account of race’ without any finding that blacks are the target of this facially neutral electoral system, which neither impedes exercise of the franchise nor values any person's vote differently than any other's. -16- - i apportionment against claims of racial gerrymandering. Plain- tiffs lost there because they failed to prove that the legislature "was either motivated by racial considerations or in fact drew the districts on racial lines." 376 U.S. at 56. ‘Thus, there was no "state contrivance to segregate on the khasis of race . . ." Id. at 58. In Waghington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976), which held proof of racial purpose essential in Fourteenth Amendment actions under Equal Protection, the Court cited Wright as an ex- ample that this "rule is the same in other contexts." 426 U.S at 240. In Paige Vv. Gray, 538 F.2d 1108 {5th Cir. 1976), this Court itself recognized that "it is likely that the Supreme Court will require circumstantial proof of unlawful motive" in Fifteenth Amendment cases, citing Davis. 538 F.2d at 1110. This Court also noted that the Davis Court had cited Wright "for the proposition that proof of racial purpose ie necessary to establish a Fourteenth Amendment. viclation." Id. at 1110 n.3. The recent decision of the Supreme Court in United Jewish Organizations, supra, demonstrates that Paige was correct. A white community of Hasidic Jews which had been split in two by New York's "benign" racial redistricting challenged the plan under both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. 97 S.Ct. at 1005. The Court upheld the plan, finding no evidence of invidiously discriminatory intent with respect to "whites or anv other race,’ Ir despite the legislature's clear use of racial criteria. 97 S.Ct. -17- i at 1009-10. Plaintiffs' had made no showing that "the redistricting scheme was employed as part of a 'contrivance to segregate'; to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of a minority class or interest; or otherwise to impair Or burden the opportunity of affected persons to participate in the political process.” 97 5.Ct. at 1017 (Stewart, J. concurring). The racial "awareness" of the New York Legislature was not "the equivalent of discriminatory intent." Id. EN — As the Supreme Court noted in Beer, supra, 425 U.S. at 142 n.14, "There is no decision of this Court holding a legislative apportionment or reapportionment violative of the Fifteenth Amendment." the "case Ul The Court cited Wright, and noted that Gomillion i closest to so holding... .". 14. If there is ever to be such a case, plaintiffs will quite clearly have to meet the burden of proving racial purpose or intent at trial, as Plaintiffs here clearly did not. (D. Rep. Br. 3-11). IV. CONCLUSION As the record here amply demonstrates, Plaintiffs have failed utterly to prove that Mobile's existing form of govern- ment and electoral system deny black citizens effective access to and participation in the City's political processes, much less that the system was adopted or maintained with any such racially invidious purpose. -]18=- - ¢ This Court should therefore reverse the judgment and resultant orders of the District Court and order immediate dismissal of this case. Respectfully submitted, B ale It. Urs Satie fe Ce Tidwell. Il Travis M. Bedsole, dr. Post Office Box 123 Mobile, Alabama 36601 Fred G. Collins City Attorney City Hall Mobile, Alabama 36601 Charles S. Rhyne William S. Rhyne ’ Donald A. Carry Martin W. Matzen 400 Hill Building Washington, D. C. 20006 Attorneys for Defendants—-Appellants CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE I certify that two copies of the foregoing brief have been served upon opposing counsel of record, and upon Amicus, by placing the same properly addressed in the United States Mail with adequate postage affixed thereto this | day of July, 19717. a Attorney for