Supplemental Brief of Defendants-Appellants
Public Court Documents
July 1, 1977
20 pages
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Case Files, Bolden v. Mobile Hardbacks and Appendices. Supplemental Brief of Defendants-Appellants, 1977. 215a8976-cdcd-ef11-8ee9-6045bddb7cb0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/d0828b97-9432-4273-a9f2-94a9ed2e23fe/supplemental-brief-of-defendants-appellants. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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76-4210, 77-2042
United States Court of Appeals
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
Nos. 76-4210, 77-2042
WILEY L. BOLDEN, ET AL,
Plaintiffs-Appellees,
CITY OF MOBILE, ET AL.,
Defendants-Appellants.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Southern District of Alabama
SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS
CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, ET AL.
OF COUNSEL:
Hand, Arendall, Bedsole,
Greaves & Johnston
Post Office Box 123
Mobile, Alabama 36601
Legal Department of the
City of Mobile
Mobile, Alabama 36602
Rhyne and Rhyne
400 Hill Building
Washington, D.C. 20006
C. B. Arendall, Jr.
William C. Tidwell, III
Travis M. Bedsole, Jr.
Post Office Box 123
Mobile, Alabama 36602
Fred G. Collins, City Attorney
City Hall
Mobile, Alabama 36602
Charles S. Rhyne
William S. Rhyne
Donald A. Carr
Martin W. Matzen
400 Hill Building
Washington, D.C. 20006
CASILLAS PRESS, INC.—1717 K Street, N.W.,—Washington, D.C.—223-1220
: IN THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCU1IT
Nos. 76-4210, 77-2042
WILEY L. BOLDEN, ET AL.,
Plaintiffs-Appellees,
versus
CITY OF MOBILE, ET AL.,
Defendants—~Appellants.
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Southern District of Alabama
SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS
CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, ET AL.
Following the close of oral argument on June 13,1977, the
Court invited the parties to submit supplemental briefs on the
issues presented herein, and specifically requested that such briefs
address the meaning and application in this context of two recently
decided cases, Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors of Hinds County,
Mississippi, No. 75-2212 (5th Cir. May 31, 1977) (en banc), and
Ta 1/ —
pavid v. Garrison, No. 75-1731 (5th Cir. June 10, 1977).
1/ "This Court also has granted leave (Order, June 22, 19277) oC
respond to the Amicus Curiae Brief of the United States, served
four days before oral argument (see Motion for Leave to file,
June 7, 1977, p. 1). :
ey
-
Neither case breaks new legal ground in this Circuit.
Kirksey is an exercise of this Court's supervisory power over the
form and effectiveness of electoral plans ordered by the District
Courts at the relief stage of trial. It repeatedly distinguishes
between the standards it applies to such court-ordered plans,
and the less stringent standards to be applied in evaluating the
constitutionality of legislative plans in the liability stage of
trial. Slip op. at 3793-94, 3485. Kirksey therefore does not
touch the crucial issue here presented on appeal -- whether the
District Court erred in finding Mobile's Commission Government
constitutionally defective.
David, in contrast to Kirskey, does have bearing on the
initial liability stage of actions alleging unconstitutional denial
of access to the political process. It further reinforces the
long-established policy of this Court to require clear proof of
the alleged unconstitutionality of legislative plans before the
District Courts undertake this legislative function, and to insist
upon findings below which reflect not merely conclusions, but proper
analysis of all facts salient to the political realities of the
plan under scrutiny. S1ip op. at 3703-04, 3707. Accord: Nevett
v. Sides, 5337.24 1361, 1365 {5th Cir. 1976); Bradas v. Rapides
Parish Police Jury, 508 F.2d 1109, 1112-13 {Sth Cir. 1375).
Conclusory statements on the most important question of
black access to and participation in the political process in
Mobile are clear error of the District Court below, 423 F. Supp.
-3- oy
—
384, 389. The law of this Circuit, most recently expressed
in David, requires reversal in Mobile.
In Mobile, the District Court, rather, labored under the
erroneous assumption that only that black political participation
which led to election of black Commissioners could indicate
constitutionally sufficient access by blacks to Mobile's poli-
tical process. {(D.Br. 35-43; D.Rep.Br. a. The Court's findings
and analyses therefore fail to address the positive and undisputed
evidence that black Mobilians do participate fully and effectively
in City politics. (D. Br. 8-12).
2/ The only facts of present access and participation by blacks
er in the electoral politics of the Mobile city Commission on which
the District Court below made any finding at all were:
1) The unsupported conclusion that the structure of the
Commission form of government effectively discourages
qualified black citizens from seeking office, 423
F. Supp. at 389; this unsupported conclusion is
clearly erroneous as citations to the record show
{see D.Br. 35-43).
2) That the only blacks who ran for City Commissioner
were unqualified and failed to carry even the black
tracts, 14. at 388.
All other findings on access and participation by the District
court involved other jurisdictions, or other races.
3/ The following abbreviations are used throughout:
"APP. " _ citation to page in joint appendix
np.Br. " . citation to page in brief of Plaintiffs—-Appellees
"D.Br., "m _ citation to page in initial brief of
Defendants-Appellants
"n.Rep.Br. mn _- citation to page in reply brief of
Defendants-Appellants
"Amicus Br. mn _ citation to page in brief of United
———————
States as amicus curiae
dl
-
[3
Unless this Court is prepared to adopt a test of representa-
tion based on the color of one's skin, this positive evidence of
real anid elfdotive black participation must be determinative, and
requires reversal. An examination of this evidence from the per-
spective of the Amicus Brief of the United States shows the clear
error of the District Court below.
One further issue merits discussion, an issue in which
this Court expressed interest at oral argument. Though the Dis-
trict Court based its decision here only upon the Fourteenth
Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment also prohibits abridgement of
voting rights "on account of race." Plaintiffs have suggested
that this Court may, despite this explicit language of that
amendment, conclude that Mobile's facially neutral electoral
system abridges the voting rights of black Mobilians "on account
of" their race without any proof whatsoever that the system
purposefully targets black voters for discriminatory treatment.
(P.Br. 44-50).
Not only does the record here clearly refute Plaintiffs’
claim that Mobile's at-large electoral plan in any sense has the
effect of abridging black voting rights; but Plaintiffs' asser-
tion that Fifteenth Amendment claims require no proof of purpose
or intent is contrary to both reason and authority.
T. ' THE CLEAR RECORD OF EFFECTIVE BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
HERE REQUIRES REVERSAL.
The ultimate issue here is whether black citizens are denied
access to the political processes of Mobile. In White v. Register,
-5—-
412 5.5, 755 (1973), the Supreme Court sustained such a claim
for the first time, upon findings that Texas' electoral system
"effectively excluded" Dallas County blacks and "effectively re-
moved" Bexar County Mexican-Americans from the political process.
412 U.S. at 767, 769. Thus, "access to the political process”
is the "barometer of dilution of minority voting strength."
gimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297, 1303 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc},
aff'd sub nom. East Carroll Parish School Board v. Marshall,
424 U.S. 636 (1976). Where access and participation are shown in
the record, the constitutional test is met and "dilution" cannot
be found. Any less rigorous standard to support overturning a
government of 66 years' standing would run afoul of the standards
of prudence set forth in David, Slip op. at 3706.
The record here contains ample evidence of real and effec-
tive black political participation which clearly refutes Plain-
tiffs' claim that they are fenced out of Mobile's political life.
The United States as Amicus shows in its brief the vigorous parti-
cipation by black Mobilians.
A. The Amicus Brief Underscores Black Mobilians' Unfettered
Access To, And Effective Participation In, The City's
Political Processes.
As Amicus correctly points out, former Finance Commissioner
Joe Langan, a white man "long identified with black interests,"
served as Commissioner continuously from 1953 to 1969. Amicus
Br. 19. Of the election statistics offered by Plaintiffs to show
racially polarized voting, those analyzing Langan's races
yo
-
"furnished the only significant data with respect
to city commission elections, for no blacks ran for
city commission until 1973, and then as minor candi-
dates." Id. at 19.
Amicus argues that the 1961, 1965, and 1969 Langan races
show progressively increasing degrees of racially polarized voting.
Amicus Br. 19-20. Yet Langan won in both 1961 and 1965, and
his testimony attributes his defeat in 1969 as much to failure
of blacks to turn out for him at the polls as to polarized wing ot
Amicus concedes that by comparison to the Langan races of
1961 and 1965, the statistics showed "only moderate correlations
between voting and race" in other races in those years, and that
income was almost as good an explanatory variable as race during
that period. Amicus Br. 22 n.74.
In the most recent Commission elections, held in 1973,
Commissioner Doyle ran unopposed, both Mayor Mims and Commissioner
Greenough received the endorsement of the black Non-Partisan Voters
League, and Greenough won on the margin of the black "swing"
5/
vote. iD. Br. 8-10. "Race was poL manifestly a factor in 1973
| as between the[se] white candidates." Amicus Br. 21 (emphasis
original).
4/ Langan testified that black militants "put on a very active
campaign to keep the people from voting," a campaign which
included threats to keep other blacks away from the polls. App. 295
| 5/ Amicus seeks to disparage the significance of the Greenough
| victory in stating that his opponent Bailey received a larger
share of the black vote (Amicus Br. 44 n.108), but fails to
inform the Court that Bailey was the very candidate who defeated
Langan in 1969. Any suggestion that Langan suffered defeat to
a candidate objectionable to the black community is therefore
without merit. :
-] =
-
¥
Amicus asserts that the low degree of polarized voting in
these 1973 elections demonstrates only that the white candidates
failed to address "the particularized needs of the black community."
Amicus Br. 44 n.l108. This assertion simply cannot be squared
with the undisputed fact that the three black candidates who
opposed Mims and Greenough in 1973 "garnered relatively few votes
even in predominantly black wards." Id. at 21. The conclusion
that black voters thought their "particularized interests" would
be better served by these more experienced white dandidates is
inescapable. The effective expression of such a preference by
black Mobilians is all that the Constitution requires.
‘ In Mobile, then, black voters possess and have exercised
real electoral clout under the City's present at-large system.
Indeed, blacks have long enjoyed representation roughly proportion-
ate to their numbers, i.e., one Commissioner indisputably res-
ponsive to black interests served continuously from 1953 to 1969;
and in 1974, black voters chose the winners (Commissioners Mims
and Greenough) in the only two contested seats in preference tO
less experienced candidates of their own race. While no interest
group, racial or otherwise, is constitutionally entitled to pro-
portional representation, Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130, 136
n.8 (1976), any group which achieves roughly proportional repre-
sentation by "legislators of [its] choice" has certainly not been
denied access to the political process. Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403
U.5..124, 149 (1971).
-8-
The District Court entirely neglected to consider, much less
address, the undisputed evidence that black voters have real
political clout in Mobile and Plaintiff black leaders' own testi-
mony that such clout has produced responsive Commissioners. D.Br.
8-10, 40-43. This failure is explicable only on the basis that
the Court erroneously thought that the only proper proof of "access"
was the guaranteed election of black Commissioners.
The holding of the District Court here can be affirmed only
if the constitutionally relevant political participation is solely
that which leads to election of a member of one's own race, and
if constitutionally sufficient representation may be afforded only
by a legislator of one's:-own color.
B. Under David v. Garrison, the Record in the District
Court Below Does Not Support a Mere Judicial Conclusion
of Dilution.
David Vv. Garrison, supra, highlights the gross deficiency
of the Mobile Court's findings and constitutional analysis. David
involved a "dilution" challenge to the at-large Commission Govern-
ment of Lufkin, Texas, a city 28% black. Slip op. at 3703. The
District Court found that Lufkin had never had a black Commissioner,
and indeed, that no black had ever been elected to county office
either, despite its substantial black population. (Finding No. 8
of District Court opinion, reprinted in full as note 1 to dissent
of Circuit Judge Tuttle, Slip op. at 3712}.
The District Court had further found that one black had run
for Commissioner in 1971 with the overwhelming support of the
black community, achieved a plurality in the general election, and
been forced into a runoff against a white by the City's majority
-Q
~
vote requirement. (Finding No. 6, Slip. op. at 3711-12). The
black candidate lost to his white opponent in an election charac-
terized by virtually absolute bloc voting along racial lines
and the "largest voter turnout in the history" of the City. (Id.)
This Court held these findings insufficient under Zimmer's
6/ OT
"access" factor:
"The district court made no findings as to the
existence of any organization which was involved
in the slating process or the method of slating,
if any, which forecloses minority participation.
It did discuss the candidacy of Inez Tims, a
black, for City Commissioner. The presence of
Mr. Tims on the ballot is suggestive of the fact
that there is minority access to the nomination
process. There is no indication that any other
blacks have since sought election." Slip. op. at
3707.
In the absence of any evidence like that in David that quali-
fied black candidates for the Mobile City Commission had run and
been defeated as a result of polarized voting, the Mobile Court
based its decision on a black "discouragement" conclusion impli-
citly rejected by this Court in Send
In David, as in Mobile, the City's form of government had
been in effect without substantial change since the early 1900's.
6/ The Court's concern over the size of the at-large electorate
— and its effect on "access" (Slip. op. 3705), is inapposite to
Mobile, where there is conclusive evidence of effective black
participation and the District Court could find no tendency of
Mobile's size alone to inhibit such participation. 423 F. 5upp.
at 393, 401.
7/ In David, the District Court had found "a decline in interest
in city politics in the black community" following the dramatic
defeat of a black candidate who had received the whole-hearted
support of the black community. (Finding No. 6, Slip.op.2t 3711~-
12). This Court held that the findings of the District Court
were "not adequate to support its decision." Slip. op. at 3709.
3 Q-
Slip. op. at 3703. This Court noted that Lufkin had adopted its
commission Government at a time when its policy favoring at-large
elections "could not have had racial underpinnings," citing
McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976), and
faulted the District Court for its failure to make findings as to
whether Lufkin's amounted to a strong policy not rooted in racial
discrimination under Zimmer. Slip. op. at 3708-9.
David v. Garrison counsels that
"the Courts must be careful to upset the
legislative plan adopted by the people only
when the Constitution clearly dictates that
such plan is unlawful." Slip. op. at 3704.
This is especially true because the "remedy" of single member
districting is not only an "uncertain" cure, but potentially a
8/
cure worse than the disease. 1d. at 3704, 3706."
pavid underscored the point made by Judge Rives in Nevett v.
Sides, supra, 533 F.24 at 1365:
"Specifically, the trial court's findings may
be read as indicating that elections must be
somehow so arranged -- at any rate where there is
evidence of racial bloc voting -- that black
voters elect at least some candidates of their
choice regardless of their percentage turnout.
This is not what the constitution requires."
Given the positive evidence that blacks participate fully and
effectively in Mobile politics, the Mobile Court's opinion can
only be read as requiring judicial re-arrangement of Mobile's ,
electoral system to guarantee the election of black officials.
8/ "To replace an at-large system with several single member dis-
ji tricts invites variance from the perfect one person-one. vote
goal, and forever compartmentalizes the electorate, reinforces
the bloc voting syndrome, and prevents members of a minority class
from ever exercising influence on the political system beyond the
bounds of their single member districts. They remain forever
a minority in their representative influence." . Slip. op. at
(} 6 Se 1) Bla 54-850 :
-11~-
In earlier "dilution" cases, this Court has never hesitated
to erring the facts closely, and to reverse where the District Court's
ultimate factual conclusions were either inadequately supported
by the record or induced by an erroneous view of the law.. See
Bradas, supra, 508 F.24 at 1112-13; McGill, supra, 535 P.24 at
280-81. Where, as here, a District Court's findings are not only
refuted by evidence of record but are clearly based on erroneous
legal premises, reversal is both necessary and proper.
II. THIS COURT'S RECENT EN BANC DECISION IN KIRKSEY DOES
NOT TOUCH THIS CASE.
Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors of Hinds County, Mississippi,
supra, "concerns the establishment by a court-ordered plan of voting
districts for the election of county officers elected by single-
member ‘districts . . ." 8lip. op. 378) (emphasis added). The
pre-existing plan was clearly defective under the one-man, one-
vote standard, and the court-ordered replacement plan was designed
£0 correct that malapportionment. Slip. op. at 3782, 3793. The
constitutional liability of the pre-existing plan was unquestioned,
and this Court directed its attention to the form and sufficiency
of judicial relief.
The Kirksey Court found that the court-ordered plan properly
consisted of single-member districts of substantially equal popu-
lation, but held the plan defective for
"fragmenting a geographically concentrated
but substantial black minority in a community where
bloc voting has been a way of political life."
14, at 3795. 9/
The Court strongly criticized the trial court for its readiness
to accept "thin evidence and "gossamer possibilities" that blacks
would enjoy effective participation under the court-ordered plan.
Slip. op. at 379%. In contrast, the record in Mobile demonstrates
that black citizens are in fact an effective political force
within the City. (See infra, pp. 4-8).
-12=-
similar claims of "fragmentation" were also made by appellants
in Connor v. Finch, U.5. , 454 U.S, LW. 4528 {U.5. May 31, 1977),
where a court-ordered plan reapportioning the Mississippi Legis-
lature was under scrutiny. Within Hinds County, this plan
employed the same districts at issue in Kirksey. 45 U.S.L.W. at 4532.
Although the Supreme Court in Connor disapproved the judicial
plan for its deviations from population equality, 45 U.S.L.W. at
4530-31, the Court deemed it appropriate to "give some further
guidance" to the District Court in connection with the charges that
its districting had diluted the black vote:
"In view of the serious questions raised
concerning the purpose and effect of the present
decree's unusually shaped legislative districts
in areas with concentrations of Negro population,
the District Court on remand should either
draw legislative districts that are reasonably
contiguous and compact, so as to put to rest
suspicions that Negro voting strength is being
impermissibly diluted, or explain precisely
why in a particular instance that goal cannot
be accomplished." Id. at 4533.
The Court noted that where the Federal Courts must undertake
the usually legislative chore of reapportionment,
"the court's task is inevitably an exposed and
sensitive one that must be accomplished cir-
cumspectly, and in a manner free from any taint
of arbitrariness or discrimination. Roman v.
Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710 [1%964}."
45 U.8.L.W. at 4530.
The Kirksey Court, too, repeatedly stressed that court-
ordered plans such as the one there under scrutiny are subject to
stricter standards than legislative plans. Slip. op. at 3793-94,
3795. See Chapman v. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 18 (1975). As this
Court recently adminished in David v. Garrison, supra,
"We should not, however, confuse the standard
by which to judge a legislatively-enacted scheme
of election for dilution with the standard by which
to judge a court-ordered scheme which is to be substi-
tuted for a constitutionally infirm system."
Slip« Op. at 3704-05.
The absolute necessity for avoiding such a confusion is
highlighted by comparison of Kirksey to two recent decisions in
which the Supreme Court scrutinized legislative electoral plans
applying both statutory (Voting Rights Act of 1965) and constitu-
tional standards. 1n Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130 (1976),
the Court upheld a New Orleans' redistricting plan which retained
two at-large seats and which contained single-member districts
drawn in a pattern which the Attorney General urged would slice
up predominantly black districts and "almost inevitably" dilute
the effectiveness of the black vote. 425 U.S. at 136.
Although New Orleans' plan clearly afforded blacks less than
maximum voting power, it passed the statutory standard of §5,
42 U.8.C. 81973¢c., 425 U.8. at 141. Aang it did not even "remotely
approach a violation of the constitutional standards" set forth
1g/
in such dilution cases as White v. Register, supra. Id. 0k 1420.04.
10/ While Beer demonstrates that legislative plans need not under
me the Constitution be so drawn as to assure proportional rep-
resentation, 425 U.S. at 136 n.8, the more recent case of
United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburgh v. Carey, '. B.S
, 97 S.Ct. 996 (1977), holds that a legislature may consti-
tutionally gerrymander along racial lines to assure proportion-
al representation. There, the Supreme Court upheld a New
York legislative districting plan in which the State had
purposefully created districts containing 65% black population
majorities to guarantee blacks "safe" legislative seats. 97
S.Ct. at 1004. The decision does not resolve whether such
"benign" gerrymandering is permissible by jurisdictions not
subject to the mandate of the Voting Rights Act and to the
resultant supervision of the Attorney General.
wld
The point is, quite simply, that Rirksey is entirely inapposite
where, as here, the validity of a legislative electoral plan is
at issue. If Rirksey requires that judicial plans district in
such a way as to maintain racial concentrations sufficient to
guarantee black voters "safe" seats proportional to their popu-
lation, its application to legislative plans would not only be
contrary to Beer,but overrule sub silentio such Fifth Circuit
cases as Bradas, McGill, Nevett, and David. Application of such
a standard to any at-large electoral system with a substantial black
population minority would amount to no less than the per se approach
to constitutional analysis repeatedly rejected by this Court. E.g.,
Zimmer, supra, 485 F.2d at 1304.
Kirksey distinguishes between the standards applicable to
legislative and court-ordered electoral plans, and indicates that
it is applying the latter. Slip. Op. at 3793-94, 3795. 'This
demonstrates that the en banc Court intended no such upheaval in
the law of voting "dilution."
Kirksey clearly has no bearing on the central issue here on
appeal -- whether Mobile's existing form of government and at-
large electoral system, legislated into being some 66 years ago,
unconstitutionally denies blacks access to the City's political
processes.
III. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT HERE PROVIDES NO ALTERNATIVE
The Fifteenth Amendment proscribes denial or abridgement of
the right to vote "on account of race, color or previous condition
of servitude." Not only does the record here preclude the conclusion
-15-
[J
that Mobile's existing at-large system abridges black voting
rights (infra, pp.4-8), but Plaintiffs' contention (P.Br. 44-50)
that no proof of racial purpose is necessary to establish vio-
lation of the Fifteenth Amendment is entirely without support in
either the language of the Amendment or the decisions applying
11/
ic.
For example, in Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 338 (1960),
the Court struck down on Fifteenth Amendment grounds an act of
the Alabama legislature which had redrawn the city boundaries of
Tuskeegee to shut out all but a few black citizens while excluding
few whites. The Court found that this act "singles out a readily
isolated segment of a racial minority for special discriminatory
treatment . . .," 364 U.S. at 346, and "despoil[s] colored citizens,
and only colored citizens, of their theretofore enjoyed voting
rights.” Id.at 347. In Viilage of Arlington Heights v. Metro-
a —_——
p——
politan Housing Development Corp., U.S. 37 S.Ct: 555,
(1977), a decision instructive on the manner in which the purpose
or intent requirement of the Fourteenth Amendment may be met,
11]
the Court cited Gomillion as a case where the "stark" pattern,
"unexplainable on grounds other than race," makes the evidentiary
inquiry into racial purpose "relatively easy." 97 S.Ct. at 564.
And in Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52 (1.964), another
Fifteenth Amendment decision, the Court upheld a New York congressional
11/ Plaintiffs assert that the language of the Amendment "does not
pg itself suggest a motive or purpose requirement." P.Br. 46.
They offer no explanation as to how this Court may conclude
that voting rights are here being abridged "on account of race’
without any finding that blacks are the target of this facially
neutral electoral system, which neither impedes exercise of
the franchise nor values any person's vote differently than
any other's.
-16-
-
i
apportionment against claims of racial gerrymandering. Plain-
tiffs lost there because they failed to prove that the legislature
"was either motivated by racial considerations or in fact drew
the districts on racial lines." 376 U.S. at 56. ‘Thus, there
was no "state contrivance to segregate on the khasis of race . . ."
Id. at 58. In Waghington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976), which
held proof of racial purpose essential in Fourteenth Amendment
actions under Equal Protection, the Court cited Wright as an ex-
ample that this "rule is the same in other contexts." 426 U.S at
240.
In Paige Vv. Gray, 538 F.2d 1108 {5th Cir. 1976), this Court
itself recognized that "it is likely that the Supreme Court will
require circumstantial proof of unlawful motive" in Fifteenth
Amendment cases, citing Davis. 538 F.2d at 1110. This Court also
noted that the Davis Court had cited Wright "for the proposition
that proof of racial purpose ie necessary to establish a Fourteenth
Amendment. viclation." Id. at 1110 n.3.
The recent decision of the Supreme Court in United Jewish
Organizations, supra, demonstrates that Paige was correct. A
white community of Hasidic Jews which had been split in two by
New York's "benign" racial redistricting challenged the plan under
both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. 97 S.Ct. at 1005.
The Court upheld the plan, finding no evidence of invidiously
discriminatory intent with respect to "whites or anv other race,’ Ir
despite the legislature's clear use of racial criteria. 97 S.Ct.
-17-
i
at 1009-10. Plaintiffs' had made no showing that
"the redistricting scheme was employed as part
of a 'contrivance to segregate'; to minimize or
cancel out the voting strength of a minority
class or interest; or otherwise to impair Or
burden the opportunity of affected persons to
participate in the political process.” 97 5.Ct.
at 1017 (Stewart, J. concurring).
The racial "awareness" of the New York Legislature was not "the
equivalent of discriminatory intent." Id.
EN —
As the Supreme Court noted in Beer, supra, 425 U.S. at 142 n.14,
"There is no decision of this Court holding a
legislative apportionment or reapportionment
violative of the Fifteenth Amendment."
the "case Ul
The Court cited Wright, and noted that Gomillion i
closest to so holding... .". 14.
If there is ever to be such a case, plaintiffs will quite
clearly have to meet the burden of proving racial purpose or intent
at trial, as Plaintiffs here clearly did not. (D. Rep. Br. 3-11).
IV. CONCLUSION
As the record here amply demonstrates, Plaintiffs have
failed utterly to prove that Mobile's existing form of govern-
ment and electoral system deny black citizens effective access to
and participation in the City's political processes, much less
that the system was adopted or maintained with any such racially
invidious purpose.
-]18=-
-
¢
This Court should therefore reverse the judgment and resultant
orders of the District Court and order immediate dismissal of
this case.
Respectfully submitted,
B ale It. Urs Satie
fe Ce Tidwell. Il
Travis M. Bedsole, dr.
Post Office Box 123
Mobile, Alabama 36601
Fred G. Collins
City Attorney
City Hall
Mobile, Alabama 36601
Charles S. Rhyne
William S. Rhyne
’ Donald A. Carry
Martin W. Matzen
400 Hill Building
Washington, D. C. 20006
Attorneys for Defendants—-Appellants
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I certify that two copies of the foregoing brief have been
served upon opposing counsel of record, and upon Amicus, by
placing the same properly addressed in the United States Mail
with adequate postage affixed thereto this | day of July, 19717.
a
Attorney for