San Antonio Independent School District v Rodriguez Brief of Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
July 21, 1972
90 pages
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. San Antonio Independent School District v Rodriguez Brief of Amicus Curiae, 1972. 76157b98-c39a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/d7ca3dea-4b60-4e45-9b1f-51e168c30d94/san-antonio-independent-school-district-v-rodriguez-brief-of-amicus-curiae. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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VI
PAGE
Hawaii Public Education Department, District Sum
mary of School Expenditures, 1970-71 50
Howe, Anatomy of a Revolution. Saturday Review,
Nov. 20, 1971, 84 5.38.41
Hutchinson, State - Adyninistered Locally - Shared
Taxes (1931) 40,41
Jencks, The Coleman Report and the Conventional
Wisdom, in Mosteller and Moynihan, On Equal
ity of Educational Opportunity (1972) 58
Johns, (ed.), Alternative Programs for Financing
Education, National Educational Finance Proj
ect, Volume V (1971) 29. 93, 95
Johns, (ed.), Economic Factors Affecting the Financ
ing of Education. National Educational Finance
Project, Volume II (1971) 26.102
Karst, Serrano v. Priest, 60 Calif. L. Rev. 720 (1972) 30
Kirp. The Poor. The Schools, and Equal Protection,
in Harvard Educational Review, Equal Educa
tional Opportunity (1969), 156 7,11
Kraft, U. S. Is Taxing Itself Too Little and Wrongly,
Baltimore Sun, January 24, 1972, 11A 27
Kurland, Equal Educational Opportunity in Daly
(ed.). The Quality of Inequality (1968) 81
Kurland, Equal Educational Opportunity: The Limits
of Constitutional Jurisprudence Undefined. 35
U. Chi. L. Rev. 583 (1968) 51
Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, Valid Systems
under Serrano v. Priest, Compact, Vol. 6, no. 2
(April, 1972) 29
Lutz, Can Property Tax be Replaced? Wall Street
Journal, February 9, 1972, 14 15
Maeroff, Suburban School Officials Fear Effect of
a Freeze on Spending, New York Times, Febru
ary 2. 1972 91
Marsh, The Taxation of Imputed Income, 58 Pol. Sci.
Q. 514 (1943) .............................................................. 24
Maryland Commission on the State Tax Structure,
Report (1971) .............................................................. 80
vtt
PAGE
Maryland Commission to Study Public Education
and Finances. Report '1952) 74,75
Maryland Commission to Study the State s Role in
Financing Public Education. Background Infor
mation (1970) 69
Maryland Commission to Study the State s Role in
Financing Public Education, Report (1970) ”9
Maryland Geological Survey, The Counties of Mary
land. Their Origins, Boundaries and Election
Districts (1907) ^
Maryland School Law Revision Commission. Report
(1968) 72,73.78,79
Maryland State Deportment of Assessments and
Taxation. 2Sfh Biennial Report (1971) 71
Maryland State Department of Education, Experi
ence of Teachers and Principals, September,
1969 82
Maryland State Department of Education, Selected
Financial Data, Maryland Public Schools, 1969-
70. Part I 82
Michelman, On Protecting the Poor Through the
Fourteenth Amendment, 83 Harv. L. Rev. 7
(1970) 6,31
Mosteller and Moynihan, On Equality of Educational
Opportunity (1972) 58,99
Moynihan, Can Courts and Money Do It? New York
Times, January 10, 1972, 24 E 27,61
Moynihan, Sources of Resistance to the Coleman
Report in Harvard Educational Review, Equal
Educational Opportunity (19691,25 57
Myers, Second Thoughts on the Serrano Case, City
Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 6, 41 (Winter 1971) ...... 8, 93, 94
Nation’s Schools, May 1972 ............................................ 100
New York State Commission on Quality, Costs and
Financing of Elementary and Secondary Educa
tion Report (1972) .................................................. 33,90,91
Vlll
PAGE
Perlman (ed.), Proceedings of the Maryland Consti
tutional Convention of 1S67 (1 9 2 3 ) ................. 72
President’s Commission on School Finance, Review
of Existing State School Finaiice Programs
(1972) ' ............... 100,102
President’s Commission on School Finance, Schools,
People and Money, Final Report (1972) 31, 60
Rand Corporation, How Effective is Schooling (1972) 60
Rhodes, Lay Participation in School Budget Develop
ment in Maryland 76
Ridenour and Ridenour: Serrano v. Priest: Wealth
and Kansas School Finance, 20 Kansas Law Re
view 213 (1972) 67,68
Sacks, City Schools, Suburban Schools: A History
of Fiscal Conflict (1972) 98
Sartorious, The Fortunes of Equalization in Mary
land Since 1920 (1959) 75,76,77
Schaefer, Book Review, 84 Harv. L. Rev. 1558 (1971) 16
Schoettle, The Equal Protection Clause in Public
Education, 71 Colum. L. Rev. 1355 (1971) 104
Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity,
United States Senate, The Financial Aspects of
Equality of Educational Opportunity and In
equities in School Finance (1972) 85.87,88.89
Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational Op
portunity, 90th Congress, 2d Session, Hear
ings 9. 12, 13, 20, 22, 23, 25, 30, 51, 64, 72, 92, 98,100
Simons, Economic Policy for a Free Society (1948) 43
Simons, Personal Income Taxation (1938) 24
Sizer, Low Income Families and The Schools for
Their Children, 30 Pub. Admin. Rev. 340 (1970) 57
Smith, Equality of Educational Opportunity: The
Basic Findings Reconsidered in Mosteller and
Moynihan, On Equality of Educational Oppor
tunity (1972) ................................................................
*.x
PAGE
Spjglrr. Address to the Maryland Association of
Counties. January 20. 1972
Stapleton. Educational Progress in Maryland Public
Schools since 1916 (1959)
Strayer and Haig. Financing of Education in the
State of New York (1923) 73
Surrey and Warren, Federal Income Taxation (I960) 24
The Growing Edge Committee, The Maryland
Schools and Mid-Century Needs 76
The Staff Characteristics Committee, Maryland’s
Twenty-four Instructional Teams 76
U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation
in the Public Schools (1967) 57
U. S. Office of Education, Equality of Educational
Opportunity (1966) 55
United States Office of Education, Finances of Large-
City School Systems: A Comparative Analysis
(1972) ............................................................................... 90
Vickery, Agenda for Progressive Taxation (1947 ) 24
Washington Post, November 23, 1971, C-l 82
Webb, Grants in Aid: A Criticism and A Proposal
(1920) 40
Willis, A Program of Financing School Construction
Designed to Safeguard the Current Operating
Program in Maryland (1959) 75
Wise, Rich Schools, Poor Schools (1968) 5
Wise, School Finance Equalization Lawsuits: A
Model Legislative Response, 2 Yale Review of
Law and Social Action 130 (1972) 82
Wise, The California Doctrine, Saturday Review,
November 20, 1971, 78 6, 30
Woollatt, The Measurement of Cost in Maryland
Public Schools (1959) ...............................................•> 75
X
PAGE
Woollatt and Zimmerman. A \ m u 7 o !
the Maryland Taxpaying Ability of Margin ^
Public School Systems < I960)
Wynne, The Politics of Accountability: P^bhc In or- ^
mation About Public Schools (1972)
Yudof and Kirp. Serrano in the Political Arena.^
Yale Journal of Law and So JQ4
(1971) „ ,
Zimmerman, Fiscal Adjustments Over a Century ?g
<1959) ........... ., . . .
a AArciiror The Tax Potential of Mary- Zimmerman and Walker, 1 ne iax 75
land: State and Local
Zukotsky. Taxes and Schools. The New Republic. ^
June 17, 1972, 20
In Tm -.
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1972
No. 71-1332
SAN ANTONIO INDEPENDENT SCHOOL
DISTRICT. Ef AL„ Appellants,
v.
DEMETRIO p. RODRIGUEZ, nr
0N ^ from the U nite, ^ ~ Court non
the W estern District of Texas
b r i e f o f a m i c i c u r i a e IN s u p p o r t
o f a p p e l l a n t s
i n t e r e s t s o f a m i c i c u r i a e
. . , ruriae are representatives of state governments
Amici Curiae are F h subd1Vision,
or political subdivisions m 30 statea Each s u c h ^ ^ ^
like all American sub Serra„o-Rodriguez doctrine,
financing incons ste American subdivisions, hasEach such subdivision, like all Americ ^
traditionally confided responsi to . )egisiature. In
allocation of pub ic “ V of the sums necessary to
" e T y s m m of'sehool financing of each state and sub-
2
division to conform to the Rodriguez doctrine, each of the
undersigned states and subdivisions would suffer severe
financial stringency and interference with its ordinary bud
get making process and the democratic allocation of public
resources within its borders.
The undersigned subdivisions have a common interest in
resisting the imposition upon their fiscal choices in regard
to taxing, spending, or the relation between them of the
doctrine of judicial “strict scrutiny" which would be im
posed upon educational and other spending decisions by
plaintiffs and by the Court below. Each and all of the
undersigned subdivisions rather favors the application to
state taxing and spending decisions of those canons of
restraint which have traditionally immunized such deter
minations. state and federal, from intensive judicial review ̂
They believe required application of the standards which
have traditionally governed judicial review of taxing and
spending programs:
First that “there need be no relation between the class
of taxpayers and the'purpose of the appropriation’; (New
York Rapid Transit Company v. New York. 303 U.S. 5 3
(1938))' “ if the tax. qua tax. be good * * * and the purpose
specified be one which would sustain a subsequent and
separate appropriation made out of the general funds of he
treasurer, neither is made invalid by being bound to the
other in the same act of legislation” Cincinnati Soap Com-
pany v. U.S.. 301 U.S. 308 (1937), see Carmicluiel v. South
ern Coal Company. 301 U.S. 495 (1937):
Second, that the appropriate standard by which state
tax legislation is to be judged is the standard of Madden tx
Kentucky. 309 U.S. 83 (1940): “In taxation, even more than
in other fields, legislatures possess the greatest freed
in classification. Since the members of a legislature nec s-
• h co n * * "* * which this
* Um,U*t, > 1 o.nNtitutionality can
O -— '■»> ••• fc— • lhP r Ur hcit demonstration that
b e ......- m e only by ^ X̂ prc-lvB discrimination
* classification us a '«• l scs. The burden is on
against particular persons and c ^ ^ tQ negative
^ " S ^ i - ^ i c h might support it." 309 U.S.
J Third, that .he oppropriato stamdardl^or
expenditure programs no h Amendment is that of
culiarly reached by the 471 487 ,1970) with its
Dandridge v. Willtams. » • ^ Constitution does not
stress on the proposition t te offlCials charged
empower this court to allocating limited public
with the difficult potential recipients” ,
welfare funds among the myr 548> 584-
- S I “ " " - - 619' 644 ,1939U
Fourth, that in a federal A g n iz e s rights
wealth of political subdivisions t e s j * rc_
State action activating any ^ where the tax prop-
view: “the use o taX“ ‘ u constitute an invidious
erty is located does not, of Use on„ , Board o/
discrimination or unreasona District of Muskogee V.Education of fndependent Sclwol Dw o , »
Oklahoma. 409 F.2d 665 ' In devising their
..have the a t tr ib u te powers m d e ^ ^ ^
T t X l n edSVre o,Ohio, Inc. , . Bowers. 358 U.S. 522.
526 U 95 n constitutional guarantees reach only action by
he ate nd not “the inaction implicit in the failure to en-
3
4
act corrective legislation” . Adickes v. Kress and Company.
398 U.S. 144, 167. note 39 (1970).
The present case, more than any other case before the
Court in the last decade, constitutes a threat to the au
tonomy and independent existence of state and local gov
ernments and indeed to the power of the purse of legisla
tures that is the enduring and perhaps the most important
legacy of seven centuries of Anglo-American constitutional
history.
Since the brief of Texas treats fully the questions sur
rounding the applicable standard of review, the presen
memorandum will summarize the impact of the issues at
stake in the present litigation upon the educational, socia ,
revenue and expenditure policies of the signatory gov
ernments.
DANGERS OF A FUNDAMENTAL INTEREST’
HOLDING
If this court accepts plaintiffs’ invitation to pronounce
educational finance a “fundamental interest ’ activating a
strict standard of review, a wide range of other govern
mental programs, each of which can be plausibly repre
sented as involving fundamental interests w i ^ e ^ t o
attack The emotional arguments surrounding the distnbu
tion of medical care, for example, are at least as compiling
as those surrounding education.* Principles invoked wi
respect ,0 elementary and secondary education can read.ly
be extended to higher education in a society in w i
regarded as ever more essential." The application * **
ration known as in°'th" ’5
is presently orchestrating a barrage of lawsuits mft no doubt will take a greatinterest ive area of public
** Indeed, it is difficult to think of a morê regre ve V ^
ioining the labor
5
. . sod public health
i l l s can be ‘ will almost certainly
c — ne
Howe has noted. ndiustment and diffi-
S l ; r ^ - ^ e ga t io „ ,M H o .e .o P.
cit. page 38. infra-‘ . lakcn place among the
^ " c ^ a n d Sugarman, the
j r r n p = f ^
with scornful r e f e ^ ^ ^ n s a t o r y relief and is also
Shapiro with its dem earlier work by Wise,
filled with scornful explicit demand for
Rich Schools. Poor c , otal state assumption of
something closely apP™“ U u r e among districts. The
costs or equality mactua 'P profess to prefer a
Messrs. Coons. Clune “ " I d act to provide each
system under which the in which the level
district with « £ £ £ % £ % > district would in part
of educational spending
________ _ . . . . i Pmfessor Coons has al-
force before graduation from ig sc • principle to publicly-
readv suggested extension of .he ^ and Social Acnon
suppomd j » " j “ " f f SA S „ g S m as an "inviting targe. .
ss (1969)'
6
be a function of the willingness of district voters to tax
themselves. Under this regime the education received by
each child would, it is said, continue to be a function of the
political sentiments of his neighbors, though not necessarily
of his own sentiments or those of his parents. It is easy
to envisage the welter of law suits which will ensue if this
Coons thesis is accepted - suits, for example, by Protestant
school children aggrieved at the low level of public school
taxation in predominately Catholic cities, etc. e ong
term viability of the limitations proposed by Coons, Clune
and Sugarman upon a doctrine of absolute equality wou
indeed be in doubt. Indeed. Mr. Wise, repaying the com
pliments’ directed at him by Coons, Clune and Sugarman,
has pointed out that the California decision does not clearly
adopt the Coons-Clune-Sugarman rule. Wise, The Cali
fornia Doctrine, Saturday Review, November 20, 1971, pg.
78.
The Messrs. Coons, Clune and Sugarman would leave
some nominal scope for local autonomy by merely equal
izing district taxing resources. Mr. Wise would equalize
both taxing resources and taxing rates. He would not go
so far, however, as to prohibit the use of distinctions based
on child characteristics in the allocation of educational
funds Professor Michelman of Harvard likewise is an
enemy of the Coons approach, see Michelman On Pro
tecting the Poor Through the Fourteenth Amendment, 83
Harv Law Rev., 7 at 54-59 (1970). Alleging that the Coons
approach could result in inequities while an approach
quWng equal expenditures for a foundation program
with some local variations upward presents problems o
iusticiability, he, as noted, goes on to favor "ins.stence on
channelling all the state’s educational expenditures into
the common pool.” (83 Harvard Law Review at 58).
another legal commentator, Professor Kirp, not to be out-
done, proclaims:
* -,**1 educational op-
S-rr^.r.S * * ^ t h a t the »c\wo\ »
. . . . . . w-k .niiming initial du*
£ i Z E l a t i o n , in background, rn
i X « home hie. and
r Z ,ng on C ecuvc ~ - ton of the
tor equal achievement - strc^ e,Tort in those schoo
sta*e to make a greater 1 . , because their schoo
districts whose needs are g school. The state
children are less well develop schools
has a constitutional o g aS possible for m
which tvill compensate a ^ background. The
immense; the result well1 wor in Harvard
S c a S n a f ' — * « • * " “ * Opportunrtv
(19691 at 156, 169.)
feSS° r ^The Passow Report »f c»m
pensatory education s 11! thc child whose
i f meeting the cducatmnal^ee ^ a good portion
home environmen enters school ' Pas-
i r w ^ t o n a a Public schoo,s, page 259V.
Professor Kirp does however provide one helpful sug-
gestion. He notes. neCessary effort may seem
“The magnitude of the’ rreiiance on schooling as
to some to represent an ove a CQUrt wiU not
a tool for social ametorati.3 t ^ social policies
^ schotTor
and social priorities.” (at 169 n. 122).
0
Lest it be thought that Professor Kirp's position is an
extreme one, it should be noted that he too is outdone by
Professor Samuel Bowles of Harvard. Professor Bowles
set forth the ideal of “equality of education opportunity
in terms of the economic results of education . Bowles,
Towards Equa\ity of Educational Opportunity in Harvard
Review, Equal Educational Opportunity (1969) at 124. Pro
fessor Bowdes goes on to urge:
“The allocation of unequal amounts of resources for
educating Negro as compared to White children and
poor as compared to rich children, (at 115).
It is clear that there are as many versions of what the
Constitution requires as there are professors of law and
education, and that the courts, if they admit a significant
judicial role in this sphere, will be subjecting themselves
to a barrage of conflicting law suits by exponents of con
flicting theories.*
Counsel coordinating the Serrano litigation has made
clear that the decisions are deemed of value not for the
actual results obtained, which may indeed be counter
productive in terms of the needs of urban districts (“Un
less we are careful, we can be locked into a formula we
don’t like for over a decade” Myers, Second Thoughts on
the Serrano Case, City Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 6 pg. 41
(Winter 1971) quoting Mrs. Sarah Carey, Assistant Di
rector of the Lawyers’ Committee), but rather for their
holdings that education is a fundamental interest. Mrs.
Carey has noted:
“And then finally — and this is an issue the press has
ignored totally — if education is a fundamental mter-
* See Berke and Callahan, Serrano v. Priest, Milestone or Mill-
stone 21J Public Law 23, at 69 (1972) (“the courts will once
again he called upon to sit in judgment on school resource allocatio
in a second or third round of post-Serrano litigation • )
»
Sr— ** ^
f - r i c h t t<> an adequate
In the criminal fu n d am en ta l right, the
drfrmc. ho.i been declare » * glalc has to put the
S u p rem e Court has held th. tj ^ acUially fully
defendant in a lranslated to mean
exercise that right. i Sfur'nished defense counsel; his
if he is poor he must be fur hc must bc given
^ ^ sition with
i t s : * .
pretation of the Serrano ^ ^ g ^ o f ̂ w'hat he calls
not asked to dea w > that deal with the
‘fiscal equity/ | o ; nthne°rc haV c been two cases, in Vir-
The Serrano decision did declare eo^ of that
fundamental interest and ^ the way we spend
whatever kinds of pp ~rirninal defendant may
^ ' ’r u n t i /T h e ?teudTnt may need transportation,
he may need lunches, or special instructional aids.
(Senator Mondale) I understood Dr. Coons to say h
J p X ’ no one will bring a lawsuit of that kmd now.
Did I understand you correctly?
(Dr. Coons) Yes, sir.
i Mrs Carev) Dr. Coons does not want to have ber-
ran“ ouled up on its way to the Supreme Court.
(Senator Mondale) That is going to be quite a con
ference in October.
10
(Mrs. Carov > Ultimately, 5 or 10 years the
road, there irill be coses that fhne from (hr funda
mental interest interpretation just as there hat e been
in the voting rights and criminal defense areas "
( Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational Op
portunity, 90th Congress. 2nd Session. Hearings at pg.
6868 ,< hereinafter cited as Mondale Committee Hear
ings) (emphasis added).
It is evident that admitting a judicial role in this sphere
will result in the crippling of essential governmental pro
grams by a welter of conflicting legal commands. The
existing system of multilevel grants in aid in many of its
aspects makes effective budgeting difficult. When these
difficulties are compounded by a number of conflicting de
crees by state and federal courts, hasty and emotional
legislative responses, and all the other predictable con
sequences of the course being urged upon the court, it is
by no means clear that the intended beneficiaries of the
new rules will in fact benefit from them, or will benefit
from them more rapidly than they would benefit from a
process of public persuasion directed at the legislature.
The recent experience in connection with welfare litiga
tion in California, with its barrage of conflicting federal
and state injunctions, special sessions of the legislature,
fund shortages and executive cutbacks may supply a vivid
illustration of what is in store for our educational system
under the regime urged upon the Court here. The conse
quences for school bond issues are also notorious. As
noted by the court in Spano v. Board of Education, 328
N.Y.S.2d 229 (Sup. Ct., Westchester County, January 17,
1972):
“Many contemplated school construction projects it
was urged are in jeopardy as a result of the refusal of
municipal bonding attorneys to render the necessary
certification as to no pending litigation which would
impair the validity of the bond issue . . . Unless and
« ? ♦ M
•«r' • •*» vi. :
■i
| 4, ’•' ̂ M* **' 4 *
in *.K.»
*4 • i t u‘,r?
t... W A l v irtu e
w-rvetl by
bond fi*
, . , i or
.. > >.r r* \ w v r ta l years
. •» re there t* no stopping place in plaintiffs
lui.hcm s.fr. consistent with the sur-
reAhtarian logic whuh • . . s even
have lndT d’
llhcrc u little stopping place in the logic as distinct from
Plaintiffs' intentions short of compulsory state,OP? r
bewrding schools. Sec Kirp. The Poor. The Schools and
Equal Protection, in Harvard Educational Review, Equa
Educational Opportunity (1969), at 155-56. The principle
that education should not be a function of parental wealth
articulated by the Rodriguez decision and in the very title
of the Coons, Clune and Sugarman book, is a politically
debatable one on numerous grounds. It appears flatly in
consistent with the thrust of Pierce v. Society of Sisters.
It would constitute constitutional compulsion of an or
ganic relationship of the citizen to the state” within the
meaning of Justice Holmes’ dissenting opinion in Lochner
v. New York. But the maxim that “the child is not the
creature of the state” evokes little sympathy from plain
tiffs and their allies, some of whom have already declared
their purpose to utilize the Serrano principle as a spring
board further to constrict private schools and the right
to private education: Thus Dr. Coons:
“ (Senator Mondale) In the absence of some kind of
adjustment in the rich district, would you not actually
be encouraging private schools for the rich. Would
they not say, ’Well, we are in this trap where we can
raise a lot of money to be sent elsewhere or we can put
downward pressure on revenue for our local schools
and simply spread all of our money on private schools
12
for our children.’ Since all the capital costs of con
structing private schools is deductible from the taxes
anyway, it is sort of publicly supported . . .
(Dr. Coons) May I answer that other question which
you had about the rich district and its disincentives?
It is an important question. * * *
I think the amount that would already be taken out
in personal income and other statewide taxes for the
general support of education would be enough so that
most people would not be able to alTord both the sup
port of public education and private education. At least
there would not be a sufficient number of such people
that there would be any but a fringe of districts in
which the demography would be such that there would
be so many very rich people that they would opt out
of public education altogether. And, of course, it is up
to the State as to whether they can do that. The State,
after all, would set some kind of adequate minimum
which every child should have available in public edu
cation. A district could simply drop out, as it were; it
would have to stay in the system. Being in and paying
for that system, people are going to use it — they are
going to have to carry the burden of that local system,
and so, there is a powerful incentive to stay in it and
make it all work as a public system.
Was I responsive?
(Senator Mondale) Yes.”
(Mondale Committee Hearings, pp. 6883-84) (em
phasis added).
Mrs. Carey, the Assistant Director of the Lawyers’ Com
mittee sponsoring this litigation, went even further in out
lining the possible attack on private schools:
“ (Mrs. Carey) On the private school issue, that is
one that everyone kicks around. As a factual matter,
I am not sure there’s any difference right now between
the Scarsdale school system and Scarsdale with a
private school system. It is just the admission prac
tices that are slightly different. At present, it is a
U
» ‘>AiVC
s». ! f> •.
• > c :!jr . getting into a
• ill chan** things from
- whether, if private
Archer '»•.. * * nonprofit corporations
• A " ' " ' ’ V h X ; «h“ V „ .« be grounds for at-
and *o on. v.h< .h« r ' .u s ers’ Committee
u .k .n S thorn Th. ro >> . where white
case in Mississippi. »r« a prjvate school, for
parents trnsl to set up » • ’ • n ancj the court
the purP-’so o t ^ o n the ground that
^ X e ^ n of* the constitutional man-
dUv' • if the Constitution declares education to be a
/u ^ i e l t a l interest, it might be that you could at-
m-k private schools on that ground.
(Senator Mondale) The key to the Green case was
deliberate segregation, white flight, des.gned to es-
cape the court order.
(Mrs. Carey) That is right. _ .
(Senator Mondale) You might say there is a similar
con st^ion a l principle, and that ™ .one can escape
the public schools. Maybe that will be the law.
Go ahead. ̂ . ___»
(Mrs. Carey) That is roughly what I wanted to say.
(Mondale Committee Hearings, pg. 6884) (emphasis
added).
What plaintiffs seek to have the judiciary set aside is
the operation in the sphere of education of the system of
allocation of resources that in greater measure or less
determines the distribution of every other commodi y
this in a nation whose constitution, including the Four
teenth Amendment to it, expressly recognizes and pro
tects private property: “Absent constitutional mandate
the assurance of adequate housing and the definition of
landlord-tenant relationships is a legislative not a judicial
function. Nor should we forget that the Constitution ex-
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Table of Contents
page
Interests of A mici Curiae
Argument:
Dangers of a ‘Fundamental Interest’ Holding
Destruction of the Fiscal Powers of American ^
Legislatures
Undesirable Effects on the Tax System 23
Effective Compulsion of Full State Funding 28
35
Impairment of Local Control
Enforced Mediocrity and Reduction of Public ^
Spending on Education
Lack of Relationship Eetween Educationai
Spending and Educational Achievement
Lack of Relationship Between Property and ^
Income
70
A Representative State Aid Program
Adverse Effects on Interests of Urban Areas
and Racial Minorities .......................................
Costs of the Relief Sought 100
107
Conclusion .....................................................
Table of Citations
Cases
Adickes v. Kress and Company, 398 U.S. 144 (1970 ) 4,14
Allied Stores of Ohio, Inc. v. Bowers, 358 U.S. 522
(1959) ............................................................................. *s’ A'
American Commuters Association v. Levitt, 279 F.
Supp. 40 (S.D.N.Y. 1967) ;
American Commuters Association v. Levitt, 405
F.2d 1148 (2d Cir. 1969) ........................................... iy
11
PAGE
Ansell v. Howard County Council, 264 Md. 629, A.2d
(1972) 15
Board of Education of Independent School District
of Muskogee v. Oklahoma, 409 F.2d 665 ( 10th
Cir. 196 9 )........... 3- 17
Bradley v. Milliken, No. 35257 (E.D. Mich. 1972) 62
Carmichael v. Southern Coal Co., 301 U.S. 495
( 1 9 3 7 ) .......................... 2,18,20,22,54
Cincinatti Soap Co. v. United States, 301 U.S. 308
(1937) 2, 20,21
Dandridge v. Williams, 397 U.S. 471 (1970) 3
Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968) 66
Evans v. Abney, 396 U.S. 435 (1970) 14
Forsyth v. Hammond, 166 U.S. 506 (1897) 45
Helvering v. Davis, 301 U.S. 619 (1939) 3
Jelliffe v. Borden, Civil No. 14821 (U.S. D. C. Conn.
1972) ....... 15
Liggett Co. v. Lee, 288 U.S. 517 (1933) ........................ 45
Lindsey v. Normet, 405 U.S. 56 (1972) ........................ 14
Madden v. Kentucky, 309 U.S. 83 (1940) 2
Mclnnis v. Shapiro, 293 F. Supp. 327 (N.D. 111. 1968),
affd sub nom Mclnnis v. Ogilvic, 394 U.S. 322
(1969) 5,17.20.51,53.69
Milliken v. Green, No. 13664-C (Mich. Cir. Ct. Ing
ham County 1972) 62.64,65
Mills v. Lowndes, 26 F. Supp. 792 (D. Md. 1939) 74
Morton Salt Co. v. City of South Hutchinson, 177
F.2d 889 (10th Cir. 1949) _ 1S
Nelson v. City of New York, 352 U.S. 103 (1956) 19
New York Rapid Transit Co. v. New York, 303 U.S.
573 (1938)
Okaloosa County School Board v. Richardson, 40
U.S.L.W. 2238 (N.D. Fla. 1971)
Parker v. Mandel, Civ. No. 71-1089-H (D. Md.
1972) 54’ 105
iii
PAGE
Serrano v. Priest, 5 Cal. 3d 534. 487 P.2d 124 0 9 7 1 ^ 1 .4 ,
Spano v. Board of Education, 328 N.Y.S.2d 229 (Sup ^
ct. Westchester Co., 1972) . 50
tt j ei 1 449 P.2d 130 (1968) —
! £ T o f VWisconsin v. J. C. Penney and Co., 311 U.S. ^
StewaM T h i n e Co. , Davis, 301 U A M . <1939 , 3
*
Constitutional Provisions, Statutes, and Rules
50
Hawaii, Acts of 1968, Ch. 38 5Q
Hawaii Revised Statutes, Sec. 27.1
Maryland Acts of 1922, Ch. 383
Maryland Acts of 1964, Ch. 17
Maryland Acts of 1967, Ch. 142 78) LZ
Maryland Acts of 1969, Ch. 754
Maryland Acts of 1970, Ch. 4 ........................................
Maryland Code, Art. 77, § 130 A (g) ............................
Maryland Code, Art. 77, §§ 142-145 ...............................
Maryland Code, Art. 81, §§ 232 ff
Maryland Constitution of 1864, Art. VIII ....................
Maryland Constitution, Art. 13, § 1 ...............................
Miscellaneous
Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Rela-
tions, State Aid to Local Government (1969) 72,100
Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Rela
tions, Who Should Pay for Public Schools
(1971) ................................................... 49,59
Anderson, Study in California: Financing Schools:
Search for Reform, Washington Post, May 21,
1972 ................................................................................... 54’ 95
iv
PAGE
Andrews, Tax ‘Revolution’, Wall Street Journal.
March 13. 1972 105
Bassett, Leaders of Urban Schools Oppose Dollar-
A-Scholar, Baltimore News American, March 16,
1972 93
Berke and Callahan, Serrano v. Priest, Milestone or
Millstone, 21 J. Public Law 23 (1972) 8. 31
Bowles, Towards Equality of Educational Oppor
tunity in Harvard Educational Review, Equal
Educational Opportunity (19691,124 8
Bruner, 1941 Survey of the Maryland Public Schools
(1941) 74
Buder, City Tax Rise Linked to Fleischmann Pro
posals, New York Times, Feb. 2, 1972 91
Center for Educational Policy Research, Education
and Inequality: A Preliminary Report (1971) 61
Central Advisory Council on Education, Children
and Their Primary Schools (2 vols. 1967) 58,59
Cohen, Policy for the Public Schools: Compensation
and Integration, 38 Harv. Educ. Rev. 114 (1968) 57
Coleman, Equal Educational Opportunity, in Har
vard Educational Review, Equal Educational Op
portunity (1969) 38
Coleman, Preface to Coons, Clune and Sugarman,
Private Wealth and Public Education (1969) 38,42,
43. 44, 48
Coleman, The Struggle for Control of Education,
in Bowers (ed.), Education and Social Policy:
Local Control of Education 64 (1970) 37,38
Conant, The Child, The Parent, and The State
(1959) 39’ 43 * * * * * 49
Cooley, Constitutional Limitations (2d ed. 1871) 45
Coons, Clune and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of
Serrano, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Ac
tion (1971) 5,23,33,47,51,52,67,94.103,106
Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and
Public Education (1969) .......................... 5,11,17,73,94
v
PAGE
Cord:/.. A Word for the Property Tax. Fortune. May &
1972. 105 ,
Davies The Challenge of Change in School F™nnce’
D“ ” National Education Association. Tenth An-
nual Conference on School Finance 199 (1967) 67, b»
Dimond, Serrano: A Victory of S o r t s for Ethics,
Not Necessarily for Education. 2 Yale Review
of Law and Social Action 133 (1972) 60,95,103
Dorn, The Allocation of School Expenditures in ^
Maryland Counties
Dorn, What Money Does and What It Does Not Do ^
(1959) „ Q1
Editorial. The New York Times, January 29, 1972 91
Editorial, Washington Post. May 31, 1972 .
Encyclopedia of Educational Research (1950) 09
Flexner and Bachman, Public Education in Mary
land (1921)
Freeman, Address to the Annual Meeting of the Na
tional School Boards Association (April 14,
1972)
Garvue, Modern Public School Finance (1969) .. 77
Goldstein, Inter-District Inequalities in School Fi
nancing: A Critical Analysis of Serrano v
Priest and Its Progeny, 120 U. Pa. Law Rev. 504
(1972) 58, 8o, 93, 9b
Guthrie, Kleindorfer, Levin and Stout, Schools and
Inequality (1970) 58,61
Hand Chief Justice Stone’s Concept of the Judicial
Function, in Dilliard (ed.), The Spirit of Liberty
(1955) 107
Hardesty, The Relation of Expenditures in Higher
Education to Expenditures for Elementary and
Secondary Education 76
Harriss, Issues and Interpretations, 155 The Bankers
Magazine No. 2 (1972) ..............................................28,147
Havighurst, A Profile of the Large-City High School
(1970) 99
14
pressly protects against confiscation of private property
or the income therefrom.” Lindsey v. Normet, 405 U.S. 56,
74 (Feb. 22, 1972). The plaintiffs totally fail to respond
to the problem created for them by the continuing sur
vival of the “state action” doctrine, see Evans v. Abney,
396 U.S. 435 (1970); Adickes v. Kress and Company,
398 U.S. 144, 167 note 39 (1970). The state is not con
stitutionally obligated to eliminate the effects of differ
ences in private means of individuals, let alone differ
ences in average private means of the subdivisions in
which individuals reside. These propositions would seem
self-evident, but they are not in the constitutional wonder
land inhabited by plaintiffs. As Dr. Harley Lutz, Profes
sor of Public Finance at Princeton, has recently written:
“It comes as quite a shock to be told that the prop
erty tax, workhorse of the tax system, is unconstitu
tional after so many years of reliable service. One
can’t help being suspicious of the circumstances — all
the court decisions, in several states, have involved
only school financing. The ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ municipal
units must levy different rates of property tax for the
support of all other local functions, but apparently
the disparities of tax rates for these purposes are still
constitutional; moreover, every state provides more
or less state aid to local schools. Without considera
tion of this fact, complaint about differences in prop
erty values and tax burdens is overdone. * * *
Mother Nature is primarily responsible for the dif
ferences in real property values, and the contrivances
of men have been aimed at manipulating municipal
boundaries for maximum advantages. Topography,
location and other natural features result in value dif
ferences that cannot be eliminated. A given millage
levy will obviously produce more revenue for a gov
ernmental unit that contains high value property than
it will for a unit that contains low value property. It
would be as reasonable to hold that the Rocky Moun
tains are unconstitutional because they are not flat
. , . .. . , -v ,
* ** ' ; * -v- ‘ho samC
* VA- m ,v not have to
-• ” > *V'V!l„ urt wiU d - do th.it a U.w in-
wa;t I- - *-«• V Y « .u -n protection of the law be-
(..nuly . . <1 . - 1 ' I family with more
caUM- it can buy .i-ss ih.in m<j would then be
income Inequality of I ^ ‘ 1 p ty Tax be Re-
Wail1 S t r ^ " - n a l . February 9. 1972. page
14
tioiicve that the Rodriguez pnnci-
Thcrc is no reason to , lionai expenditures or
P,c c;,n ^ / “ “ ' f defendants have been informed
r ,„ly tUslr.ct ,n a university com-
that one »ca > s(atc whcrc a Rodriguez suit has
T " fled h” commenced guarding itself against an tm-
r” " hie decision bv transferring various physical edu
I „ shop and audiovisual activities from the school
d to the park board and library board. Of course
X i n g transfer, they may not be
the compulsory " " t i t h W i n g " tha/their
X X " l y mean - - - *
ailrf of by fewer students from poorer homes. It *
morl protoble however, that if Rodriguez is accepted.
the courts will feel bound, as they properly have in th
the cour methods of evasion
school segregation cases, P . . . .v nomt a+
and to proliferate the Rodriguez principle to the point a.
which a corps of suitors** (or marshals) will relentless y
the possession by a ta\pa>e which upon onesSS» S S r i ^ r ^ v S h ' m u s , relentlessly he pursued
B" im (US C,°972r- -1 Vn 14 8211 where a federal district court on May lo.
£ n ie A pretinunary injunction to prevent the Town of Darien from
16
root out from local property-tax-supported budgets all ac
tivities which raise the danger that someone might bo
educated by them. Do the federal courts really wish this
role? Do they regard it as consistent with the mainte
nance of local or private initiative in a free country?
Thcpe is no reason to think that the judiciary, and par
ticularly the lower federal and state judiciary, will pos
sess any significant competence in this sphere. Typically
and regrettably, constitutional cases raising important
public issues are briefed on close schedules by lawyers
heretofore possessing limited familiarity with the subject
matter. This is not self-evidently the best means of mak
ing available to a deciding tribunal pertinent informa
tion. Rather it is a method of making public policy that
places a premium on sloganeering — sloganeering of the
sort that captivated the California and Texas Courts. In
the end, it will set in motion forces that will lead to an
increasing politicalization of the judiciary. Attention may
properly be given to Justice Schaefer’s recent warning:
It is true, I think that the style of legal argument
and perhaps even the technique of legal research have
shifted in recent years. This impression cannot be
documented, but it seems to me that much more than
in the past the lawyer's quest has become a search for
quotable words which, regardless of their initial con
text, can be read in the abstract to bear upon the situ
ation at hand. The pressure is thus toward a juris
prudence of words or phrases divorced from facts and
capable of generating new words and phrases with
independent lives.” Schaefer, Book Review, 84 Harv.
L. Rev. 1558, at 1559 (1971).
The present case constitutes a repudiation of methods of
persuasion in favor of recourse to authoritarian decrees
erecting a public school in asserted violation of the Serrano prin
ciple. Cf. also Anscll v. Howard County Council, 264 Md 629
(March 6, 1972).
. -
£ * • « » (N
. . . . *. * ? I
t ;v »•*
I a * r ‘1 : r' 1 ‘ *-r
t * I.. v
t.*. #*•:, t ; » . l . { > « » : » < ! -*t *'•«».
irvM'hw.'.y h* ’•*.<- |K” 1‘ •-{ gr
r» 'live <4 the l-*rg
cr.-.fc:y « « No
• ,r j c t i i (K uw n. The
f.jtp.u’.nuud ctmven-
.4 oiurts rendering
will stand effec-
. brought against a
• ;»•'.«• public and political
, j'cr fducational cquali-
p-st newspapers of most
, . v>r, Uill U- searched in vain fur any significant effort
during the last several sessions of their legislatures by the
{wa.puncnts of the present lawsuits to enlist public support
of greater equalization. Although it may be true that the
narrow felt interests of taxpayers in the wealthier sub
divisions is not aided by equalization, almost all social
progress is the product of enlightened self-interest or what
justice Holmes described as the limitations upon self-
interest imposed by sympathy. Were this not the case,
there would be no equalization programs at all, and, indeed,
no public schools at all. But the designers of plaintiffs’
theory elect to abjure public persuasion. Rather here the
tyranny of the syllogism is resorted to in order to carry the
day on the belief that it is easier to persuade one man, or
five, than to persuade thousands.*
DESTRUCTION OF THE FISCAL POWERS OF
AMERICAN LEGISLATURES
The proposition tendered by plaintiffs is of course totally
at variance with numerous prior cases including those cited
in the Mclnnis opinion as well as those cited in Board of
Education of Independent School District of Muskogee v.
Oklahoma, 409 F.2d 665 (10th Cir. 1969). The Muskogee
* Indeed the Coons, Chine and Sugarman book, is not dedicated,
in the manner of most polemical treatises, to a hopefully enlightened
public but rather “To Nine Old Friends of the Children.”
18
case makes clear that “the use of taxes in the county where
the tax property is located does not, of itself, constitute an
invidious discrimination or unreasonable classification.”
The Muskogee case refers to the leading Supreme Court
cases relating to constitutional limits on state taxation. In
Allied Stores of Ohio, Inc. v. Bowers, 358 U.S. 522, 526
(1959), the Supreme Court, rejecting equal protection chal
lenges to state taxing systems, observed that states “have
the attributes of sovereign powers in devising their fiscal
systems to insure revenue and foster their local interests.”
The cases are legion which reject any suggestion that there
is a constitutional requirement of correlation between taxes
and benefits, a constitutional prohibition against regressive
taxation (such as the property tax, the sales tax, the value-
added tax, or the total impact of state and local taxation
generally), or a constitutional prohibition against regres
sive benefit programs. (Public colleges, national parks,
mortgage interest tax deductions, etc); yet an opposite
postulate as to all three of these issues is at the root of
Plaintiffs’ complaint here.
The decided cases clearly indicate that there are virtually
no constitutional limits on the distribution of state benefits
by legislation. In American Commuters Association v.
Levitt, 279 F. Supp. 40, 47 (S.D. N.Y. 1967), the court
observed:
“With respect to the challenged statutes conferring
benefits, plaintiffs claim these statutes are unconstitu
tional because there is no equivalence between the
taxes plaintiffs pay and the benefits they receive. This
claim does not present a substantial constitutional
question warranting consideration by a three judge
court. * * * The controlling question as stated by the
Supreme Court with respect to the constitutionality of
a tax is whether the taxing authority has given any
thing for which it can ask a return. State of Wisconsin
i
i , , •
u, i*' con-
ru n if. aS
arv not
(•j ( 'rsrmu'Itfict v -
V S 495. 521-25
«,.n Salt Co. V. City
' 10th Cir. 1949):
> ’ *
, i »• •.»«*"* ",r' lo>
;* r . a * '*.*■ ;H 'c; V n ,
' y ' l ’: *' 7 . . 7 - 7 ’ icvT l Ul-’n »n the property
A \ , . MR-h M ilovs, the support of the
lor uvt. » , f()r health and
' ” i,‘,l7 "a!cr'works ami «hc like, the tax
vanit.it"'". ' seldom does, bear a just rcla-
munity.’ ’
The principles invoked by the district court were era-
phatically affirmed by the Court
Commuters Association v. Levitt, 405 •
19691. In that case the Second Circuit made
■■special attention courts have always shown to taxt mat
even when constitutional rights are involved. e.g.. Nelson u.
City of New York. 352 U.S. 103 (1956).”
If plaintiffs attain their apparent desire, a fully-state-
funded system, the lot of the state administrators will not
be a happy one. For the sponsors of the plaintiffs sui
have already made it clear that they consider that its prin
ciples extend beyond barring “discriminations on the
basis of district wealth and operate to bar discriminations
in educational spending programs on any arbitrary basis,
that is to say, any pattern of expenditure not resulting m
per pupil equality. Thus Professor Coons has observed.
20
“ (Senator Mondale) So that if a school district found
gold in the downtown area that permitted it to generate
an additional $500 in the same tax effort for their school
children, that would come within the Serrano decision;
but, if they had an influential Congressman that dis
tributed the gold out of the Federal Treasury, does it
*ipply?
(Dr. Coons) I am not sure. It seems to me that the
‘due process’ clause of the Fifth Amendment might
require a level of rationality in Federal spending which
would make such a policy questionable. It would be a
very interesting constitutional problem.” * (Mondale
Committee Hearings, pg. 6848).
What became of most federal public works programs on
this theory, so inconsistent with our history and with gen
erally understood limitations on the judicial function, is
not explained by plaintiffs. For them, it is not sufficient
that, as here, an elected representative legislature has ap
portioned burdens and expenditures; the courts are to be
invited to second-guess budgetary determinations and to
invalidate “regressive” taxes and expenditures and “un
fair” relationships of tax and expenditure as they did in
Rodriguez.
The thesis of Rodriguez is that some unconstitutional
unfairness inheres in the fact that the residents of “rich”
districts are taxed less heavily, for more educational bene
fits, than the residents of “poor” districts. But the case law
is emphatic that the constitution imposes no requirement
of a relationship between tax burdens and benefits. As
* Indeed, plaintiffs are driven inexorably to this conclusion. The
specious nature of the distinction which they would draw between
Serrano and Mclnnis may be appreciated by considering their prob
able attitude toward a statute providing for full state funding and
going on to recite that the educational needs of the state required
appropriating to the separate subdivisions in the precise unequal
amounts spent under the total present system.
, . , . r s Court m
,rt \ . U* ‘ ! • . . . .
, i * 4 'J
. . . scaMr doctrine,
- r j i r h . . i d » t i » . a n d
- ; !r u \ y r , ; t J . - «».«>* — ui *usia‘ n a
\hr J * F ■c = )!,ri.j>r»Vi<>n made out of the
tV. ; ^ « ! »■ .«» ......... ......grt.- TA! f •»**' 5 • same act of legisla-
'■> » " « • 301 u s
. ' " ‘ i n s - 's O -M.Jtil.ro. Nothing is more
6 ' . " , ' th.n the imposition of a tax upon
1 « ■ » intoy no direct benent
«» cx,.-n>l.tun.-. an.l who are not responsible tor
the condition to be remedied.
A tax is not an assessment of benefits. It is. as we
have said, a means of distributing the burden of the
tx,st of government. The only benefit to which the tax
payer is constitutionally entitled is that derived from
his enjoyment of the privileges of living in an organ
ized society, established and safeguarded by the devo
tion of taxes to public
Co v United States. 301 U.S. 308, ante, 112, 57 S. C .
764 supra. Any other view would preclude the levy
ing'of taxes except as they are used to compensate for
the burden on those who pay them, and would involve
the abandonment of the most fundamental principle
of government - that it exists primarily to provide
for the common good. A corporation cannot object
to the use of the taxes which it pays for the mainte
nance of schools because it has no children. Thomas
" Gay 169 U.S. 264. 290. 42 L. ed. 740, 746, 18 S. Ct. 340.
This Court has repudiated the suggestion, whenever
made, that the Constitution requires the benefits de
rived from the expenditure of public moneys to be
apportioned to the burdens of the taxpayer, or that
he can resist the payment of the tax because it is not
expended for purposes which are peculiarly beneficial
to him. Cincinnati Soap Co. v. United States, supia,
Carley & Hamilton v. Snook, supra (281 U.S. 72. 74
oo
L. cd. 703. 50 S. Ct. 294, 03 A.L.R. 194): Nashville. C &
St. L.R. Co. v. Wallace, 288 U.S. 249, 268, 77 L. cd. 730.
738, 53 S. Ct. 345, 87 A.L.R. 1191. See Union Refrigera
tor Transit Co. v. Kentuckxj, 199 U.S. 194, 203, 50 L.
ed. 150, 153, 26 S. Ct. 36, 4 Ann. Cas. 493 (301 U.S.
at 522, 523).”
Justice Cardozo further pointed out, citing numerous
illustrations:
“Cigarette and tobacco taxes are earmarked, in some
states, for school funds and education purposes
Chain store taxes are sometimes earmarked for school
funds * * * license and pari-mutuel taxes in states au
thorizing horse racing are directed to fairs and agri
cultural purposes, to highway funds, and to an old
age pension fund in Washington * * * Unemployment
relief, though financed in most states by special bond
issues, has in some instances been financed by gaso
line taxes * * * Similarly, special taxing districts for
the maintenance of roads or public improvements
within the district have been sustained, without proof
of the nature or amount of special benefits (citing
cases) 301 U.S. at 522-23 nn. 14, 15.
The havoc that will be wrought by the acceptance of
the principles espoused by plaintiffs and the Serrano court
is quite clear. The effect of acceptance of their claim
would be to project the judiciary into a “second guess
ing” of government fiscal determinations unparalleled m
our history. Virtually all existing spending programs,
for education and otherwise, will be opened to attack.
Thus, the Federal Impacted Aid Program will be open
to constitutional attack by the principle announced by
plaintiffs, who reject the rational basis test presently used
to sustain the program. See Okaloosa Co. School Board
v. Richardson, (N.D. Fla., Oct. 12, 1971).* Indeed, the
* 40L.W. 2238 (N.D. Fla., Oct. 12,1971).
ti ,
t
t 4
V ‘ * -
* V
* “
! v r
.*rr#
* *.
>« C
l c t
• * r«c
r . M*. •+ * *
C. \ 1C. ‘
■n 111
V 4-
( •
r*
. f.-.'-r'd hv*
̂ , J. to
) f.v. ,\r:.cmlment
.... e-rat jijH-iuling
1 would
’ V \ ,rn thr Federal Title I
r ;, , r Uh tr.e.*%urcs. may not
I'iu*f and Sutfarman. A FirS
, Vale U< vie%v of Law and Social
M » 11*72 >
, ill . . l t l ,. n u n s ON TUB TAX s y s t e m
1 M o( lhc R„dri.,..« rule may be to pro-
CVW y «•»«»» ‘°w“d o,her
T U' “ f xalion whether ol a regressive or progressive
forms of tax is an unfashionable tax. but
character. unpopularity are not necessarily to its
,ho reasons tax.s high visibility is some-
discred • objectionable feature. But this
UT : u " i m r r T“ es ought to be visible, not con-
,s , . . . gwhat’s more, although some homeowners
CS™ not to connect clearly the property taxes they pay
™ the services those taxes finance, there is a much
T rhnkage between costs and benefits than at the state
" r a n e v e l . " Cordtz. A Word for the Property Tax.
Fortune, May 1972 pp. 105-06.
A shift away from the property tax would have other
consequences. One of them would be to confer a windfall
upon industries effectively exempt for one reason or
other from corporate income taxation: .
“One aspect of the local property tax,, which is
sometimes overlooked, is that it can, l >
up the loopholes in the federal income tax laws. Con-
2-1
sidcr coal. Coal royalties are accorded both capital
eains treatment and depletion allowances. As a result
of those two loopholes they are taxed on the federal
level at a very very minimal level. Thus, the local
property taxes is really the only tax in existence now
which at least has the potential for getting at the fan
tastic mineral wealth.” (Mondale Committee Hear
ings pg. 6775) (Testimony of Ralph Nader).
In addition, most economists are agreed that the imputed
annual value of owner occupied land is at least conceptu
ally income though not taxed as such under federal and
state income tax laws nor otherwise reached except by
property taxation. See Marsh, The Taxation of Imputed
Income. 58 Pol. Sci. Q. 514 (1943); Vickery, Agenda for
Progressive Taxation, 18-26, 44-49 (1947), Simons, Per
sonal Income Taxation Ch. V (1938). “The British in
come tax and those of some other countries, include the
rental value of owner-occupied homes in taxable income.
Surrey and Warren, Federal Income Taxation 129 (1960
edition).
Still other economists point out virtues of the property
tax in promoting transferability of land:
“Not only are the property tax's purported flaws
exaggerated, but its virtues are too often slighted.
Properly applied, it can help a free real estate market
function in a way that maximizes the benefits to so
ciety Economists generally agree that Pr°per y
taxes encourage speculators to hold land off he market
for appreciation, since the cost of holdi g ,
insignificant compared with the potential gain .
is evidence that this has already happened in the U.b.
on an important scale. Between 1956 and 1966i accord
ing to studies made by Alan D. Manvel for the National
Commission on Urban Problems, land prices almost
doubled__rising from 270 billion to 520 billion. e
rate of increase l a s almost 7 times that of the whole-
sale commodity price index. Yet the nse m the value
* r ,A'
ft* !*
, ! is-A
•. ; \ 7 ' ‘ '
c.
1 1*
'*•. . A »
. , , . . . r — * in
, f .. aU ln"
‘ m mtra-
taxation
■ ;V-1 undcr-
. . r* . ; 'he costs of
*» ,lr'.vrxi additional
. , taxes on the
\'.l4 nthr'f..revs that al-
Thr fantastic price
untru-». where property
ib.e potential danger.
at
, tax are not to be lightly
v . r t he \ • * • value and fair-
clĉ j j r t Crrtainly the ^ dccisions properly
r,-\ er lack of it of the prop*. . * the present
committed to state and local Wgts c> me*• ^
1 # “ ronSl,\ r e 4 t a in the United sTates. The prac-
! trCof°adoption of the Rodriguez rule may be to
, he state” either to abandon the property tax for
rT r,e„„ or to provide for its state collection and assess-
education or to p , ^ — mic proportions and
men., an administrative t a s k ° f i n <he many
one scarcely P'ac' “-“ e 1 assessment agencies or
states which do not have s t a ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ do
not denyThese consequences, they acknowledge and seek
t o ' ' " V i s i o n does not
but it requires tha i generated by it must be
distribution o the mcom ^ done less the
reformed. coUected is als0 reformed.
manner in which th at 6867) (Testimony
(Mondale Committee Hearings at oooi
of Sarah Carey).
xirViv the property tax should be re- TViore is no reason why tne piop j . ,
quired to'be a state tax or why the taxing authority should
26
be required in Hie . ds rather than merely
ordinate assessments by .sing that thc react,,.,,
dozens of assessorSt U is n (o the recent court
of academic students P , s than enthusiastic,
cases ha? been some i ^ the pattern of taxa-
Moreover, in many s t a t e s operate to the detri
tion away from property ^ .g this so in those
ment of poorer far^ ie^ adopted high income taxes,
states which already NeW York, to give three
such as Maryland, Wiseonsta m i o ^ . ^ .ndustry
examples. By reason o f ^ iei£rom significantly
these states are effectively P in the absence of
further increasing their m^ i hboring states. They will be
corresponding ^roperty taxes or to resort to
driven either to reso economists agree are more
state sales taxes w i taX Some indication of the
regressive than the P™1̂ ^ are likely to make if PrJ
choices which vano raising a large quantity of addi-
sented with the nee funding of education may be
tional revenues for :̂ f^ f tables at pages 307-08
gleaned from examination of Factors Affectl» 9
and 317-18 in Johns ted ’ Qn&l Educational Finance
the Financing of Educa 10 ’ reveai that as of their dates,
Project Volume II. These % sales tax rate and m-
Wisconsin, by adopting the no^ ' might derive an
eluding consumer service at ‘ ^ whereas that
additional $88 million m sales ^ ^ Mgh Oregon
State Ct ? r t s n°sfn” egn already has •
H°wouW have gained only ?98 su T e T w a ry la n d
" r g ^ s — - - m raisingitssales
» *
<■
;* *• 1 , v> «t;wcrn
' ‘ * -c-.\ U> ralSC
• ,-cr with. ... >.i-*T‘CV
, -
jv<t confined
• ! •. v;duc added
.. • * <
* \ <■*»
» » c
, * ■ *
: t tt a
>**»r . t'. us t
\0 . 18"
char,r>* V*
ip * r and the w
i
Tt»> UVVle
orKU'b 5
and Wrongly-,V >„> » -•» »*
*.v rn t f * ' ,rf
V S 1' u,-2.page U A '
K qvin January 24. 1J ‘ propcrty taxes
lU\tmvr* - ^ arsons badly hur 5 * ily be helped m
h;,!a , older people who couldi ^ next year
particularly President 1 hoiu a gen-
- - Ul̂ o substituting cor state property
the promise o
oral sales tax.” ) m assed that there is
„ is clear from the authorities or the benefit
11 „ that either on the ta Rodriguez will
n0d eT sh «t to a formula 'children. In many
b e n e f i t - ‘ nation as — the
jurisdictions, lo more regresswe sa taxation.
result may be a sn upon proper y
28
vigorously disputed and the writers on public finance
have been quick to point out that:
“Any reduction in [property] tax rates would confer
windfalls according to ownership — and property
ownership is more concentrated than that of income.
Who actually bears the burden of property taxation?
* Neither the theoretical analysis nor the empirical evi
dence is as clear as we should like. A part of the tax
on commercial, utility, industrial and housing struc
tures can be assumed to fall on consumers more or
less in proportion to spending. This part then has
some of the regressive element which is often cited
in condemning the tax. But despite frequent implied
assertions to the contrary, a part probably remains on
suppliers of capital; this will be more progressive than
proportional (and not regressive). The considerable
portion which falls on land, much of which was capi
talized in the past, is hard to place in a meaningful
sense__except to say that past and present land own
ers are generally ‘not poor'. The distribution of this
burden will be decidedly more progressive than re
gressive. In short, although families with ‘low’ in
comes or consumption do bear property tax, persons
who own, directly and indirectly, ‘large’ amounts of
property must carry burdens which are ‘heavy’. G.
Lowell Harriss [Professor of Economics at Columbia
University I. Issues and Interpretations, 155 The Bank
ers Magazine No. 2 (1972).
EFFECTIVE COMPULSION OF FULL STATE
FUNDING
The Rodriguez decision at bottom is an effort to consti
tutionally impose a regime of full state funding of educa
tion upon the 49 American states that have historically
rejected such a system and upon the state of Hawaii m
which increasing dissatisfaction with its results has been
manifested in recent years. It is true that for the moment
proponents of the Rodriguez rule have urged that there
are other methods of educational finance than full state
, t ..,\ -•* i * pr'ffxwal
, , *•-* s i V-.c. >* *4 . . • ' f
... v •........... * v ' ' . <rr . . Civil Eights.
i ■ vol. 6.
‘ ' _ #* '7 a * . * . , alternatives
-• • '*•’ tljv train only"
' - c * ’ * *• " ̂ ̂ \hr writings of pro-
r- .*•-«-» . - • Thu>. in describing the
P — f ‘ !r , rr' v; ’ Jlv even the lawyers’ Com-
p - -r uvr ' * 1 '• ̂ x\t-m * * * he limited to an
” ■ '""* ' *'**“* . n areas** or be likewise
lr.lurala.nal experiences -
Id a . t l n requires only a slight
w»b 'be keneri.1 view «» » «»« education au-
voucher plans to realise that they
„u ,r„ "w with ^ cour, imposed adoption of a
are scant !> . ^ example, the National Educa-
T n n a n c e Project in its extended volume on "Alter-
nativl Programs for Financing Education" .National Edu
cation Financing Project No, 51 dismisses the possible
of voucher plans in one footnote:
"This so-called 'voucher plan* was not consider d
because its constitutionality
Furthermore if the law prohibited the redeeming 01
fhe Buchers by parochial schools " ^ ‘1̂
schools which enrolled a lower percent of blacks man
the percent of ^ ^ ^ p ^ t e ^ c h o o l ' w a s located,
bc°fctv advocates of the voucher
plan." Id. at 350 note 3.
The so-called power-equalizing option pursuant to which
districts would be permitted to supplement the uniform
state allocation by levying additional local taxes provided
that the wealthier districts levying such taxes turned over
a large portion of the proceeds for statewide use similar y
?0
is not regard^ as a viable alternative to full si.tr
bv anvone. Even its chief and only sponsor. 1 role-
Coons has indicated that it is designed for eonsump.a r.
only by judges and not by educators or legislators:
“Of course, there are certain problems inherent in
• hat [power equalizing proposal!, not the least of them
the pohtical problem of recapture from the local dis
trict I am informed by people who know these things
that it £ politically difficult to establish a: systemi n
Committee Hearings, page 6882.)
In the event that any state should be so foolhardj' and
intrepid after adoption of the Rodriguez rule as to adopt
a power-equalizing rule as distinct from full state funding,
the proponents of judicial intervention in these matters
have already made clear what is in store for it Thus,
Professor Wise, the founder of the new cult, reads the Cali
fornia decision os prohibiting not merely existing systems
of school finance but the Coons power-equalizing proposa
a' S0' “This analysis is consistent with the more equali-
tarian wealth V r how
i ! a a s i g i
bors"* * * ” Wise, The California Doctrine, Saturday
Review, November 20, 1971, 78 at 82.
Professor Karst has analyzed the California decision as
to effect rejecting the power equalizing option, pointing
4fgt *
*
.. .....*
------------- " ^ . . »* ‘ • *•*
** --*•* * ................................... '* ‘, 1 .» » . V ' *. .
, lul,b .b .l.h NWhrl
. -» ,*<-•< t. ' pa*b.cm» <•! ^..................* I A,* .* •’ * •4 » * * , , |.,„r Through Ih»
r .,,n IO. rrotrr.ir.g „ - M SI He is
: , - v r 2 - t « ‘ ‘ r ^ en ^ en n d H n , all the stale s
ex^d i'.u res * « , ^ « . - *
president s Commission - ’T n X
iributed hs denunci extremely difficult to establish
grounds that ‘ it wo rates that would enable the
an upper limit on ^ r t ^ ^ requirements. While the
state to plan its e eliminate disparities based on
power equalizing vast differences
wealth, d would n . ts and therefore among
in ^ ndin§ r ? t l * President, Commission on School
chiidren ^ the f ̂ and Money (1972) at 33.* The
Finance, Scf o o l s V Fleischmann Commission in
N 1 v°York State likewise rejected power equalizing.
“W e prefer full ^ ^ ^ o n f S l r s c t s ^ e T h a t
equalizing for sev^ a. habited by wealthy residents
wealthy districts a u âted by the poor. All dis
and poor districts ar P P assure equity in
trict power equalizing does then
* See also- Berke and Callahan, Set rano criticizing power
Millstone, 21 J. P ublic L aw 2d at o~ V
equalizing as unfair to urban areas.
32
tax rates vis-a-vis school expenditures. Poor j >
would have difficulty in meeting the competition •!
rich people in rich districts, once the latter saw ho*
the finance plan was shaping up and raised their school
tax rates to preserve their favored position.
Second, assume (as we dol that there is no absolute
standard of education which can be described as ade
quate’ — that all educational disparities are relative.
Then, if one is going to embark on a major revision of
educational finance arrangements, why should one not
remove ‘place’ inequalities as well as wealth inequali
ties? The quality of a child’s education should, in our
view, be no more a function of how highly his neigh
bors value education than how wealthy they are.
Moreover, we believe that the equal protection clause
of the 14th Amendment applies to individual children
rather than school districts. If this is so, then the
quality of a child’s education cannot depend any more
on the vote of his neighbors within the confines of a
local school district than it can on their aggregate rela
tive wealth vis-a-vis other school districts within the
state. The California Supreme Court in Serrano v.
Priest was not explicit on this point, but it did take
some pains to argue that territorial uniformity in school
finance is constitutionally required. ‘Where funda
mental rights or suspect classifications are at stake,’
the Court said, ‘a state’s general freedom to discrimi
nate on a geographical basis will be significantly cur
tailed by the equal protection clause.’
To make the point clear, consider two districts, A
and B, and let them be of equal wealth. Suppose the
residents of district A choose a school program half as
costly as the residents of district B. Is it good policy
for the state to require the children of A to suffer the
lifetime handicap of inferior education, which is to
say, should the state exclude these children from the
benefits of district B education on the basis of a dis
trict boundary line that is itself a historical accident?
As we understand the ideals of a democracy, public
*•* • v,< ' ; ; Z X T Z ‘ f *- I * » ;*• H **-' , / .1 I'.i'.c
, , Vj I «- k ? ■'* * - * *'• * * . _ f ..a’. tt-> -urv*-%« ̂ , rj *»»r jii , • 4 j * *
• K . . . __ ... . ii,r tunc, ana. .if i.bihlV and aptitude »>cvnr* an me a...
S U often act'as a major transmitter of the p w »
. jf primary schooling of some children is o %a- >
iter quality than that of other children, the sorting
h : ineffective and dangerous. Local tastes for
basic educational services should not distort the func
tion of the sorting mechanism and possibly undermi
students’ potential and achievements” (Report of the
, 7 York State Commission on Quality, Costs, and
o f Elementary and Secondary Educat.on at
2.45 and 2.46.
Lest the critics of power equalizing have overlooked
some of the considerations which would be urged against it
in future litigation, Professor Coons himself has supplie
some further suggestions:
“The first group notes that tax-sensitive voters may
tend to cluster (eg., older persons with fixed incomes
and no children). These critics would prefer the se
curity of a state mandated uniformity of spending
which as they view it, would be more education-
oriented and less arbitrary. * * * The second group
of critics raises a more technical objection to local
choice. They doubt whether it is possible to establish
fiscal neutrality or know when it, exists. Realistical >
there are many subtle forms of ‘wealth’ differencein
addition to differences in the value of taxable proper J
per pupil; to equalize assessed valuation per pupil does
not necessarily equalize fiscal capacity. If in a decen-
.M
. •, . ..I i r! • •• , <1 t~. »-jtrall.n-d |*"' «r 4 <•■■■• „, , ... i f,,r c\,im ■ j»:*5 „ i>in six tiding exist u. .
|,i..|u-r m disirir'.s wish higher l*™ ;"..! v ' ~
would an objective obs.-rvcr
weallh, or some other ■‘t " ’r 1S^ ; | j s ,.rrnno. 1
11971)-
Thcse quotations should bo sufficient to make clear that
what is at issue in this case is whether this court is going to
non the states full state funding as a matter of con-
Z u o n a “ ompuision. Notwithstanding the protestations
about the alleged a v a ila b ility — sys«m s and £ £
funding upon every Americantuna p viable and are not in-
remaining open to the states arc
tended to be so.
Against this background the appropriate disposition of
th^ case is apparent in light of what all nine members of
this court have recently stated in respect to the importance
of local control of school systems.
■•A more weighty — 'o f £ 2 ° is its lack of formal control overtlK sc ̂ J , ,
under the terms of its contract edu-
Direct control over c i n our
cation o f^ o M C h .y s a n ^ of of Emporia.
4°0 L W- 4807, 481? (Opinion of Stewart, Douglas.
•Rinnan White and Marshall, J.J-).
Z e d control is not only vital to continued public
support of the schools, but it is of overriding ™ P
ance from an educational standpoint as w ell
U Council of City of Emporia 40 L.W a t ^ o t p
of Burger, Blackmun, Powell and Rehnquist,
■ ...................... * • • •• 4 *
14' * . , . , . * 4.r *
,* * * -* ; f . ’ . • r * 9 * * * *' • * 1♦ . « «< • 4 » , , . . . r in * s-5 5* ♦
... •. . v - -
„-.t „ i 1 'hr P * h V.KV. *»<■
sir l ; r” ^ v teach ami h->w much th<-V ate p»»d
* " v ' f l u arc built nnd buses run are facets of
, ‘ *-rc S4b - l s arc r (){ ^^rd s to tax. incur
d.xtr.ct P ’^'l-rud ts for distributing local and state
debt. make In dk nel and services. Into-
b ' b Z ^ h S c d for the same strong
room.
i m p a i r m e n t o f l o c a l c o n t r o l
There are profound ‘ ^ " ^ n e T d t ' L r ,
public schools in the resul*sought. ^
citizens’ support for b°e eliminated,
port for loca f schooi superintendents in
The need for mvolveme desires of its citi-
the politics of the community The of
zens will be in large measure el ^ d' eli^ nated.*
« - P - r 1 Z X - " o < t h Z Z o Z s t e m and of
The implications fo . , , virtually all the com-
the curriculum are recognized by and immedi.
mentators on this subject. The mosl oo
turns hv the Maryland St. ‘ nre-emptive state assumption of
U.Bi>l»tion providing for » “ > » t ^ 77, | 130 A (g).
school construction costs in that stale.
36
ate shift is a shift in the responsibility for labor r«.
gotiations with teachers’ unions, which will naturally b?
directed at the level of government which provides the
revenue — the state government under the mode of edu
cational finance favored by plaintiffs. There are longer
term shifts also. Acceptance of the principle contended
for presages a shift in control from the district and county
to the state and perhaps ultimately to the nation. The
extent to which such a shift is desirable and the degree
to which it is desirable raise questions of the highest
political moment, which under a democratic system of
government cannot be placed beyond legislative and popu
lar control. The implications have been spelled out by
Professor James Coleman:
“There are two very different conceptions of the
relation of schools to the social order. One conception
is that of schools as agents for the transmission of
knowledge, culture and social norms of and thus as
agents for the maintenance of the social order. The
other conception is that of schools as crucial institu
tions of social change. Schools have performed both
of these functions in the past and will continue to do
so in the future. But the relative emphasis of the two
functions has been different at different times and
places and what is of interest to us here is different
for local authorities and national organizations includ
ing national governments. As the discussion of dif
ferential opportunity indicated, local authorities ordi
narily have more interest in stability and use of the
school as a means of maintaining a social order than
do national governments.
Thus, again on the issue of social change, national
governments are more often on one side, the side of
change, and local authorities are more often on the
other, the side of stability. The basic interests in
volved have been discussed in earlier sections; but
the content of these issues of change vs. stability goes
beyond the questions discussed earlier. Examples will
** «*
if V * ■
t • Vi >
.1 »'
* ,U-c i ? *•-!
»!\ UI»>!
*rak
the \
♦x* it.r. r the
T h e UM*
{ ^ .r d m g M-h.K.1%. thr d-v,.', ; ..! n*l«unali.%t»c
N.-u'.h groups in the schools, the introduction n.i-
• •oiiahstic propaganda into the curriculum, the indoc
trination of teachers and the purging of teachers are
methods that these regimes have used to achieve, in
a single generation, radical social change. Such at
tempts at change meet with increasing resistance at
lower levels of social organization, all the way down
to the family. What is true in totalitarian regimes is
true to a lesser degree, in democratic ones: The na
tional government is more likely to see the schools as
instruments of social change than is the local govern
ment The local-national conflicts concerning school
integration in the United States illustrate this well,
because the national government, pressed by organi
zations at the national level, attempts to use the
schools to create racial integration which is absent in
other aspects of life and thus to bring about a major
transformation of the social structure. What is evi
dent in this type of conflict is, in a sense, the self-
preservation interests of two social units, the nation
and the community.” Coleman, The Struggle for Con
trol of Education, in Bowers (Editor), Education and
Social Policy: Local Control of Education, 64, at 77-78
In addition to these broader consequences which may
flow from increased centralization of control, there are
more immediate reasons for questioning centralization.
Thus, the former Commissioner of Education, Harold
38
Howe, though sympathetic to the California decision, t
commenting upon it has written:
“Teachers’ organizations have opposed decentra'.*.
zation of city schools because of the potential loss la
leverage in dealing with multiple education authori
ties over a variety of issues, and they may welcome
centralization of fiscal authority at the state level for
corresponding reasons . . . Finally, the California
decision raises questions of diversity and control. It
is an axiom of American politics that control and
power follow money. As schools finance is monopo
lized by the state, what would states be likely to do
that they are not doing now in controlling the educa
tion options of school boards? They might move to
complete standardization of education, decreeing what
is to be studied, for how long, and in what manner,
thereby adding to the already extensive requirements
for teacher certification and similar matters. While
there are abuses in any system, I believe strongly that
we need less, rather than more, participation by the
state in the day to day affairs of the schools.”
Howe, Anatomy of a Revolution, Saturday Review, Nov.
20, 1971, 84, 88. Thus, too, Professor James Coleman,
perhaps the leading authority on these matters, is led by
concern for diversity and local control to advocacy of a
voucher system with public control limited to control
over ethnic and social class composition of student bodies.
See Coleman, Preface to Coons, et al„ supra; Coleman, The
Struggle for Control of the Schools, in Bowers (ed.) Educa
tion and Social Policy: Local Control of Education (1970);
and the essay by Coleman in Harvard Education Review,
Equal Educational Opportunity (1969).
Dr. James Conant, though a recent convert to the de
sirability of full state funding, pertinently observed some
years ago:
“Four generalizations are possible about the financ
ing of our public schools. First, in every state the
«. ►
» „ . ̂- ■. • s* ‘ » »*
, , . * • > *• '••••* ‘ r • ,
’ I' " • 1 *• ' *. 9 . . •*» V- ■ ' C »••*•**' .» >' ,T ' ’ rf . : > ' ’ ' , , V * r«
, - •}•*• noM • t * f-f" * '
. . ’V.hr red n'.V.r to-f- ! r i • A >•=»' by in
't ' " \ loudly inadequate 1 h«-re » no onr
■v -t'h-.clv satisfactory scheme K<*r the state to ta^e
,ver entirely the financing of each school district would
K- of course, to move far in the direction of a system
state schools. Unless a local community, through its
school board, has some control over the purse, there
can be little real feeling in the community that schools
are in fact local schools. I have heard the opinion ex
pressed by those who have devoted much study to the
matter that something like 507c of the current expendi
tures should be raised through local taxes if local con
trol is to predominate” . (Emphasis added).
Conant, The Child. The Parent, and The State (19o9)
at 26.
In discussing Federal equalization aid, Conant recog
nized that any large scale program of equalization assist
ance would result in a large and increasing measure of
Federal control, an insight which applies equally at the
state level. Conant observed:
“To imagine that recurring appropriations of this
magnitude can be made without careful budgeting on
the part of the Administration seems to me to be the
equivalent of imagining completely irresponsible gov
ernment. Careful budgeting will mean, m turn, a
strong Executive Agency which must have access to
a mass of factual information about the educational
situation in every state. The agency responsible for
submitting the annual estimate to the Bureau of the
•10
Budget and then supporting the proposals bcm.rr < - .
gross will have no easy task. Proponents a «V
grant and various equalization formulas will have V,
argue their eases from time to time, if not each year
The Education Committees of the House and Senate
will have every reason to examine into details of cur-
Hcula and school organization much aS C o m m a s
. of the State legislatures now do from time t
Certainly a new chapter in American public educa
powerful Federal influence added to the Present
fluence of the central authority in each state. (Cona ,
supra, at 55-56).
The fact that increased state financing inevitably mean*
increased state control has long been recognized by ^ -
dents of state-local tax structures. As early as 193
noted in Hutchinson. State-Administered Locally-Share
Taxes (1931) that: ,
“This study of state-administered locally-shared
taxes indicates, however, that state administration of
: tbp orst step towards state control of thetaxation is the first Ŝ P taxes The state is in.
functions supported by unctions by minimum
creasing its control of local ^ t i o n s oy ^ ^
requirements. In the case o r Highway Com-
the road be built to satisfy the State Hign^ ^ ^
mission. Minimum educa the length of the school
of teachers per stude t ^ ^ amount of revenue
year are often presen • . tions placed on the
return grows larger and rieor ” (at page 21).
localities increase in number and ngo . P
The Hutchinson study recognizes the extent to which
state control usually follows state subventions. Hutch
t__ Sidney Webb’s history of grants in aid in E g
L T w e b h c Z « i n Aid: A Criticism end . Propose!
(1920) (at p. 6) (Hutchinson at 122).
.* • «« »
, n -> * *
,, ,, V r ! % n
. , . a,irqnixtrrrcl t-axcx re-
tSu.dly. however, t w - fn,m lhe locality,
pl.-we some source »>( tax. U) morc and more
Further. the method U-n * lionmcnt of the rev-
state supervision, trot -g ‘ ^ o{ need and through
onue according to the sta - -mdards for the func-
thc establishment of mini lt is a movement to
tion of which the money is g numbcr o{ taxes so
bc watched, and studw d.^ ^ .ncreasing The state
administered and . ing its assistance, but with
sees the local need and1S' f _ * This particular type
this assistance goes mterfc stioned^ y believers in
„f state interteence w ^ rigid legislative tn-
S e r e n c e r a t e “ban flexible administrattve control.
(at 131-32).
Further, because of vartatiGns^iUocal^ee^, ^ d&y
not be able, absent detai e m ^ ^ enf0rce any
0T t r e Sq u M itT e tn ythrsimplest. Thus, former Com
mie of equality ^ pointed QUt;
” — costs v ^ y —
S t h t "
a major component in any y Janitorial serv-
^ S S , S ^ a n d the like vary
42
from place to place. Vocational education. W e.-., ,.r
the Inch cost of equipment, and the teach,n* of hunt.
i ui rnn 'ire exceptionally expensive. Sjx.^
S « a c « y the same amount on each child in a state
therefore.tloes not provide equality of servtces.
Ho. , , supra at 86. Any rule of equality, whether relating
to w r pupil expenditures, school facilities, or allocation
to per pup F , dtate school systems into
of taxing resources, would force s
a Procrustean bed.
It is of course, not self-evident that in an age of in-
the American system of local financing in education is in
effect a substitute for the English and European systems.
-The educational systems of Europe have
a„y exhibited
school systems. y schools terminating
SCh? ° for t L ma es Another outcome of these forces
has-been £ — nal s“ f
supported schools were ^ Us the
‘voluntary or privately PP „nUid satisfy both its
family with some financia m e m through taxes,
aims by supporting the s . sending its own
providing one level of education and send g ^
children to private s c h o o l s n e v e r
for them. In the United S ta t^ a ^ ^ ^ ^ of
developed within public &d It wouid appear,
private schools been ^ {orces> the desire of fami-
then, that the seco own children the best educa
tes to provide fo wholly submerged by
tion they can afford, has been ^ children, or
the goal of ^ UCa“ °nnim R e n te d wholly through ac-
a ch i^ e ^ ls lattor
S Z te m e a n T h a s arisen whereby persons with flnan-
• f ̂w; .i . . . «* . , *U.. . . .̂« f - v - - - * l * 1 '
» r* * * * t In
t 1
^ ‘ n K r l ‘ * 7 V . . n , { .hll pf .rvtip> f
O bviously , the a , pm •• w ith »n-
arca* " l consumption would »*»■ ,m o( ,n-
c * ~
Preface to Coons at XIV
Professor " 2 "
>» a school.
component of that experience is the class bacxg
*Vir> other students'.
Vimader sense of the terms
‘equality of'educattonal ^ f ^ ^ U v e r e s o r t in*
p S — one. This
equality can on y , t d clearly consists of a
" ^ ^ ^ " y ^ n a n e i a i o n e s .
this has wide implications is ^ ’̂ Ĉ nV̂ °7 l948)t at 28-29.
point of Simons, Economic o icyij individuals or families must
"A society based on free reapMS.ble mdn jdt resp0„ si.
involve extensive ng 1 s 1 1 • r ^ cjr freedom, like the
bilities of families are an essential w moral devel-
itiseparahle moral responsi n i ‘ . t i sense 0f the primary
opmem. P » % W J * chicks on
» “ « i-crea se^ son a , « £ * hom
arava •» *» ̂ ̂ ro-
duction.”
, ■ * *V* «*'-*
44
The question about the state’s provision of equal edu
cation opportunity becomes a difficult one: over which
of these resources does the state have control, or
should the state have control? Which of the resources
can the state, through legal means, demand be redis
tributed equally? Certainly not the attentive help
which some parents give their children in learning to
t read, nor the discipline some parents exert in enforc
ing the homework assignments of the school, nor the
reinforcements by parents of the performance rewards
given by the school. . . . In this second area of re
sources (the state) has been even more ineffective
than in its attempt to redistribute financial resources.
This second kind of educational resource, in the form
of other children in a school, Coons and his colleagues
do not discuss. Yet the attempt of the state to effect
a redistribution focuses on the attention of the fact
that financial resources are not the only ones. More
fundamentally, it raises the question of just how far
the state can go, and how far it should go, in redistrib
uting educational resources to provide equal protection
to the young in the form of equal educational oppor
tunity.” Coleman, Preface to Coons at XV-XVI.
In light of this, it should be entirely clear that this case
at bottom involves questions not merely of educational
finance but of political theory: of whether the state is to be
viewed as an organic unity, and its citizens merely as com
ponents of an organic whole, a view common to most totali
tarian systems and one consistent with the thesis that the
state is fully responsible for all differences among its citi
zens, or whether rather the authority of the state is to be
viewed as resting upon some form of social contract and is
hence limited in its operation upon individual differences
to those powers conferred and stemming from actions taken
by elected constitutional conventions and legislatures.
It need scarcely be labored that the removal of fiscal
controls to the state level has consequences for the survival
i iMlii
45
f local government. It has not hitherto, in this country,
thought unconstitutional for taxes raised by a given
government to be spent without reduction by the s c ^ o
Excise tax on educational expenditures which plaintiffs
would have this court impose on “wealthy” distnc s. or,
under modern concepts of government, is it unconsti -
tional for one level of government to delegate powers
another, even though the result of a delegation would be
to produce distinctions between the actions taken by de
gates which the delegating government itself would be
powerless to adopt.* •• The whole purpose of delegation of
power is to allow the delegates to do what the delega ^
power could not do. It does not follow from the fact that
the state has arguably created its municipal corporations,
that absent racial gerrymandering of other racial discrim
nation it is chargeable with the consequences of their
differing actions, as the plaintiffs would have it.
* T h e examples are legion. The delegations to states « ndertJ en lilt example: . b , McCarran-Ferguson Act. the Miller-
'? ’■ W ? a S The Wehh-Kenyon Act. and the federal estate tax credit
strmding ̂thaf‘coi^^ss* vcoukl
portionment clause from chrecth imposing from specifying in a
different rates in different states or (perhaps)
o-m- that "fair trade" agreements were legal m Kansas and U ega
m Missouri. Similarlv. the conferral of home rule powers on loca
■ “ divisions has not been thought unconstitutional because the: local
< -iikiI of one subdivision enacted a regulatory ordu.ance Much the
•• ’ Council of an indistinguishable subdivision decl.ned> to enact
it been thought that the resulting •discrimination pres .
' '< in of eiiual protection of the laws. • .
M.Ireland and in most Southern states where county districts
vplace. nearly all the counties pre-existed the state and * e
• • of towns in Xew England. See Liggett Co v. ->
«P».bt) i Cardozo, |. dissenting) and authorities there
obool awl taxing districts characteristic of the
o v A,.,, likewise only in form of state origin and m
• •<- ..m of the characteristics of voluntary ayy'-
< • ■•riniui! Limitations 1-d (31 cd. 1>/1) :
Kv. r : l V, IS* >7
47
46
It has been pointedly observed that ‘ wffl maUe
‘•One purpose f°r “ “ ^subject themselves to
sacrifices, for wl“lch ^ schools for their children,
heavy taxes is to pay f more education if
" S o? aatieToCth“ r own children! Some may,
be reluctant to shoulde , ewhere Over the years,
or national taxes f o r ^ ^ ' J ^ S a t i o n .11 of pros-
I suspect, a sigmfica mont obligations, can have
positive^results' as ^ a r V taxes designed to finance ,
welfare of children. tkose witb the best of good
^ n to n T are" Compelled to curb the desire to
BT ‘foundation, - e l of s c W s p e ^ n g g u a ra n ty
for. Iffreeto d o so somecommum ^ this
general average. b°tter schooling do ex
focal freedom. The excess. People
tend beyond the area ^ ^ ^ less real than the
move. Positive sp convincingly as a rea-
2 t , S r ‘ wide area t0 pay for a lrism
level of schooling for. alJ‘ „ nDDer middle income group
Many an American in PP ^ ghe can pay still
is troubled by present taxe . illin«iy , Americans
more. In many cases m o r e t o pay
will reduce personal c mQre likely to do so. I
more to government T h y chiidrCn to benefit,
suggest, the more they expee* th ^ argue that
Some groups supporting the ^ say. $2 nv;re
- ^ 1 ^ ^ -
have to pay $2 imove^ Xfat^ ^ o v T w o u ld it affect in
state. Does this seem fairaiist_c ^ old.{ashioned to
centives? Is one to , make a difference and
believe that effort :in? J ^Mpecte of rewards? What
are not unaffected by th P P .Qn -n which the people
would be unfortunate 1 . who must be willing
who can pay for better edu • too much
to support heavier taxes, wd ̂oppose
of additional — ^ n a n fn education, a local
For the best resu tei^fi ^ seems consistent
element may nee Harriss, sup™,
with the new court decision .
" * — " r = n ° e v e u
f
S i r — ' "
t0 prefer 1 - ^ ^ ^ their residents in plaintiffs'
t S Z Z 'I T .iate funding is sought to be secured by a
process of blackmail. seH4nterest of the
“A primary factor tot b near the median
bulk of school dis n . benefits from successful
in wealth. They can expect benefits ^ uccess{ul re
reform; xvh a tth eyc. P the staUnch ally of
form is trouble. This max ^ ^ .g pr0.
the court. What such douut in which aid formu-
lonqed period of turmoil a validity of bonds, and
las"validity of tax " “S ’truggle. The
retroactivity remain loc d^ n.wealth districts lies
self-interest of these! near- ed to accept any
in certainty, and they uiU be p P jt - Coons.renscmable legislative package that prod t n 8 .
.,j •> Yale Review of Law and Social acuo
«• I
s is sought to be imposed in the face of the
by the architects of plaintiffs theor>.
_______________
48
“Of all public functions, cducatu n m »•' . . *
methods is least u n d erstood and most in rao<i , l - ̂
variety experimentation. and indepcndimi *
ct al.,2 Yale lie view of Law and Social Action at 11.
e n f o r c e d m e d io c r it y a n d HI.DI CTION OF
* PUBLIC SPENDING ON EDICA1IO.
Virtually all commentators on these problems agree that
S S k k s k s
“nd ^ “The S T - S S S u S e 6 S w e t n ‘two f S t "
opportunity for ̂all ch Id it can afford for
family to provide the^bes^ea ^ to be
d ip te d ^ h e y both lead to investment by the older
generation in the younger.
The experience of the two fEnding is not such
have adopted a system o statewide uniformity and
as to encourage a belie consistent.
n ! t h " r C o - " o n aon tutor Gov
ernmental Relations ^nducted^a^conference^on^ sta e ^
nancing of public sc oo • afmberg of the University
dressed by Professor P. J. H' of curriculum
of New Br^ Ŝ 1Cb7provindal Department of Education
to m " 1962 to 1969. during the period o£ the implement-
. ... * ........ “ * ' -. »
.. - - ................ ‘ *"• a-.1- «*"
' ‘ ..... ' ........... i 1 - ‘ t'.V .TU f
. * ' ",, »nc«* 4,n. • i t ' •* » i
T = ; , .v . -u u t ' ®!U*
. . . < 1- • i • • . • 1 Jar inuii I'
■ !. -* *• 15 curriculum
• y ' . - ' - - ' * ' , .,,-iuiutv »>n curie , t .. . * I • iwl t )pi» '■ ,u‘ • . ve_
n 1 ? *• r c' . f .ti.r . down than a ‘•'c't . j r. . .. , r •» ir\cUl‘<8 **
. < c " m Krivutum . .
nine up .uin Mr Malmberg said
liter, in answer t« » ^ ^ ^ U n g up - better
. • Vic felt there hail ix^n - the rural and
teachers, buildings and program^ ^ w o or three
tv Hirer urban districts dun R j lhink we are be-
>■«” ”f u!c dvna'm.c' and there is going to be a
,that when school
* * * ‘It is no secret dcnce in 1967 they felt
boards lost their feed^n^ nhaod, for this independ-
that they had lost represented local control
ence to most sc b °°i^ si |icant decision making
of education. The ® co^trof Gf raising money and
function that they , it fn education. It is my
determining how to sp more difficult to get good
impression that it ha boards since the advent of
people to serve on scho l b ^ hool boards have not
Equal Opportunity and th previously,
taken their duties as senously^the^ ^ V
To retain local interest hcontrob This is a chal-
have a large measure c , ,, AdviSory Commis-
lenge ^ UGo^ernmeiital Relations, Who Shoa.d
Pap for Public Schools (1971) at 12-13.
A similar iach of
• s r z - j s r ^ ^ r ^ g o v o — a -
experience under this program, the Hawaiian »
ture by Act 38 of the Regular Session of 1968 - now o..b
fied as Hawaii Revised Statutes Section 2i.l> adopted an
act restoring to the counties the power to supplement
state funds for school construction and transportation.
»The act in question was “declared to be an urgency meas
ure deemed necessary in the public interest by its pie-
amble. The preamble went on to recite:
“Under existing law, counties are precluded from
doing anything in this area, even to spend their own
funds if they so desire. This corrective legislation is
urgently needed in order to allow counties to go above
and beyond the state s standards and provide educa
tional facilities as good as the people of the counties
want and are willing to pay for. Allowing local com
munities to go above and beyond established mini-
mums to provide for their people encourages the best
features of democratic government.”
Dissatisfaction with the consequences of full state fund
ing in Hawaii has not been confined to its legislature.* The
Supreme Court of Hawaii in its opinion in Spears v.
Honda, 51 Hawaii 1, 7 (1968), a case invalidating a pro
gram providing bus transportation for private and par®
chial school students, alluded to the uniquely significant
position of private schools in Hawaii which had survived
throughout the present century and went on to refer
to the “stinginess” of the Hawaiian Legislature with re
spect to appropriations for public schools and to the uni
versal mediocrity of Hawaiian public schools under the
full state funding system:
* Full state”funding in Hawaii has limited local initiative Contrary
to plaintiffs’ postulate, it has not eliminated inequalities but merely
rendered them less visible. Salaries per pupil m 1970-71 varied from
S407 in the Nimitz School to $1181 in the Hookena School, agams
a state average of $597. Hawaii Public Education Department,
District Summary of School Expenditures, 19/0-/1.
VO-1
_ .. .. . ............ .. < i cvilings upon cx-
• i • vt i- iPh'i-r" districts would be a tend- rx r.diturcs tn the we.iUtmr oim. o
cncv of residents <*f thi-w districts to resort in greate
measure to private schools. This phenomenon has been
noted in the aftermath of the abolition of the District of
Columbia Track System in Hobson r. Hansen an a was
pointed to as a probable consequence of the relief soug
L the court in Mclnnis v. Shapiro, 293 F. Supp. o27
<ND 111 1968) at notes 37-38. See also Kurland. Equal
Educational Opportunity: The Limits of Constitutioiiall
Jurisprudence Undefined, 35 U. Chi. L. Rev. 583, 59a
11968) In response to this very real possibility Pro
fessor Coons and his colleagues have tendered two an
swers Their first suggestion is that exercise of the right
to private education should be further burdened; in Dr.
Coons’ words “of course, it is up to the state as to whether
they can do that.” (Mondale Committee Hearings pages
6833-84). See also Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private
Wealth and Public Education at 277-78; Mondale Com
mittee Hearings at page 6884 (testimony of Mrs. Sarah
Carey). It is in addition suggested by Professor Coons
and his colleagues that “further, it seems appropriate for
the court to view the class ‘children as simply a sub
group of the class ‘poor’. Realistically, all children are
poor * * * such separation of the interests of child and
parent could be enormously significant in future encoun
ters among pupils parents and the state on issues ranging
from compulsory education to school finance.” Coons,
Clune, and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of Serrano, 2
Yale Review of Law and Social Action 111, 115 (1972).
It may be that this Court’s recent opinion in the Yoder
case has somewhat dampened the enthusiasm for this
line of argument. The second answer of Professor Coons
and his colleagues with respect to the possibility of flight
to private schools, is the perhaps somewhat cavalier ob
servation “if these families desert public education it is
hard to see that much is lost.” Id. at 118. The difficulty
with this attitude is that much of the present political
support for state as well as local education programs
emanates from the “wealthy” suburban constituencies in
which the flight to private education may well take place.
Imposing a rule requiring full state funding would be
to decree that no new educational program could be em
barked upon until it attained majority support in the state
as a whole. It is part of the genius of our federal system
that no such stultifying barrier to progress or greater ex
penditure is imposed upon the lower levels of govern
ment. The existence of national programs commanding
majority support in the nation is not held to preclude the
existence of state programs commanding statewide ma
jorities but unacceptable to a national majority. Similarly,
the existence of statewide programs commanding state
wide majorities is not viewed as inconsistent with the
survival of local programs commanding majorities in par
ticular localities but not in the state as a whole and, in
deed, the lack of majority support at any level of gov
ernment for a public program does not under our system
preclude individual private expenditures for social de
siderata not publicly recognized. Surely this feature of
our system of government has been conducive to progress.
Many educational innovations now accepted by state ma
jorities including special education for handicapped pupils,
Coons,
ano, 2
H1972).
Yoder
[tor this
Coons
U flight
[ojer ob
tain it is
| .jfficulty
political
1 ;ro grams
p Similarly,
. a- K £ state-
- Sr •s.'ith the
Nps in par-
m t and, m-
of gov-
s 'C system
social de
nature of
| progress,
hate ma-
*-d pupils,
53
kindergarten schoSdTstric^
the like were pioneered m w e * which would al.
While plaintiffs profess o taxing them-
l0w local districts to raise added funds y n Qf
selves more heavily an the authors of their
the added proceeds tc> o e e full state funding or
scheme recognize that in P ^ resUit of the re-
fully state controlled funding t o l level of disbe
lief sought. The oblitera ion ff , compiaint; its
tion is effectively demanded b^ plaints ^
sponsors have made plain P Wholly apart
and state discretion will shortly _fo ^ # constitution
from the inconsis ency language hostility
government, can it be
»o se d that this program is the way to maximize pub-
lie expenditures on education?
r ? " " "
- h a r to those urged by
lowed to spend moiemo y, . h tax rates, than those
be it private instruction or higher tax râ
who do not value education so highly.
"Rnr̂ rifruGZ tuIg, cind. th6 rG§iniG That the end result of a Rodriguez ru u
of full state funding enforced by it will be
in total educational spending is apparent.
“ [Alt least some of the support
ing in California is comi g Taxnavers who have
a way to hold down in their
fought school tax “ i , 0 m ove the decision
local districts are now piessing
v V !
W m & r M -
S-.-ti --H.v
' C1. Vv£ ■
-;r .
tn the state level The lobbies for school improve-
UmPer S n « s to be strongest at the W leva .
That in fact, is one reason for the local disparities
Districts with equal wealth choose to tax the^elves
at different levels. Whatever benefits statewide ft
nancine might bring to California s schools, the char
acter of stats politics under Governor Reagan sugges
that it will not necessarily increase the money spen
on them.”
Anderson, Study in California: Financing Schools: Search
for Reform. Washington Post, May 31, 1972.
LACK o f r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n e d u c a t i o n a l
SPENDING AND EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT
The opinion of the Rodriguez court is unclear as to
whether the gravamen of the constitutional violation found
by it consists of the denial of education of equal quality to
children in disfavored districts or rather consists of im
position by the state of an unfair relationship between
taxes and benefits. As previously noted, if the constitu
tional violation is founded upon the second theory, e
court’s position is entirely untenable in light of the! rule o
Carmichael v. Southern Coal Company, 301 U.S. 495, which
makes clear that there is no constitutional requirement of
a relationship between taxes and benefits. Thus it would
seem that the Rodriguez plaintiffs found their claim on the
proposition that the state is providing their children with
education of inferior quality. Certainly they do not urge
that matters of taxing and spending generally are to be
subject to a strict scrutiny test. Indeed, it is clear tha
even the rational basis test does not apply to such purely
fiscal determinations as to which the powers of legisla
tures state and federal, have traditionally been held to be
almost plenary. Since the decision rests upon the premise -
rejected by Judge Harvey in his eloquent opinion in Parker
rprove-
level,
parities,
^-selves
l-tide fi-
char-
L> fjggest
[ i spent
H S .'?arch
•lON’AL
AIN'T
rc as to
a found
J Tity to
i uf im-
J .| tween
) ■ nstitu-
the
role of
which
of
would
on the
with
M urge
to be
that
Purely
•°gisla-
to be
ise —
Parker
v. Mandel — that there is something peculiarly significant
about the detriment resulting to Plaintiffs from the system
of educational finance, it was incumbent upon the plaintiffs
to show a significant relationship between educational
spending and educational achievement. This burden they
did not and cannot sustain.
Even cursory review of the evidence in the record reveals
that the disparities in spending between varying school
districts are largely, if not entirely, explained by two
factors: (1) variations in teachers’ salaries, largely re
flecting similar variations in wage levels and prices in
varying portions of the state; and (2) variations in class
size. The available studies on the relationship of educa
tional spending to educational achievement speak with
almost one voice on the insignificance of such differences.
As is well known, the most extensive study of these rela
tionships is that contained in the so-called Coleman Report,
U.S. Office of Education, Equality of Educational Oppor
tunity (1966). That report concluded:
“It is known that socio-economic factors [of the
students] bear a strong relation to academic achieve
ment. When these factors are statistically controlled,
however, it appears that differences between schools
account for only a small fraction of differences in pupil
achievement.”
The Coleman Report found that the teacher pupil ratio
“showed a consistent lack of relationship to achievement
among all groups under all conditions” (p. 312). In addition
the Coleman Report observed: “Differences in school fa
cilities and curriculum, which are the major variables by
which attempts are made to improve schools, are so little
related to differences in achievement levels of students,
that, with few exceptions, their effects fail to appear even
in a survey of this magnitude.”
55
56
The Coleman Report was no ordinary researeh study. It
has been described as follows. ^ opportunity,
“The study, Equality J Commissioned under
was hardly an every ay ^ ^ great bills of the
the Civil Rights Act o ’ , b the United States
Twentieth Century, sponsoredby most vigorous
Office of Education in social scientists
leadership and conducted by £ * 8 ^ powerful
at just the momen begn devei0ped, the study
methods of ana ysi largest in the history of social
was perhaps the second la g vthingj even more
science. Its findings w ’ . gtollesky and Lesser
extraordinary than its g • rable detachment:
summarize these e j e c t e d to find, direct
‘Coleman failed to u n it ie s
evidence of large: ineq children from different ma
in schools attended b y ch^ ^tudy set out to docu-
jority or minority group J minority groups
ment the facts that f une al and that this m-
school facilities are sh Ply J hievement. Data did
equality is related to stua small differences
not support either cone u ̂ discernibleh, school facimms d ,4 ™ s tohadMt, ^ „ t ,
relationship to th intended to prove beyond
effect, the Coleman st^ y theses of the reform estab-
further question two cen aVailable to minori-
Ushment: first that school^ e* J a™ ond that this
ties were shocking y' This, of course, was
accounted for unequal ,, pose two equally
not found. The
difficult choices ' that the achievement of
first would be to cone nnnnrtunity — increasingly
? r 1d^n^ermsCaof0compSable educational achieve-
defined in terms ^ and majonty groups -
ment on the pa expenditures of money and
will require vastly gre£\ , L envisagCd. The second
social effort than even hey schools as
r^sh ou ld b e downgraded in favor of a vast national
■ m & A
- —
56
.. as no ordinary research study. It
lows:
of Educational Opportunity,
vdav affair. Commissioned under
of 1964, one of the great bills of the
sponsored by the United States
in a period of its most vigorous
Jucted by leading social scientists
nt when incomparably powerful
s had been developed, the study
ond largest in the history of social
were, if anything, even more
its genesis. Stollesky and Lesser
dings with admirable detachment:
nd what he expected to find, direct
icqualities in educational facilities
i by children from different ma-
;roups. The study set out to docu-
t for children of minority groups
sharply unequal and that this in
to student achievement. Data did
inclusion. What small differences
lid exist had little or no discernible
level of school achievement. In
study was intended to prove beyond
o central theses of the reform estab-
school facilities available to minori
ty unequal; and second that this
ual outcomes. This, of course, was
n’s findings thus pose two equally
r the reform establishment. The
conclude that the achievement of
ional opportunity — increasingly
'• comparable educational achieve-
f minority and majority groups —
greater expenditures of money and
en they had envisaged. The second
le that improvement of schools as
ngraded in favor of a vast national
57
effort to liquidate the lower class, in Walter B. Miller’s
phrase, and thereby remove the apparently insur
mountable — or at least not likely to be surmounted —
restraint on educational achievement among lower
class youth, especially in urban ghetto areas. Under
standably, the reform establishment chose first of all
to concentrate on Coleman’s findings, rather than on
their implications. . . . A major element in the re
sponses of the reform establishment has been the mani
fest fact that, heretofore, the public generally has been
more willing to consider changes in educational insti-
tions than economic and social institutions. Coleman
must be taken to suggest that reform will be consider
ably more difficult to achieve than has been expected.
This is rarely welcome news, and has accordingly been
resisted’.” Moynihan, “Sources of Resistance to the
Coleman Report”, in Harvard Educational Review,
Equal Educational Opportunity at 25, 26, 28-29, 30
(1969).
The Report’s conclusions have gained much professional
respect. See, e.g., the article by former Dean of Harvard
Graduate School of Education, Sizer, Low-Income Families
and The Schools for Their Children, 30 Pub. Admin. Rev.
340 (1970); and Cohen, Policy for the Public Schools:
Compensation and Integration, 38 Harv. Educ. Rev. 114
(1968). Re-analyzing the Coleman data, a later study ar
rived at the same conclusion. 1 U.S. Commission on Civil
Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools 86 (1967).
The Coleman Report was a disinterested study. There is
no reason to believe that the conclusions reached in it were
in any way palatable to Professor Coleman or its other
authors, rather the contrary. See Schoettle, Equal Protec
tion Clause and Public Education, 72 Columbia Law Review
at 1378-1388 (1972). Subsequent to publication of the Cole
man Report:
•'A recently published re-examination of the Cole-
mar̂ data h / a - - ^ n ^ s o c t a l — m a
faculty seminar at Ha t while avoiding
the findings of the origins t{^ dok>gical problems,
some of the original report s methoao B P influ.
Indeed, this re-exam, nation ' nd,' a‘ “ “ achievoment
ence of school expenditures o original Cole-
is even weaker thanwas^ndic ̂ ^ Qynihan> A Path-
man Report. See M , Educational Oppor-
breaWnp Report in On E q u d .^ Rcport ^
T'̂ nlZlo
ity of E ln c a ^ a l l Goldstein, Inter-District
Reconsidered m Id. 2o . A Critical Analysis
Inequalities in School FJ™£C 9’ 120 University of
n-f ^pwclyio v Priest end i t s ± y y / 1 nno\
Pennsylvania Law Review 504, 520, note aO (19721,
dren or other to r ‘ se
givesflittle evidence that any
widely used school policy - resource has an appreciable
effect on achievement scores.
The findings of the Coleman Report are supported by
numerous prior studies. Among them is the leading British
study of these matters, the so-called Plowden Report, Cen-
ral Advisory Council on Education, Children and Their
p i t y Schools<2 Volumes, 19671. The findings of this
tn o rt have been summarized by Professor Guthrie, Klein-
dorfer, Levin and Stout, as follows.
53
lishcd re-examination of the Cole-
,.e 0f eminent social scientists in a
Harvard University has confirmed
ie original report, while avoiding
,1 report’s methodological problems,
animation indicates that the inllu-
ncnditures on student achievement
„ was indicated by the original Cole-
Mosteller and Moynihan, A Path-
-j On Equality of Educational Oppor-
, ■ Jcncks The Coleman Report and
Wisdom in Id. 69-115; Smith, Equal-
l Opportunity: The Basic Findings
d. 230-42.” (Goldstein, Inter-District
hool Financing; A Critical Analysis
st and Its Progeny, 120 University of
Review 504, 520, note 50 (1972).
lination of the Coleman Report con-
wav to deal with the educational
[Iren, whatever their race, was to im-
comes of their families and also con-
spending on schools had little effect
Tformance of either lower class chil-
■n. The Jencks study concluded “the
>ach to raising achievement is to raise
ie data gives little evidence that any
xilicy or resource has an appreciable
t scores.”
io Coleman Report are supported by
os. Among them is the leading British
s, the so-called Plowden Report. Cen-
•il on Education, Children and Their
Volumes, 1967). The findings of this
nmarized by Professor Guthrie, Klein-
tout, as follows:
“Except for the fact that the study limits itself to a
concern for elementary school students, its findmgs and
?he controversy surrounding them are not very differ
e d from those produced by the Coleman Report in this
nation.” (Guthrie, et al„ at page 74.)
The regression analysis undertaken as part of -he na
tional survey of primary education in England reached the
conclusion that:
“The specific contributions made by the variation in
parental attitudes are greater than those made by the
variation in home circumstances, while the latter
turn are greater than those made by the variations
between schools and teachers that we have taken mt
account.” (Id. Volume II at 188.)
The Encyclopedia of Educational Research (1950), ob
served in summarizing over 200 research studies on class
S 1 Z 6 *
“On the whole the statistical findings definitely favor
large classes at every level of instruction, except kin
dergarten . . . The general trend of evidence places the
burden of proof squarely upon the proponents of sma
classes.”
The President’s Commission on School Finance recently
specially commissioned a survey of the available literature
relating to the effects of additional school spending on
educational performance. Its final report concluded:
“The relationship between costs and quality in edu
cation is exceedingly complex and difficult to^docu
ment. Despite years of research by educators and econ
omists, reliable generalizations are few and scattered
* * * The conviction that class size has an important
or even a measurable effect on educational quality can
not be presently supported by evidence. A review o
a great body of research on the effects of class size
/ inii.+oarhpr ratios, to use a technical term) yields
60
no evidence that smaller classes, of themselves, pro
duce more or better education in any accepted sense
Nor conversely, has it been shown conclusively that
larger classes, of themselves, provide less or poorer
education to children - and they obviously cost less.
President’s Commission on School Finance, School,
People and Money, Final Report (1972), at x-xi.
“In a study prepared for this Commission by a dis
tinguished research organization, all available researc
projects were examined in an effort to determine
effect of class size on educational effectiveness. This
study — which examined the body of research m this
area — found no discernible difference in student
achievement even though classes ranged from 18 to
up to 35 to 1 * * *• Despite diligent searches and wide
spread opinion to the contrary, the Commission finds no
research evidence that demonstrates improved student
achievement resulting from decreasing pupil-teacher
ratios.” * (Id. at 59.^
The implication of these studies for the relief sought by
plaintiffs has been pointed out by many commentators.
Thus, it has been rather succinctly observed that.
’ “Any reshuffling of dollars - if spent within the
present range of variability on more highly paid teach
ers, reductions in class size, and buildings — is not
likely to have much effect on the tested cognitive skills,
or the credentials necessary for entrance into honors
programs, jobs or college or on the values of the chil
dren. What the reshuffling of dollars will do is reshuffle
teacher salaries in rough proportion. That such a result
will not materially alter the outcome of schooling for
the child should not be all that surprising. Teachers,
like the rest of us, are not paid for how well they per
form (even if we could define what performance
means).” Dimond, Serrano: A Victory of Sorts for
Ethics, Not Necessarily for Education, 2 Yale Review
of Law and Social Action 133, 137 (1972).
* See The Rand Corporation, H o w E ffec tiv e is S ch oo lin g (1972).
Y<
sion:
a n d
also
mat
T
feet
(Ca
ary
con
tier
cer
mo
c*-
obi
Scl
sij
to
K
(1
sc
U
CJ
tc
c;
ti
t!
t
60
61
nailer classes, of themselves, pro-
• education in any accepted sense,
s it been shown conclusively that
icmselves, provide less or poorer
n __and they obviously cost less.”
ision on School Finance, Schools,
Final Report (1972), at x-xi.
ired for this Commission by a dis
organization, all available research
intd in an effort to determine the
on educational effectiveness. This
mined the body of research in this
discernible difference in student
hough classes ranged from 18 to 1
Despite diligv nt searches and wide-
p contrary, the Commission finds no
>iat demonstrates improved student
og from decreasing pupil-teacher
I . )
ese studies for the relief sought by
nted out by many commentators.
■ succinctly observed that:
of dollars — if spent within the
riability on more highly paid teach-
ffass size, and buildings — is not
effect on the tested cognitive skills,
accessary for entrance into honors
allege or on the values of the chil-
auflling of dollars will do is reshuffle
• nigh proportion. That such a result
alter the outcome of schooling for
»t be all that surprising. Teachers,
are not paid for how well they per-
[• could define what performance
i Serrano: A Victory of Sorts for
arily for Education, 2 Yale Review
potion 133, 137 (1972).
■a. 11 oiv E ffec tiv e is S ch oo lin g (1972).
Yet another report has recently reached similar conchi
e s . Center for Educational Policy Research, Education
and Inequality: A Preliminary Report (1971) at 47-64. See
also Wynne, The Politics of Accountability: Public Infor
mation About Public Schools (1972).
The observations of other commentators to similar ef
fect are legion. Thus, Professor Moynihan has observed
-Con Courts and Money Do It?, New York Times, Janu
ary 10, 1972 page 1): “the only certain result that will
come from this [the Rodriguez decision] is that a par
ticular cadre of middle class persons in the possession of
certain licenses — that is to say teachers — will receive
more public money in the future than they do now.”
Similarly, Professor Roger Freeman of Stanford has
observed: (Address to the Annual Meeting of the National
School Boards Association. April 14, 1972 > :
“Added school spending provides sizable benefits
to teachers and administrators in the form of more
and better paid jobs, greater amenities and reduced
work loads. Its tangible advantage to children s edu
cation has yet to be demonstrated.”
The findings of the Coleman Report have met with little
significant dispute. The only substantial work purporting
to dispute the Coleman findings is the study by Guthrie.
Kleindorfer, Levin and Stout, Schools and Inequality
(1972). That work is scarcely a disinterested work of
scholarship. It was sponsored and paid for by the National
Urban Coalition which, the authors tell us, “was specifi
cally interested in supporting an objective study relevant
to a Michigan court case of national significance for edu
cation * * * The Board of Education of the School Dis
trict of the City of Detroit had filed a complaint alleging
that Michigan’s governmental arrangements for educa
tion, violated * * * the Equal Protection Clause.* Given
* The suit was later dismissed for want of prosecution.
62
this concurrence of interest, we accepted the National
Urban Coalition offer of assistance.” (Schools and In
equality at xvi). Only the fourth chapter of the resulting
book is devoted to the relation of school services to stu
dent achievement. However, the study undertaken by
these four writers, a fragmentary description of which ap
pears at pages 84 through 90 of their book, was not a
study of the relation of monetary inputs to educational
performance. The extent of the study undertaken or cor
relations found by them has not been clearly disclosed
and it appears that the more significant correlations found
related to such matters as the relation between student
achievement and such non-monetary variables as teacher
morale, teacher verbal ability and the percentage of stu
dents transferring into the school — variables which bear
no necessary relationship to school spending or at least
no demonstrated relationship to school spending. Indeed,
notwithstanding the fact that the Guthrie-Levin book
is frequently cited as contradicting the Coleman study,
when the matters studied in it were put to the test in liti
gation in Michigan none of its authors appeared as wit
nesses in the extended trial in the Michigan school fi
nance case.* This is scarcely surprising, since Professor
Guthrie had shortly before testified in a Michigan law
suit involving metropolitan school desegregation prob
lems, Bradley v. Milliken, U.S. Dist. Ct. E.D. Mich. No.
35257 that:
“Q. Does your familiarity at the moment permit
you to agree with me to the effect that the general,
returning to the implications of Mr. Ritchie’s question,
the approach of additional dollars without more would
seem on the basis of the [Moynihan and Mosteller] re
analysis [of the Coleman Report] as well as the other
* M illiken v. G reen, Mich. Cir. Ct. Ingham County, No. 13664-C
(1972).
F
lari
tior
get
E
fen
plai
is ,•
<at
62 63
interest, we accepted the National
- of assistance.” (Schools and In-
■ the fourth chapter of the resulting
c relation of school services to stu-
lowever, the study undertaken by
ragmentary description of which ap-
rough 90 of their book, was not a
of monetary inputs to educational
:ent of the study undertaken or cor-
u>m has not been clearly disclosed
e more significant correlations found
'rs as the relation between student
l non-monetary variables as teacher
>1 ability and the percentage of stu-
n the school — variables which bear
ship to school spending or at least
ionship to school spending. Indeed,
fact that the Guthrie-Levin book
s contradicting the Coleman study,
died in it were put to the test in liti-
onc of its authors appeared as wit-
ed trial in the Michigan school fi-
searcely surprising, since Professor
before testified in a Michigan law
'politan school desegregation prob
l e m U.S. Dist. Ct. E.D. Mich. No.
familiarity at the moment permit
h me to the effect that the general,
mplications of Mr. Ritchie’s question,
■iditional dollars without more would
" f the IMoynihan and Mosteller] re-
-oloman Report] as well as the other
• (->r Ct. Ingham County, No. 13664-C
data to which you referred, to be inadequate in terms
of the problem? A. My response to Mr. Ritchie’s
question was not based very much on the Coleman
Report, rather it was based on my work with Senator
Mondale’s Select Committee on Equal Educational Op
portunity where I have come to see almost every effort
we have made at putting additional dollars on the
head of poor children has somehow never occurred
because we have never gotten the additional dollars
there. As Senator Mondale says ‘Everytime we try
to help poor children in this nation, someone robs the
train on the way’. That seems to be what happens
when you look at actual delivery of Title One dollars
to poor children, it often doesn’t get there and a vol
ume which has been mentioned here, Schools and In
equality, for the State of Michigan, myself and col
leagues found a negative relationship between the
child’s income and the amount of federal money being
spent on him. Well, it wasn’t a negative it was a posi
tive relationship, poor children were not having
money spent on them in Michigan the way it was al
leged to be the case .
Q. If the dollars got there, but nothing else was
changed, including social SES composition and racial
composition, would you be optimistic about the dollars
spent? A. No, I would not be optimistic even if the
dollars were changed by thousands.” (Transcript of
hearing, pages 523-524.)
Elsewhere at the same hearing Professor Guthrie re
ferred to socio-economic status as “to date the best ex
plainer of a child’s school achievement that we have. It
is a more powerful explainer than race, for example.”
fat 4501.
Professor Guthrie’s colloborator, Professor Levin, simi
larly appears to hold to the view that the limited addi
tional increments of funds which “poor” districts would
get from an application of the Rodriguez doctrine would
IH
N
H
1
v:T-z •Iff
......„n w__
»$r .«WXv«
64
be of negligible educational value. Dr. Levin testified be
fore the Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational
Opportunity (Hearings, part 7 page 3516) as follows:
“One of the problems is that additional dollars, as
they move into the educational system, have never
really been married up to education * * * They have
not thought about why the particular techniques ap
proaches, and resources that they have used have
failed the same children in the past. They have not
questioned whether just larger quantities of the same
resources that have failed children in the past are
going to succeed * * 1(1 ”.
After an extensive trial concerning these cost-quality
issues, in a state unique for its possession of a statewide
educational measurement program, the Circuit Court for
Ingham County, Michigan made the following findings,
among others:
“1. A statewide comparison of State Equalized Valu
ation Per Pupil v. Composite Achievement reveals a
low correlation between test scores of 4th and 7th
grade composite achievement tests and SEV. (Ex. 127,
81, 82; Tr. 2716, 2778.)
2. A statewide comparison of Total Current Oper
ating Expense Per Pupil v. Composite Achievement
reveals a low correlation between test scores on 4th
and 7th grade composite achievement tests and Total
Current Operating Expense. (Ex. 127, 88, 89; Tr. 2224.)
3. A statewide comparison of Total Instructional
Expense v. Composite Achievement reveals a low cor
relation between test scores on 4th and 7th grade com
posite achievement tests and total instructional ex
pense. (Ex. 127, 90, 91; Tr. 2778.)
4. A statewide comparison of Student Evaluation
of Socio-economic Status and State Equalized Valua
tion Per Pupil reveal a low relationship (Tr. 2716
and 2778.)
5. A statewide comparison of Student Evaluation
of Socio-economic Status v. Composite Achievement
re
4t
ê
01
a
r<
o
o
2
(
ed
co:
ar
64 65
tional value. Dr. Levin testified be-
t Committee on Equal Educational
s, part 7 page 3516) as follows:
jblems is that additional dollars, as
he educational system, have never
?d up to education * * * They have
why the particular techniques ap-
;ources that they have used have
fuldren in the past. They have not
2r just larger quantities of the same
ve failed children in the past are
* * * *>
trial concerning these cost-quality
ue for its possession of a statewide
ient program, the Circuit Court for
ligan made the following findings,
comparison of State Equalized Valu-
. Composite Achievement reveals a
'etween test scores of 4th and 7th
chievement tests and SEV. (Ex. 127,
78.)
comparison of Total Current Oper-
■r Pupil v. Composite Achievement
relation between test scores on 4th
nposite achievement tests and Total
l Expense. (Ex. 127, 88, 89; Tr. 2224.)
comparison of Total Instructional
>site Achievement reveals a low cor
est scores on 4th and 7th grade com
at tests and total instructional ex-
•0, 91; Tr. 2778.)
comparison of Student Evaluation
Status and State Equalized Valua-
eveal a low relationship (Tr. 2716
comparison of Student Evaluation
Status v. Composite Achievement
reveals a moderate correlation between test scores on
4th grade composite achievement test and a student
evaluation of SES and a high correlation of test scores
of 7th grade composite achievement and student evalu
ation of SES. Accordingly, statistical analysis of the
relationship between student evaluation of SES and
composite achievement scores reveals a high degree
of relationship. (Ex. 127, 97, 98, Plaintiffs’ Ex. 80; Tr.
2291, 2293.)
6. An analysis of the data compiled by the Michi
gan Department of Education contained in Exhibit
32, using the stepwise mutliple regression-technique
indicates that there is ; low statistical relationship
between monetary inputs and achievement output
(Tr. 2634). Thus, the low degree of relationship be
tween financial inputs and achievement outputs found
in the uni-variate statistical analysis (scattergrams
and correlation coefficients) is confirmed in the multi
variate context (stepwise multiple regression equa
tion) (Tr. 2636). On the other hand, in both the uni
variate and the multi-variate context the relationship
of SES to composite achievement is moderate at 4th
grade and moderately high to high at 7th grade level
(Tr. 2638).
7. A statewide analysis of the data contained in
Exhibit 32 using the factor analysis technique of 7th
grade data, reveals that SES and composite achieve
ment are contained in the same family of variables
(Ex. 122; Tr. 2672). Thus, SES appears to be related
to the same factor that achievement is related to (Tr.
2672). However, all of the monetary resource varia
bles (SEV, local revenue, and state aid) are found to
belong to an entirely different factor (Tr. 2672-73).
This indicates that student achievement and SES are
operating independently of monetary resources.”
Clearly, even a cursory examination of the pertinent
educational literature reveals that there is no necessary
cost-quality relationship or, at the least, that these issues
are highly debatable. Under these circumstances it is
66
apparent that this case is about taxes and expenditures
and not about education and that the state governments
possess a rational basis for declining to appropriate the
approximately ten billion dollars necessary to produce
abstract monetary equality with its concomitant detri
ments to local fiscal control and to the future willingness
of voters and legislators to avail themselves of, or ap
propriate funds for, public school systems. It is hardly
appropriate for this court, or any court to try these dis
puted cost-quality issues; it is no more within the province
of courts than it is within the province of legislators, in
the face of the conflicting scientific evidence, to make of
Professor Guthrie an American Lysenko. Cf. Epperson v.
Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968).
LACK OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PROPERTY
ANI) INCOME
The essential thesis of the present wave of lawsuits is
that there is a necessary connection between variations in
the wealth of school districts and variations in the educa
tional outcome of their individual students. But if there
is one thing that the literature of this field makes entirely
clear it is not merely that there is no connection between
educational spending and educational achievement but
also that there is no necessary connection between dis
trict wealth defined in terms of property and educational
spending. The effort to translate the necessary conse
quence of the division of the nation into different organs
of state and local governments into a deprivation of in
dividual rights must hence fail.
It has been elaborately and repeatedly demonstrated
that the property wealth standard utilized by the Cali
fornia and Texas Courts bears no necessary relationship
to the individual wealth of residents of the affected school
distric
distric
fessor
v.
c:
li
ti
d
s
c
c
(
]
p
ecoi
tior
car
we;
tiv<
Se i
Ka
“tl
on
eff
co
fo
in
er
66 G7
se is about taxes and expenditures
ion and that the state governments
;is for declining to appropriate the
llion dollars necessary to produce
juality with its concomitant detri-
ontrol and to the future willingness
tors to avail themselves of, or ap-
Dublic school systems. It is hardly
ourt, or any court to try these dis-
ies; it is no more within the province
•ithin the province of legislators, in
ding scientific evidence, to make of
American Lysenko. Cf. Epperson v.
(1968).
ONSIIIP BETWEEN PROPERTY
AND INCOME
; of the present wave of lawsuits is
iry connection between variations in
listricts and variations in the educa-
ir individual students. But if there
iterature of this field makes entirely
that there is no connection between
and educational achievement but
necessary connection between dis-
n terms of property and educational
to translate the necessary conse-
a of the nation into different organs
eernments into a deprivation of in-
hence fail.
ately and repeatedly demonstrated
?alth standard utilized by the Cali-
-uds bears no necessary relationship
Ith of residents of the affected school
jistricts and that in no sense is the alignment of school
iistricts a discrimination against poor persons. Even Pro
h o r Coons and his colleagues have conceded:
“The distinction between collective and individual
wealth is worth considering. Serrano forbids dis
crimination in education upon either basis, but it is
likely that the proof required at trial will be confined
to the wealth of school districts. At present it is very
difficult to specify the degree to which personal and
school district wealth coincide. The economists seem
confident that the relation is positive but the anom
alies are frequent and sometimes embarrassing. Not
only do poor people inhabit rich industrial enclaves
with low populations, but they also are found in large
numbers in certain large cities, a few of which for
school purposes, are relatively well off (e.g. New York
and San Francisco — a primary cause is significant
private school enrollment). Equally troublesome, per
haps, the rich sometimes live in tax poor areas. Ser
rano, thus, is not a one edged blade for the war on
poverty.” 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action at
114.
Professor Coons and his colleagues did not identify the
economists who concluded that there is a positive rela
tion between personal and school district wealth. But
careful studies of the relationship of income to property
wealth in two states, Kansas and California, have effec
tively exploded this notion. In Ridenour and Ridenour,
Serrano v. Priest'. "Wealth and Kansas School Einance, 20
Kansas Law Review 213 (1972) the authors observed:
“the application of a definition of wealth that relies only
on assessed property valuation in Kansas would result in
effective discrimination against taxpayers with little in
come”. It further observed, citing a similar study in Cali
fornia (Davies, The Challenge of Change in School Finance
in National Education Association, Tenth Annual Confer
ence on School Finance 199 (1967)):
“The practical result of the Serrano rationale in
C a l ^ a n d Kansas is to strike down de. ]»re
crimination between pupils on the ba •
value per-pupil in favor of a scheme of defa-to dis
crimination on the basis of income per-pupil (at 224.)
It is even more dramatically observed.
“It was pointed out in the previous section that a
study in California found only random correlation be*
tween districts having high assessed value per-;pupil
and those having high income that there
of the foregoing figures it can be argued that the
exists in Kansas almost an inverse correlation, dis
tricts with highest income per-pupil have low assess
value per-pupil and districts with high assessed value
per-pupil have low income per-pupil (at 22b.
The study by Davies of California concluded:
“California's present criterion of wealth imputes to
the high wealth counties ability, that, on the basis of
income they do not possess. Ability to finance educa-
“ on m fy be exaggerated. These counties can raise
equivalent sums of money only by ;
tively greater share of income to taxes. Tenth Annual
Conference on School Finance at 200.
These articles point out that in many states the net effect
of a change from the present system of school finance to a
system of school finance fully consistent with Rodriguez
and Serrano may be to burden more heavily the low income
taxpayers. In the authors’ words, the Serrano court s con
clusion fails to recognize that there is no guara" te^ rela’
tionship between ownership of property and a fixed yield
from it” (at 224).
The detriment to minority group pupils as a class from
the decision in Serrano has already been noted, 59% of such
pupils living in districts with above average property
68
69
result of the Serrano rationale jn
nsas is to strike down de jure dis
on pupils on the basis of assessed
favor of a scheme of de facto dis
basis of income per-pupil” (at 224 i
latically observed:
>ut in the previous section that a
found only random correlation be
ing high assessed value per-punji
«h income Per-pupil. On the basis
urcs it can be argued that there
most an inverse correlation- dis
icome per-pupil have low assessed
districts with high assessed value
ncome per-pupil” (at 225J
California concluded:
7 cri7 r1ion ^f wealth imputes to
J*1CS ablhty> that, on the basis of
£ssess. Abihty to finance educa
ted . These counties can raise
[mcy only by apportioning a rela-
f income to taxes.” Tenth Annual
r mance at 200.
that in many states the net effect
mt system of school finance to a
ahy consistent with Rodriguez
len more heavily the low income
uords, the Serrano court’s “con-
•at there is no guaranteed rela-
P o Property and a fixed yield
yproappupds as a class from
» h y ,beenn° ted- 59*o fsu c h
above average property
Nor is this all. The New Brunswick experience is illus
trative of another possible consequence of the Serrano-
Rodriguez rule. There, the introduction of full state fund
ing was accompanied by a shift from the property tax to an
even more regressive sales tax:
“One of the elements that helped sell Equal Oppor
tunity to the people was the fact that it represented ‘a
shift away from direct taxation as exemplified by
property taxes . . . toward indirect taxation — the
sales tax,’ explained Mr. Arsenault Lprincipal Secre
tary to the present Prime Minister], ‘Property taxes
especially went down.’ ” Advisory Commission on In
ter-governmental Relations, Who Should Pay for Public
Schools at 10.
Thus, not only on the expenditure side but also on the tax
side it is possible, indeed probable, that introduction of the
Rodriguez-Serrano rule may be actually detrimental to
spending on the education of children of low-income
families.
It should further be noted that the lack of relationship
between low district property values and low educational
achievement is exacerbated by another factor: the extreme
present reluctance of many low property value districts
because of low educational costs in rural areas to make
even an average tax effort for education. The importance
of this effort factor was noted by the court in Mclnnis v.
Shapiro, 203 F. Supp. at 333 (N.D. 111. 1968). It is also
dramatized by the study of a state commission in Maryland
which revealed that a large part of the lower expendi
tures in many smaller rural counties was accounted for not
by lower resources but by lower tax effort. See the table
on “Effect of Differences in Effort” in [Maryland] Commis
sion to Study the State’s Role in Financing Public Educa
tion, Background Information (May 1970), pg. 68.
70
A REPRESENTATIVE STATE AID PROGRAM
It is the thesis of the framers of plaintiffs’ theory that
legislatures are incapable of independently re-examining
state aid programs unless prodded to do so by courts, that
state aid formulas constitute examples of “settled wrong”,
that existing state spending patterns and school district
lines should be viewed for purposes of constitutional assess
ment as though each state had a single united state school
system, that existing formulas are capricious, unjust, and
irrational, and that the explosion of legislative creativity
they profess to desire is dependent upon judicial invalida
tion of existing formulas. Examination of the history and
rationale of state aid to education in a representative
middle-sized state, Maryland, is sufficient to explode all
these notions.
In Maryland, as in Virginia, North Carolina, and some
Southern states, school district lines correspond exactly
to the long established district lines of Maryland counties,
just as in many New England, Midwestern, and Western
states school district lines correspond exactly to town and
township lines. The Maryland counties were established
at early dates. Eleven of the 24 subdivisions were estab
lished within their present borders prior to 1695; all but
six of them were established prior to the ratification of the
Constitution of the United States; and all but one of them
were established prior to ratification of the Fourteenth
Amendment, the most recent erection of a Maryland county
having taken place in 1872. The dates of origin of the
Maryland counties are as follows; St. Mary’s 1637, Kent
1642, Anne Arundel 1650, Calvert 1650, Charles 1658, Balti
more 1659, Talbot 1662, Somerset 1666, Dorchester 1668,
Cecil 1679, Prince George’s 1695, Queen Anne’s 1706, Wor
cester 1742, Frederick 1748, Caroline 1773, Harford 1773,
'TA
ILT
i
ATE A i*> PItOGIlAlVI
S ° f P u f f s ’ theory that
independently re-examining
dud lo do SO by court *
samples o f -'settled wrong”
patterns and school district
-OSes of constitutional assess-
a a.ngle united state school
2 ° r ,PriCi° US' unJ “sC a»d
0 egislative creativity
,0nt upon ^ d ie ia l invalids,
nmalton of ,he history and
m a representative
sufficient to explode all
line’ Car° lina- and some
ncs “ respond exactly
jtes of Maryland counties
Midwestern, and Western
knd exactly
were established
-ubdivisions were estab-
M . ' ° r to 16951 all but
to 'he ratification of the
P " »ut one th™
Z V he Fourte™"'
a.,. “ 1Iaryland county
S l ° ‘ " t o of 'he
' c ary-s I637, K en(
: „ . “ rles Mesa, Haiti.
-.Dorchester 16C8
" 4 s 1706- Wor.
* ' Harford 1773
71
Washington 1776, Montgomery 1776, Allegany 1739 Car-
roll 1336, Howard 1851, Wicomico 1367, Garrett 1872. See
generally Maryland Geological Survey, The Counties of
n Z n ° rigin' Boundaries and Election Districts
C f t f 6~57?' ArUcle 13) Section 1 of the Maryland
Constitution of 1867, still in effect, effectively forbids the
erection of new counties by providing that no new county
shall contain less than 400 square miles or less than 10 000
in abitants nor shall any existing county be reduced to
less than the same amount in order to form a new county.
Maryland school boards possess no independent taxing
authority. The taxes levied for schools are levied by thf
county governments and that of Baltimore City and in
cluded m county budgets. The counties are accorded by
ashmi L T 6i t0 ImP° Se UnHmiled Pr°Perty taxes as well
as limited local income taxes and various other taxes. No
aparf?romSth i<' 1 HaS exbausted its taxin§ authority apart from the property tax; each subdivision is empow-
re o evy taxes which it does not levy. The Maryland
counties accord varied exemptions from their local property
axes ee 28th Biennial Report of the Maryland State
Department of Assessments and Taxation at 19-22 ) Real
property assessment is carried out and organized on a
county basis under the supervision of a state agency
(Maryland Code, Art. 81, §§ 232 ff.). fn no sense dJ s
Maryland have a unified school system.
Article V in T T h ^ ^ SCh° 01 System’ created by
° the MaryJand Constitution of 1864, which
P ovided for a state property tax to be distributed to the
counties on a per pupil basis and for a powerful State
Superintendent of Schools. The Convention adopting the
present 18 7 Constitution expressly repudiated this s t l
ystem in favor of a system under local control. See the
72
Report of the [Maryland] School Law Revision Commission
(1968), at 27, summarizing the history and see Perlman
(cd.), Proceedings of the Maryland Constitutional Con
vention of 1867, at 200-202: “The economic expenses of the
system, the mode of raising the money and the mode of
expending it, and the power of the superintendent, are all
reasons why this system should be dispensed with. *
The whole system has radical, fundamental objections. It
would be supposed that it would be right to commit the ex
penditure of those funds to those who contributed them,
but these funds are placed beyond the control of every
parent and guardian in the State; those who bear the
burdens are denied all share in their direction.” < Remarks
of Delegate Kilbourn). “Concerning the [state] system, he
would say that it required an infallible head and an inex
haustible treasury. [Laughter]” 'Remarks of Delegate
Farnandis).
The limited remaining powers accorded the State Super
intendent of Schools under the legislation adopted under
the 1867 Constitution are generally inapplicable to the
Baltimore City system (see Md. Code, Art. 77, §§ 142-145',
which is independent of most of these mild measures of
state control. The existence of large county school dis
tricts has always limited disparities in school spending in
Maryland, as has the fact that each county contains groups
of widely varying income. Indeed, “the formation of single
county wide school districts - as in Maryland and
Nevada — is often advanced as a solution to resource dis
parities among school districts.” Advisory Commission on
Intergovernmental Relations, State Aid to Local Govern
ment (1969), at 49; Mondale Committee Hearings, at 8473.
Nonetheless, Maryland has taken many measures to further
equalize school spending. The initial such measure was
taken by the adoption of a comprehensive school aid
73
(tool Law Revision Commission
the history and see Perlman
Maryland Constitutional Con-
The economic expenses of the
; the money and the mode of
of the superintendent, are all
>uld be dispensed with. * * *
til. fundamental objections. It
uld be right to commit the ex-
those who contributed them,
beyond the control of every
State; those who bear the
m their direction.” (Remarks
cerning the [state! system, he
i infallible head and an inex-
erl (Remarks of Delegate
ers accorded the State Super-
he legislation adopted under
■nerally inapplicable to the
id. Code. Art. 77, §§ 142-145),
i of these mild measures of
of larSe county school dis-
urities in school spending in
each county contains groups
cod. ••the formation of single
■ in Maryland and
a solution to resource dis-
Advisory Commission on
Stdti Aid to Local Govern-
onnmttee Hearings, at 8473.
■■n many measures to further
' lni,lal sucb measure was
comprehensive school aid
formula by Chapter 383 of the Maryland Acts of 1922. That
formula was not the creation of a rustic legislature. It was
prepared under the sponsorship of the General Education
Board of New York by Dr. Abraham Flexner of Johns
Hopkins, best known for his work leading to the reform of
medical education in the United States.* The formula
adopted anticipated that summarized the next year in the
pioneering work by Professors Strayer and Haig, Financ
ing of Education in the State of New York (1923), of which
Professor Coons and his colleagues have written;
“The pioneer effort to translate the philosophy of
equal education opportunity into a viable state finance
program adjusting for district wealth variation was
made by George E. Strayer and Robert M. Haig in 1923
and later refined and developed by Paul R. Mort.
(Private Wealth and Public Education at 63.)
The 1922 act provided for a foundation program of edu
cation in each county based upon set-pupil-teacher ratios, a
state minimum salary scale graduated to qualifications and
experience of teachers and additional allotments founded
on the theory that teachers’ salaries should constitute not
more than 76 U of total current costs. The portions of this
program which could not be financed by the counties from
a uniform tax were paid for by the state equalization fund.
In the years following its enactment, the program was
periodically reviewed and progressively amended. In 1927
a state retirement program for teachers was added; in 1929
a state program of education for the handicapped was
added; in 1933 aid to transportation costs was added and in
1939 differentials between elementary and secondary school
salary scales were eliminated. “This became known as the
Maryland Single Salary Scale because Maryland was in the
* See Flexner and Bachman, P u blic E du ca tion in M a ryla n d
(1921), at 8.
74
vanguard of this progressive advance.” (Report of the
School Law Revision Commission at 12.)
In 1941, the program again underwent extensive review
by eminent authorities from outside of Maryland, the state
engaging the services of Dr. Herbert Bruner of Teachers
College, Columbia University to direct a study for the Mary
land School Survey Commission. The report concluded:
“In the intervening twenty-five years [since the
Flexner report] strong leadership in the state depart
ment combined with active and capable local initiative,
has brough: to fruition many of the recommendations
which the General Education Board Survey Commis
sion made.” “The present system of state aid in Mary
land is one of the most advanced in the county,” (at
63).
In the same year, a court in Maryland (Chesnut, J.),
approvingly quoted a bulletin of the United States Bureau
of Education describing the program in glowing terms as
“in a sound and relatively satisfactory way, equalizing]
school burdens, revenues, and educational opportunities.”
The opinion listed in detail “the outstanding features of the
Maryland system of school support.” Mills v. Lowndes, 26
F. Supp. at 797 n.3 (D. Md. 1939).
Following the war, the program underwent extended re
view by two distinguished state commissions, the Sherbow
Commission (1948), and the Green Commission (Maryland
Commission to Study Public Education and Finances)
(1952). The latter of these Commissions, in summarizing
the history of educational progress in Maryland, noted the
pioneering role in introducing new programs played by
bell-wether school districts. Neither of these Commissions
recommended full state funding, both noting the detriment
that would result from it to Baltimore City, then the richest
subdivision in the state and the only subdivision not to
75
benefit from the equalization fund. See the Report of the
Maryland Commission to Study Public Education and
Finances (1952), especially at pg. 55.
Various liberalizing recommendations of these Commis
sions were enacted into law, these including a revision of
salary scales in 1947, an increase from $200 to $400 in aid
for handicapped children and the addition of the twelfth
grade to the foundation program in 1949, further salary
increases in 1953 and 1955, creation of an incentive fund
for school children in 1956, and creation of a program of aid
to preschool handicapped children in 1957.
In 1958, the Maryland program underwent an unusually
comprehensive review. The state again went outside its
borders to engage the most eminent student of school
financing in the nation. Professor Paul Mort of Columbia.
The resulting study occupies a summary volume and thir
teen printed volumes, issued over a period of three years,
as follows:
Staff Study 1 — Stapleton. Educational Progress
in Maryland Public Schools since 1916
(1959);'
Staff Study 2 — Dorn, What Money Does and
What it Does Not Do (1959);
Staff Study 3 — Sartorious, The Fortunes of
Equalization in Maryland Since 1920 (1959);
Staff Study 4 — Zimmerman & Walker, The Tax
Potential of Maryland, State and Local
(1959) ;
Staff Study 5 — Zimmerman, Fiscal Adjust
ments Over a Century (1959);
Staff Study 6 — Woollatt, The Measurement of
Cost in Maryland Public Schools (1959);
Staff Study 7 — Woollatt & Zimmerman, An Eco
nomic Index of the Maryland Taxpaying
Ability of Maryland Public School Systems
(1960) ;
M B■ ■ k wiM
76
Staff Study 8 — Willis, A Program of Financing
School Construction Designed to Safeguard
the Current Operating Program in Maryland
(1959);
Staff Study 9 — The Growing Edge Committee,
The Maryland Schools and Mid-Century
Needs;
Staff Study 10 — The Staff Characteristics Com
mittee, Maryland’s Twenty-four Instruc
tional Teams;
Staff Study 11 — Dorn, The Allocation of School
Expenditures in Maryland Counties;
Staff Study 12 — Hardesty, The Relation of Ex
penditures in Higher Education to Expendi
tures for Elementary and Secondary Edu
cation;
Staff Study 13 — Rhodes, Lay Participation in
School Budget Development in Maryland.
In the Staff Study dealing most directly with equaliza
tion problems, Sartorious, The Fortunes of Equalization in
Maryland Since 1920 (Staff Study No. 3). it wTas observed.
“It is well to bear in mind that the educational ad
vantage of local participation in school support is that
it frees the vigorous local units to forge ahead in meet
ing the problems education comes to face with in chang
ing times. Such local units by their pioneering become
leaders for the state” (page 9).
The Sartorious Study, by way of introduction, observed:
“New legislation has merely incorporated into this
(state-local) partnership certain features that were
inaugurated in the local school systems. That is to
say that, in the main, improvement in the school sys
tem has taken place on certain local levels and as the
idea spread it became part of the total state program.
This means further that the partnership in respect to
support has always lagged on the part of the state, but,
77
in fairness, it must be said that it has inevitably fol
lowed, and it is safe to conclude that it always will”
(page 1).
From this summary characterization of the history of
educational progress in Maryland the Sartorious Study
concluded:
“Equalization demands more than helping the poorer
local units. It connotes equalization of an adequate
program, but it certainly does not demand levelling
down.” (at page 11).
The Sartorious Study expressed concern that the equali
zation system then in operation in Maryland, while pro
viding for a high degree of equalization in Maryland rela
tive to other states, had not given rise to a high degree
of local effort and that in consequence Maryland ap
peared to lack bellwether school districts in which new
improvements might serve as an example for the entire
state.
This concern was in accord with Professor Mort’s con
cern for local tax leeway:
“Paul Mort advanced a number of refinements in
the Strayer-Harg plan with his associates and disciples
at Columbia University. Among them were * * * 4) local
tax leeway * * * The concept of local tax leeway pro
vided for a downward adjustment of the rate of local
contribution so that almost all districts would receive
some state aid. Also the local district would have the
discretionary power to tax itself beyond the local con
tribution rate in order to purchase its own unique pro
gram, presumably of a quality beyond the so-called
state-mandated minimum.” Garvue, Modern Public
School Finance, (1969), 228-29.
Subsequent changes rapidly ensued. Increases in the
salary component of the foundation program took place
78
in 1958, 1960, and 1961, increases in the basic aid com-
ponent in 1960 and 1961, and an increase in the building J
incentive component in 1961.
The years following 1964 witnessed an explosion of cre
ativity in educational finance in Maryland. Four major
developments took place:
1. In the period 1964-1967, a distinguished state com
mission, the Maryland Commission on State and County
Finance, recommended sweeping changes in the financing
of education and other public services in Maryland,
changes reflected in two major acts of the Maryland legis- Y
lature, Chapter 17 of the Acts of 1964, and Chapter 142
of the Acts of 1967. By virtue of these changes, Mary
land became the first state to consider income as well as
property wealth in its state educational equalization for- °
mula, a change of particular benefit to Baltimore City. '
In addition, the state’s first graduated income tax was
enacted, supplanting a fiat rate tax, and special sub
ventions to the subdivisions for police services were pro
vided for including a special lump sum appropriation to t
Baltimore City. This has been described as “a revolu- r
tionary change in support for Maryland schools. A unique s
feature is that per capita income is used as a factor in ,
determination of the relative fiscal capacity of local school
systems. * * * The elements making up the foundation
program were raised to levels representing current aver
age practice throughout the state * * * A piogram of
current expense incentive aid was created. A notable
improvement in this law was its establishment of a fixed
percentage for the State’s share in the foundation pro
gram.” Report oj the School Law Revision Commission
(1968), at 29.
2. In 1968, another state commission, the School Law
Revision Commission, after a study of equalization prob-
of urban
eally deprived environment. Such educational pro
grams should be designed to compensate for the lack
of prior appropriate learning experiences and to pro-
.luc I ecummenuauons oi tins uommission were antici
pated by the Legislature. By Chapter 142 of the Acts of
1967 the foundation aid program was extended to kinder
garten children. By Chapter 754 of the Acts of 1969 and
again by Chapter 4 of the Acts of 1970 a special program
of “density aid” to Baltimore City created by the 1967
Act (see the similar suggestion by the Lawyers Commit
tee for Civil Rights, Compact, April 1972, page 41) was
enlarged and increased.
3. In 1970, another state commission, the Commission
to Study the State’s Role in Financing Public Education,
recommended full state assumption of the costs of public
school construction. The legislature, acting almost im
mediately, adopted this recommendation by Chapter 624
of the Acts of 1971, Maryland thus becoming the first state
in the nation to fully assume school construction costs.
In fiscal 1972, appropriations for this program approxi
mated $150,000,000, raising the state’s share of education
spending from 31cr to 39C-. The budget estimate for this
program for fiscal 1973 is approximately $300,000,000, all
of it to be allocated by a state agency solely on the basis
of educational need, which will further raise the state
share of total school spending and will also operate to a
considerable but as yet undett mined degree to elevate
VE1B M PI
. ■jj.w~rtlr .
80
the level of school spending in poorer counties to a figure
closer to the state average. The Commission, though split
on the issue, refrained from recommending full state fund
ing of current expenses. Its recommendation that the
state assume 55% of all existing current expenses m the
several subdivisions, essentially a tax relief rat er an
equalizing measure, was not adopted, the legislature in
stead provided for distribution of an added fund of $2
million to subdivisions on a basis inverse to wea y
Chapter 4 of the Acts of 1970.
In 1971, another distinguished state commission, the
Commission on the State Tax Structure under the chair
manship of Professor Edwin Mills of the Johns Hopkms
Economics Department considered and rejected proposa s
for full state funding of education, recommending instead
a program of general purpose grants akin to revenue
sharing to subdivisions with large numbers of persons
below the poverty level. In rejecting full equalization of
education, the Mills Commission observed:
“Thus the relative burden of taxes in support of a
particular program is very nearly the same m all jur
isdiction [under equalization]. The problem with this
approach is that each jurisdiction is forced to con
sume exactly the service level decreed by die State.
Although it may be desirable to force or induce low
income jurisdictions to consume a higher level of some
services than they otherwise would, because of the
State’s interest in those services, it is not so clear that
it would be desirable to force higher income jurisdic
tions to consume a lower level of services than they
would prefer. If educational attainment is a desirable
thing the State surely doesn’t want to be in the posi
tion of curtailing it in those jurisdictions that are
likely to excel. State assumption of a local service is
desirable only when a very large proportion of the
benefits of a service are statewide and when most
81
m i counties to a figure
mission, though split
m:.ending full state fund-
•mmendation that the
g current expenses in the
;i tax relief rather than
i .pud. the legislature in-
t.f an added fund of $22
eas inverse to wealth by
1 state commission, the
tructure under the chair-
■ of the Johns Hopkins
• d and rejected proposals
■ i. recommending instead
i:rants akin to revenue-
’ c numbers of persons
•cling full equalization of
observed
of taxes in support of a
’■■•riy the same in all jur-
'I he problem with this
diction is forced to con-
I decreed by the State,
to force or induce low
e •' higher level of some
would, because of the
t is not so clear that
e tugher income jurisdic-
: "f services than they
'■••inment is a desirable
’ to be in the posi-
• dictions that are
'> Of a local service is
proportion of the
* *de and when most
people desire similar levels of the services. This does
not appear to be the case for education for example.”
(at 264).
It is thus clear that plaintiffs’ proposals have not been
neglected or ignored in Maryland, but rejected on their
merits by disinterested public bodies.
One further instance of rejection deserves to be noted.
In 1967, the abortive Maryland Constitutional Convention
meeting in that j^ear had before it a proposal to fasten on
the state a rule substantially equivalent to that proposed
by plaintiffs here. The proposal received extensive dis
cussion. It was rejected on the floor of the convention
after it was pointed out that such a provision “would dis
courage and frustrate local initiative”, and effectively pre
vent or postpone new initiatives in education. Excerpts
from the competing reports appear as an appendix to Kur
land, Equal Educational Opportunity, in Daly (ed.). The
Quality of Inequality (1968), at 67-72.
Professor Kurland accurately concludes:
“The arguments addressed by the reports * * * are
certainly relevant to the issue whether the Supreme
Court should attempt to impose on all of the States
what the delegates to the Maryland Constitutional
Convention were unwilling to impose on their own
state.”
At present, state educational programs are continuing
to undergo review in Maryland. The Governor’s Educa
tion Counsel, a former superintendent of schools of one
of the poorer counties, has opposed on principle full equali
zation or full state funding. Spigler, Address to the Mary
land Association of Counties, January 20, 1972. The Gov
ernor, on June 8, 1972 appointed a new Task Force to
consider reallocation of the presently available state funds
in a fashion which “will avoid doing drastic damage to the
school system or taxpayers of any particular jurisdiction”
and which “will require little, if any, increase in the very
large sum of money ($343,425,540 in Fiscal Year 1971) that
the State is already pumping into the local school system.”*
Those advocating equalization at the Montgomery County
level together with freezing of that county's expenditures
have conceded that this Rodriguez-type approach would re
quire additional revenues in Maryland of $200 million per
year, equal to 3% on the present sales tax base. Wise,
School Finance Equalization Lawsuits: A Model Legis
lature Response, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action
at 130, precluding the state legislature for at least three
years from “begin[ning] to set levels for education in
competition with its assessment of needs for other public
services.” Id. at 130.
* Existing disparities in Maryland are of a very modest order, and
are largely attributable to the escalation of personal income in recent
years in Montgomery County, the bell-wether subdivision — an es
calation due in no small measure to the federal pay comparability
program, and to the effects of the five-week Montgomery County
teachers’ strike in 1970. Cost per pupil for current expenses, includ
ing transportation in 1969-70 was $972.84 in Montgomery Countv.
In the other 23 subdivisions in the state the range was strikingly
narrow, from $597.92 in Somerset County on the eastern shore to
$767.19 in Baltimore County. Selected Financial Data, Maryland
Public Schools, 1969-70, Part I, Table II. These figures do not take
into account the new state assumption of school construction which
heavily benefits the rural counties since state funds are available on
a need basis. There is no reason to believe that Montgomery Countv
children are enjoying peculiar benefits. Recent comparative studies of
educational achievement in the Montgomery County schools indicate
that children in those schools perform slightly below the national
average of children of comparable intelligence" on nationwide tests.
Washington Post, November 23, 1971 Pg. C-l. Indeed, by a number
of measures, Montgomery County schools are worse off than Somerset
County schools. 23.3% of Montgomery County teachers have less
than 2 years’ experience as against 14.7% in Somerset County,
63% of Montgomery County teachers have more than 5 years’ ex
perience as against 78.9% of those in Somerset County. Maryland
State Department of Education, Experience of Teachers and Prin
cipals, September 1969, Table 1.
ADVERSE EFFECTS ON INTERESTS OF URBAN
AREAS AND RACIAL MINORITIES
The relief granted by the Rodriguez and Serrano courts,
far from being the advertised panacea to problems of
minority and urban education is, as some of its original
supporters have come to recognize, actually destructive
of the interests of urban areas and the interests of mi
nority children.
Nothing makes this clearer than consideration of the
evidentiary material upon which the Rodriguez court pur
ported to base its decision. The principal such piece of
“evidence” was a lengthy narrative affidavit of Joel S.
Berke of Syracuse University, filed at an extremely late
stage of the litigation under circumstances which pre
cluded the state from making effective reply. It has been
observed of this affidavit that:
“It is true that the three-judge federal district court
which invalidated the Texas school financing system
in Rodriguez found that ‘those districts most rich in
property also have the highest median family income
and the lowest percentage of minority pupils, while
the poor property districts are poor in income . .
The basis for this finding was an affidavit submitted
by plaintiffs and cited by the court. As a basis for the
court's conclusion, this was a questionable souice, a
careful reading of the data contained in the affidavit
creates grave doubt about the validity of its conclu
sions * * * The Rodriguez court cited the affidavit as
showing a median family income of $5,900 in the ten
districts with the highest tax base per-pupil and $3,325
in the four districts with the lowest tax base per-pupil
[337 F. Supp.l at 282 n. 3. The following arc the
study’s figures:
M a r k e t V a lu e
o ] T a x a b le
P r o p e r t y P e r
P u p il
M edian
F a m ily
In c o m e
F ro m
I9 6 0
S ta te &
P e r C en t L o ca l
M in o r ity R e v en u es
P u p ils P e r P u p il
Above $100,000
(10 Districts) $5900 8 % $815
$100,000-$50,000
(26 Districts) 4425 32 544
$50,000-30,000
(30 Districts) 4900 23 483
$30,000 $10,000
(40 Districts) 5050 31 462
Below $10,000
(4 Districts) 3325 79 305
Affidavit of Joel S. Berke at 6 (footnotes omitted.)
“The five category breakdown of school districts
seems to be arbitrary, and it is only this breakdown
which appears to produce the correlation of poor
school districts and poor people. Event on this br<ea
down, however, the correlation is doubtful. Note the
very small number of districts in the top and bottom
categories. Even more significant is the apparent in
verse relationship between property value and median
income in the three middle districts, where 96 of the
HO districts fall. While the family income differences
among the three groups of districts are small, they
S T t e even more significant if categories are
weighted by the number of districts in each. At the
very least, the study does not support the affirmative
correlation of poor school districts and poor people
stated by the court and the affiants; this is, however,
the study the court relied upon, and it is apparen y
the only study which purports to show such correla
tion ” Goldstein, In ter -D is tr ic t In eq u a litie s in S ch oo l
F in a n cin g : A C ritica l A n a ly s is o f S erra n o v. P r ie s t and
85
{fsJt:n
l
In .e rn e
} T >»»*
;v on
P e r C en t
M in o r ity
P u p ils
S ta te &
L o ca l
R e v en u es
P e r P u p il
$5900 8 % $815
4425 32 544
4900 23 433
5050 31 462
3325 79 305
6 (footnotes omitted.)
-down of school districts
it is only this breakdown
the correlation of poor
■ople. Even on this break-
lion is doubtful. Note the
icts in the top and bottom
lificant is the apparent in
property value and median
. districts, where 96 of the
family income differences
f districts are small, they
lificant if categories are
,f districts in each. At the
not support the affirmative
districts and poor people
,e affiants; this is, however,
upon, and it is apparently
oorts to show such correla-
■trict In eq u a litie s in S ch oo l
l/sis o f S erra n o v. P r ie s t and
Its P r o g e n y . 120 University of Pennsylvania Law Re-
view 504, 523 and note 67 (1972).
Professor Berke has since pursued his studies of the! ef-
ecls of the Serrano-Rodriguez rule and has reached CO -
fusions dramatically at variance with those advanced in
,r at least suggested by his affidavit in Rodnpuez.
Two monographs prepared by Professor Berke have
lince been published. Select Committee on Equal Educa
>in 1 „ TT . . a cf ofpc Senate T h e F inancia ltional Opportunity, United btates senate, ^
Aspects o, Education^ O p p o r t^ p and ̂
ea u ities in S ch ool F in a n ce (January 1972). lhe secon
7 these monographs considers the results which would
obtain in the event that a state adopting the
rule provided for full state assumption of lie cost, of ed
cation and equal per-pupil expenditures the costs of this
program being funded by a proportional income tax. The
study notes that similar results would obtain if the stale
educational program where funded from another bro
based non-progressive tax such as a statewide sales or
property tax. It need scarcely be labored that the “ °
least resistance for states confronted with a Rodriguez
type decision will be movement to a statewide property
tax. Professor Berke and his colleagues conclude ,n this
study: _ ..
-Despite the widespread enthusiasm that the Cali
fornia Minnesota and Texas cases have raised through
out he nation it is our belief that finance reform of
th e type just described will not result in removing
the major inequities in American educational finance
and on th e co n tra ry m a y w e ll e x a c e r b a te th e p ro -
lem s o f a su bsta n tia l p ro p o r tio n o f u rb a n sch oo ls . T
results are rather sobering for those concerned about
the urban financial crises. In th r e e -fo u r th s o f th e
c itie s in th ese la rge m etro p o lita n areas, s ch o o l ta x e s
Z u l d r ise and o f th e s ix e x c e p t io n s to th is ten d en c y
th r e e a re lo ca ted in a s in g le s ta te , O h io , and in a fourth
th e ta x ra tes w o u ld rem a in v ir tu a lly th e sam e. I h e
e x p e n d itu r e im p lica tion s , h o w e v e r , a re e v e n m o r e
ja rrin g . For this aspect of the analysis we have as
sumed that the local share of revenues assumed by
the state would be re-distributed on an equal per-
pupil basis throughout the state. * * N ea r ly tw ic e
as m a n y cen tra l c it ie s w o u ld r e c e iv e lo w e r e x p e n d i
tu r e s fr o m th e s ta tes u n d er eq u a l s ta tew id e p er -p u p il
d is tr ib u tio n o f fu n d s th an th e y p r e s e n t ly r e c e iv e
u n d er th e ex is tin g r e v e n u e s tru c tu re . In a number ot
cases, for example, New York City, the proportion of
income tax for educational purposes would rise from
2 57c to 3.1% yet the expenditures from local sources
that were $694 in the 1970 school year would drop
under an equal per-pupil statewide re-distnbution of
the state assumed local share to $636. In shor , no
only would New York be paying more, under equal
per-pupil statewide re-distribution, it would be re
ceiving less. * * * Under our revenue-expenditure
model, educational resources are being re-distributed
from large cities to other parts of the state. The rea
son for this phenomenon lies in the analysis already
discussed * * * which showed that city tax rates for
education were lower than in the surrounding areas
because city tax rates for all governmental functions
combined were higher than in other parts of metro
politan areas. The explanation for the expenditure
effect has also been shown: city educational costs are
considerably higher than those in other parts of the
state; and, while expenditures in cities are not as high
as their added costs and greater educational need re
quires, they are higher than expenditures in rural
areas and in some suburban areas. Certainly, c i ty
sch o o l e x p e n d itu r e s u su a lly a re a b o v e th e s ta tew id e
a v era q e o f d is tricts , and th u s, c it ie s lo se o r o n ly b rea k
e v e n in p la n s th a t h a v e eq u a l p er -p u p il e x p e n d itu r e s
th ro u g h o u t th e s ta te o r w h ich ‘ le v e l-u p ’ to th e s ta te
a v er a g e To show the impact of our tax-expenditure
modei on cities and their suburbs, we took a random
87
v. O hio, and in a fo u r th
■ rt w illy the sam e. T h e
i-ever , a re e v e n m o re
.f analysis we have as-
' revenues assumed by
uted on an equal per-
• :e. * * * Nearly twice
receive lower expendi
ng statewide per-pupil
th ey p re sen tly r e c e iv e
meture. In ' number of
City, the \ ^portion of
lrposes would rise from
•tires from local sources
-hnol year would drop
•.■wide re-distribution of
• to $636. In short, not
ving more, under equal
tut ion, it would be re
ar revenue-expenditure
are being re-distributed
ts of the state. The rea-
m the analysis already
1 that city tax rates for
t the surrounding areas
governmental functions
n other parts of metro-
on for the expenditure
t v educational costs are
e in other parts of the
■ in cities are not as high
ter educational need re-
i expenditures in rural
I areas. Certainly, c i ty
•:-< chore th e s ta tew id e
■■'dies lose o r o n ly b rea k
■ er-pu p il e x p e n d itu r e s
n 'lev e l-u p ’ to th e s ta te
of our tax-expenditure
:rhs, we took a random
selection of thirteen of the 37 largest metropolitan
areas, and looked at a large central city and its county.
* * * In six of the eight large cities in the Northeast
and Midwest, suburban taxes would rise under state
assumption, but the rise would be markedly less than
in the cities in most cases. Both areas would be re
distributing to non-metropolitan areas or to the least
urbanized portions of metropolitan areas. In the South
the tax impact of statewide assumption would permit
the suburban counties in both metropolitan areas to
reduce tax effort for education, while the cities would
get either a lesser degree of tax relief or none at all.
In the West, all three cities would have their tax effort
increased, while that would be the case for only one
suburban county. Table XV I shows the compaiative
central city-suburban expenditure results. * * * After
equal per-pupil distribution of the state assumed local
share, the third column shows the new statewide ex
penditure levels from what were formally local rev
enues. Only two of the eight Northeastern and Mid
western cities gain, while only one suburb does, and
the rates by which the suburbs exceed the state aver
age are substantially higher than in the cities.” Id. at
66-69. (Emphasis added).
The Berke stud., contains (at 67) a detailed table which
is instructive, and which is set out below.
T able XIV. — T a x e ffo rt and exp en d itu res
assum ption and equal p er pupil
•------- - Percent of income taxed
for school purposes
1970
Under
State
assump
tion
im plication u nder S tate
distribution
Local expenditures per pupil
Statewide
equal
expendi-
1970 turns
Local
expenditures
under
statewide
tax ratal
Northeast:
Baltimore, Md................—
Boston, Mass...........- ..... -
Newark, N.J.................—
Paterson-Clifton-
Passaic, N.J--------------
Buffalo, N.Y. — ------
New York City, N.Y. —
Rochester, N .Y ..............—
Philadelphia, Pa..............
Pittsburgh, Pa. —......—
Providence, R.I. ---------
Midwest:
Chicapi' 111. ----------------
Indianapolis, Ind..............
Detroit, Mich. -------------
Minneapolis-St.
Paul, Minn. -------------
Kansas City, Mo. ---------
St. Louis, Mo. ---- --------
Cincinnati, Ohio ---------
Cleveland, Ohio .............
Columbus, Ohio, ---------
Dayton, Ohio ---------------
Milwaukee, Wis. ---------
South:
Miami, Fla. (Dade
County) -------------------
Tampa-St. Petersburg,
Fla. _____ _____
Atlanta, Ga. ----------------
Louisville, Ky. ------------
New Orleans, La. --------
Dallas, T ex----- --------------
Houston, T ex........ ..........
San Antonio, Tex...... —
3.4
2.5
3.4
( 2)
1.6
2.5
3.0
2.0
2.5
2.9
3.7
3.6
3.8
$444
522
587
$538
632
707
$486
741
648
3.8
3.1
3.1
3.1
2.7
2.7
2.8
( 2 )
347
694
697
444
596
701
707
636
636
636
446
446
477
797
662
863
727
593
650
678
1.4
2.4
2.1
2.3
(2)
2.7
4.6
4.8
3.0
3.7
3.4
3.3
2.8
2.9
3.3
3.0
3.0
3.4
3.4
3.4
3.4
4.3
307
415
439
582
677
749
479
632
599
600
377
396
429
408
408
490
490
490
490
573
754
495
589
835
428
469
499
530
546
568
708
1.6
1.3
2.4
1.6
1.5
1.8 287
1.8 222
1.5 395
1.6 341
1.9 261
2.2 (2)
2.2 ( 2 )
2.2 ( 2 )
383 324
383 315
175 350
191 343
212 325
275 409
275 364
275 259
West:
Los Angeles-Long
Beach, Calif----- -------
San Bernardino, River
side, Ontario, Calif. -
San Diego, Calif. -------
San Fraud sco-
Oakland, Calif. -------
Denver, C o l o . ......... ....
Portland, Oreg. --------
Seattle-Evcrett,
Wash-------- ---------------
_ 2.9 (2) 433 531
— 2.9
2.9
(2)
(2)
433
433
403
423
2.5 2.9 709 435 817
3 ^ 4.3 667 507 864
2.3 2.0 442 672 980
1.7 2.3 436 328 608
1 Local revenues tint
the revenues raised by
2 Nut compiled.
t would be
those rates
nerated If the statewide rates were
■ere retained tor local expenditure.
applied but
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68
90
Professor Berko and his colleagues are net alone în these
•nrlimrs The study conducted by the United Stages U
ee of Education, Finances of Lanje City School Systen.s: A
Comparative Analysis (DHEW Publication S a O H H
,972 conducted an even more extensive survey of the
‘ fleets on large cities. The study found " ‘een out
of twenty-five representative large ci y sixteen
had above average assessed valuations, and that sixtc
“ of twenty-hve also had average or below average tax
rates for education.
That study also found that if all school systems in the
respective states collected all presently collected loca
funds for education and re-distributed them on a equa
funds per-pupil basis, only 29 of the 84 urban scho • ys-
tems studied would receive more funds. If the d.s nbu
tion were made not on a equal dollars per-pupl bast, but
on an equalisation basis rewarding areas With low prop
erty values, the results for the large cities would hav
been even more disastrous.
Indeed, one cannot view without wonder the extent to
which ideology has triumphed over good sense in the
work of some of the defenders of the Rodriguez doctrinê
An especially spectacular example of this tendency 1
found in the recommendations of the Report of the New
York State Commission on the Quality Costs an < inan
ing of Elementary and Secondary Education, That Com
mission recommended a shift from the present mode of
financin', to a regime in which state property taxes would
supply all educational funds, the funds to be re-d.stributed
orCa per-pupil basis modified by factors designed to chan
nel more funds to large cities. Under its recommendations
a ur
wou
tax
$1.4
and
woi
sivi
rcc
no’
foi
in
$2
th
h:
of
d
li
agues.are not alone in tlie.se
d by the United States Ch
arge City School Systems: A
A’ Publication No. OE72-29
re extensive survey of the
udy found that sixteen out
large city school systems
valuations, and that sixteen
erage or below average tax
if all school systems in the
1 presently collected local
istributed them on a equal
of the 84 urban school sys-
lore funds. If the distribu-
1 dollars per-pupil basis but
rding areas with low prop-
he large cities would have
•hout wonder the extent to
•d over good sense in the
of the Rodriguez doctrine,
ample of this tendency is
* the Report of the New
- Quality Costs and Financ-
lary Education. That Com-
from the present mode of
state property taxes would
ie funds to be re-distributed
v factors designed to chan-
bnder its recommendations
a uniform state property tax of $2.04 per hundred dollars
would be imposed for educational purposes. The present
tax rate in New York City for education is $1.89, in Buffalo
$1.44, in Albany $1.77, in Syracuse $1.66, in Rochester $1.72
and in Yonkers $1.74. The “big six” cities in New York
would be presented by this “reform” measure with mas
sive increases in property taxes. By contrast, sweeping
reductions would be mandated for those suburban areas
now making high tax efforts on education. The tax effort
for education in Scarsdale would drop from $2.58 to $2.04,
in Hempstead from $2.61 to $2.04, in New Rochelle from
$2.49 to $2.04 and so on. Id. at p. 2.33.*
Against this background it is scarcely a source of wonder
that disenchantment with the Serrano-Rodriguez doctrine
has set in. Thus, William L. Taylor, former staff director
of the United States Civil Rights Commission and now
director of the Center for National Policy Review, Catho
lic University Law School has testified:
“In the first place, it is being discovered rather
belatedly that in some areas there is no correlation
between the property wealth of an area and the wealth
of families who reside there. This means that in New
York City which has a good tax base and many poor
families, poor and minority children would be hurt —
not helped — by an application of the Serrano princi
ple re-distributing property wealth for school financ
ing purposes. Second, the Serrano decision points not
toward a system of financing based on educational
need — which is what poor children really require —
or even to equal expenditures, but simply to equal
izing the property tax base. Third, even in the best
* Sec the critical lead editorial in the New York Times for January
29, 1972, and see Under, C ity T a x R ise L inked to F lc isc lm a n n P r o
posals and Maeroff, Suburban S ch oo l Officials P ear E ffe c t o f a F reeze
on S pending . New York Times, February 2, 1972 at 47.
92
ot circumstances, there is no
differ“ w S c f s i g " dliTerencM in educational
expenditure alone will F ̂ ucc d* erately need.”
higher quality teaching they . n472)
(Mondale Committee Hearings page 10472).
The kindest thing that Mr Taylor could
iy about the . f i t — s env
for'refusing to provide shelter for poor and minority
tmilies from thcentral city,” surely a minor and remo
onsequence.
Mr Norman J. Chachkin of the NAACP Legal De-
ense and Educational Fund, a supporter of metropolitam-
;ation of school districts, has observed:
“Some of the schemes proposed in the wake of the
California decision^could
ailments Ma" ^ C ° ° ^ money under a revised aid
districts — couia get TVip failure of the Serrano
scheme than tlrey tgot no ̂ Th jd the McInnis
litigants a n d X ‘ng educational need, to propose ac-
S S r " s " f u t : the burden on state l e g i s , ^ .
1 would nut be surprised if many respond by abohsh-
,, flat errant minimum foundation and all cate
on a statewide basis, and then distributing toi the e ™ -
fhe education of minority and disadvantaged children
w T wonder how such a restricted revenue base might
affecta°school
age'teachers’ sauries.” (Mondale Committee Hearings,
at 10905.)
93
; persuasive evidence that
— unless they are mas-
did’erences in educational
ematical that increases in
uce for poor children the
ey so desperately need.”
ngs page 10472).
l'aylor could think of to
ie was that “it will strip
uburban communities em-
ter for poor and minority
urely a minor and remote
the NAACP Legal De-
ipporter of metropolitani-
scrved:
posed in the wake of the
vo the cure worse than the
cts — particularly urban
(>ney under a revised aid
' be failure of the Serrano
aste to avoid the Mclnnis
■nal need, to propose ac-
den on state legislatures,
many respond by abolish-
foundation and all cate-
ing effective assessment
a uniform property tax
• distributing to the exist-
■ en a equal dollars per-
l)e extremely bad for
1 disadvantaged children,
i d revenue base might
‘b in 'he past negotiated
for higher than aver-
“ :-l‘ Committee Hearings,
To similar effect see Myers, Second Thoughts on the
Serrano Case, City: The Magazine of the National Urban
Coalition, Volume V, Number 6 < Winter 1971), at page 38;
Bassett, Leaders of Urban Schools Oppose Dollar-A-Scholar,
Baltimore News-American, March 16, 1972, page 1, column
4; Goldstein, supra, 120 University of Pennsylvania Law
Review 504, 526 <1972).
Nor is the probable detrim nt to large cities resulting
from the Rodriguez rule a function of the fact that the rule
applies only to property tax bases:
“An equalization principle that operated beyond the
sphere of property tax base wealth could work against
the cities in another area. Local non-property taxes,
though limited in significance to a few states * * * may
also disproportionately favor urban centers. In a study
of Alabama, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, New
York, Pennsylvania and Tennessee for 1968-1969, school
districts were classified into central city, suburban, in
dependent city and rural districts. It was found that in
five of the seven states * * * the rural districts re
ceived the least amount of revenue per-pupil from
such local non-property taxes; in four of the seven
states * * * the central city districts received the most
revenue per-pupil. The average ranking for the seven
states showed that the central city school districts on
the average received the most revenue per-pupil from
local non-property taxes, followed in order by subur
ban, independent city, and rural districts. Alternative
Programs for Financing Education 186-187 (1971)
(National Educational Finance Project, Volume V ).
Goldstein, supra, at 526 note 73.
Not only will large cities not benefit from Rodriguez but
it has also been established that minority groups will not
benefit from the Rodriguez rule. Though the United States
Civil Rights Commission has claimed that some moderate
benefit would accrue to Mexican-American children in
94
Texas, its studies of the school systems of California, Ari- _~-
zona, New Mexico and Colorado, conspicuously failed to ° ri
find any detriment to Mexican-Americans from operation
of the existing system of school finance. Similarly, Coons, 7
Clune and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale Roc
Review of Law and Social Action 103, 120 note 37, observe: sug
“The racial district wealth pattern may be other than bet
intuition might suggest. In California, over half the in
minority pupils reside in districts above the average dol
in assessed valuation per pupil.” acc
Professor Coons and his colleagues have noted:
“If racial discrimination were measured by the per- ^
ccntage of all minority students who reside in dis
tricts below the statewide median average valuation
per-pupil, California would manifest inverse discrimi- la-
nation. 5971 (683,919) of minority students live in th
districts above the median average valuation per- su
pupil. The percentage is considerably higher for Ne- p,
groes; Indians and those with Spanish surnames are g£
nearly evenly divided above and below the median.
The minority figures were taken from an unpublished
survey for the State Department of Education by F. R.
Gunsky, ‘Racial and Ethnic Distribution of Public E
School Pupils, District Report, October 1968.’ The aver- L
age valuations per-pupil are from California Public
Schools Selected Statistics, 1967-68 (Sacramento).”
Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and Public u
Education at 356 note 47. e
e
The disenchantment of large cities with the Serrano rule s
is dramatized by the case of San Francisco which initially j
filed an Amicus Curiae Brief in support of the plaintiffs in t
Serrano, see Myers, supra. More recently, we are told, “San
Francisco has joined several of the small wealthy districts
to organize a lobby ( ‘Schools for Sound Finance’ ) to fight
any limits on local expendt .ires” in connection with the
systems of California, Ari-
lu, conspicuously failed to
Americans from operation
i finance. Similarly, Coons,
1 ppraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale
n 108, 120 note 37, observe:
h pattern may be other than
:I California, over half the
-Uriels above the average
ipil."
agues have oted:
were measu ed by the per-
udents who reside in dis-
inedian average valuation
manifest inverse discrimi-
minority students live in
n average valuation per-
onsiderably higher for Ne-
- h Spanish surnames are
* c‘ ar>d below the median,
'aken from an unpublished
ment of Education by F. R.
uc Distribution of Public
rt, October 1968.’ The aver-
re from California Public
1967-68 (Sacramento).”
Private Wealth and Public
.'ies with the Serrano rule
i 1 i uncisco which initially
support of the plaintiffs in
recently, we are told, “San
-■mall wealthy districts
' Sound Finance’ ) to fight
in connection with the
95
legislative consideration of school finance revisions in Cali
fornia. Anderson, Financing Schools: Search for Reform,
Washington Post, May 31, 1972.
The obvious detriment to large cities inherent in the
Rodriguez rule has driven apologists for the formula to
suggest ever more desperate rationalizations. Thus, it has
been suggested that the detriment to large cities might be
in part mitigated by adopting a rule requiring not equal
dollar spending but equal facilities, thus partially taking
account of higher city costs. But the almost total unjustici
ability and unenforceability of such a rule, which invariably
draws the court into comparison of apples and oranges
should be apparent. Other commentators have suggested
that the solution is to be found in some formula, legis
latively rather than judicially adopted, taking account of
the factor of municipal overburden. The difficulty with
such a suggestion is that “the National Educational Finance
Project reached a different conclusion after analysis of a
sample of school districts from eight states: ‘no persuasive
evidence of the existence of municipal overburden was un
covered.’ Johns, et al., Alternative Programs of Financing
Education 98 (1971).” Dimond, supra, 2 Yale Review of
Law and Social Action 140, note 38 (1971).
Finally, there have been suggestions that although an
unmodified Rodriguez rule may be detrimental to cities, the
effect of Rodriguez type decisions is to induce states to re
examine their systems of school finance; it is inferred that
such a re-examination can only result in benefit to cities.
However, the history of recent and frequent amendments
to state school finance formulas makes clear they have un
dergone continuous re-examination. As recently pointed
out “equal statewide financing will take more money out
of the central cities than it will give to them. * * * Under
the Texas decision a state could theoretically choose to
appropriate extra funds to deprived urban children. Bu
it would be very difficult for the cities to get those appro
priations through any legislature, as a matter of practical
politics, in a period in which other wealthy districts weie
being held down.” Editorial, The Washington Post, May
31, 1972.
Indeed, the most dramatic illustration of what the Rodri
guez principle may mean in practice is supplied by the
experience in New Jersey where, in pursuit of the wil o
the wisp of abstract numerical equalization m favor o
small rural districts not really needing additional funds, a
state court judge invalidated a new and progressive piece
of reform legislation, the Bateman Act, which specifically
addressed the problems of large cities by allocating avail
able funds in heavy proportion to districts with large num
bers of AFDC recipients.
There is no way a constitutional rule can leadily take
account of these problems. It has been demonstrated that
the Rodriguez rule in general, would operate to the severe
detriment of urban districts.
“A decision by the United States Supreme Court
attempting to differentiate among the states, would be
entirely inappropriate. It would be most unwise to
have basically similar state systems held invalid or
valid depending on where the state’s poor llvGd> ° r
more accurately, depending on judges views of the
difficult statistical analysis demonstrating a correla
tion between poor people and poor school districts.
Goldstein, supra, at 525.*
* Professor Goldstein also accurately observes : “ Whatever cor
relation there is between the percentage of minority people.andthe
tax base wealth of a school district in Texas may refkcl; „ru
nature of Texas minority life or some other state peculiarity. / ■
at 525 note 71.
eoretically choose to
urban children. But
s to get those appro-
a matter of practical
ealthy districts were
ashington Post, May
m of what the Rodri-
* is supplied by the
nirsuit of the will of
lization in favor of
g additional funds, a
nd progress' e piece
t, which specifically
by allocating avail-
icts with large num-
de can readily take
t demonstrated that
perate to the severe
tes Supreme Court
the states, would be
be most unwise to
ms held invalid or
ite’s poor lived, or
idges’ views of the
istrating a correla-
>r school districts.”
rves.- “ Whatever cor-
mority people and the
day reflect the rural
uate peculiarity." Jd.
97
Even if it is assumed that the changes adopted by state
legislatures following invalidation of existing formulas
gave some weight to problems of the cities, the net result
would still be grave detriment to the long term interests
of the deprived residents of cities. This is so because even
the most sanguine exponents of the Rodriguez rule ac
knowledge that vast additional appropriations for educa
tion would be necessary to elevate districts to the level of
the higher districts in each state and that the larger part
of such appropriations would be channeled to districts
without particularly pressing educational problems. What
ever marginal benefits might accrue to large cities from
changes in educational spending patterns viewed alone
would be more than offset by the waste of society’s total
resources and the detriment in the capacity of govern
ment to address other problems such as the urban unem
ployment which the Coleman Report and its defenders
view as the gravest detriment to the educational and
other interests of urban children. Thus, even one of the
proponents of the Rodriguez principle, Professor Charles
S. Benson has observed:
“Assuming compliance with the dictum of Serrano
v. Priest that wealth not influence quality of education
within the states, one is led to the conclusion that state
governments must allocate additional revenues to the
public schools simply to establish such compliance. To
remove the influence of wealth on education requires
that expenditures in the large number of low wealth —
low expenditure districts be brought up to accepta
ble standards. This can only be done by injecting
money from a higher level of government into those
districts. (No one can imagine that states could obtain
compliance with Serrano v. Priest by forcing high
wealth, high expenditure districts to reduce their ex
penditures sharply, one reason being that most of these
expenditures are contractual in nature.) My concern
98
is that state governments which are obliged to raise
their education budget for this purpose of compliance
will slight other social welfare activities, such as
health, low cost housing, and the more developmental
types of welfare accounts. There is strong reason to
believe that performance of schools with respect to
disadvant ,red youth is itself extremely sensitive to
thes- very kinds of expenditures that might suffer as
states move toward compliance with Serrano. This
would subvert whatever equalitarian purpose exists in
Serrano * * I Mondale Committee Hearings at
7669).
Similar concerns underlie the conclusion of a recent
careful study of the history of state educational finance
formulas:
“Improving the condition of large city school sys
tems can best be attained by a pinpointed federal
program that will deal with financing needs of the
large cities and other areas containing the concentra
tions of poverty which are so costly to local govern
ments, both in the educational and non-educational
spheres. The financial requirements of suburban and
rural school systems can be most adequately dealt
with by the system of state and local finance which
has been able to provide such large sums of money
since the end of World War II. Large cities, on the
other hand, present problems which are very differ
ent and probably can be dealt with only on a national
scale with a national resource base.’’ Sacks, City
Schools, Suburban Schools: A History of Fiscal Con
flict (1972) at 177.*
* Indeed, the limited federal and state programs focused on de
prived urban areas are said to have already placed city high schools
with large numbers of low-income children on a much better than
average material footing. See Havighurst, et al. A P rofi le o j the
L a r g e - C i t y H ig h S ch oo l , National Association of Secondary School
Principals. November 1970, quoted at Hosteller and Movnihan, On
E q u a l i ty o f E d u ca tio n a l O p p o r tu n ity (1972), pg. 11.
99
h are obliged to raise
purpose of compliance
e activities, such as
■ more developmental
re is strong reason to
Pools with respect to
xtremely sensitive to
s that might suffer as
with Sei’rano. This
irian purpose exists in
mmittee Hearings at
inclusion of a recent
e educational finance
arge city school sys-
a pinpointed federal
■.ancing needs of the
.lining the concentra-
'stly to ]■• cal govern-
and non-educational
nis of suburban and
<st adequately dealt
local finance which
■ rge sums of money
Large cities, on the
uich are very differ-
’ b only on a national
base." Sacks, City
lst°nj of Fiscal Cov-
' ’"ranis focused on de-
I'fiicd city high schools
:i "inch better than
ct nl- P rofile o f the
■' "i -Secondary School
“ r and Movnihan, O n
■ PJf. 11.
Plaintiffs, though claiming to represent all parents, chil
dren and taxpayers in their state, seek a rule profoundly
destructive of their political rights. As to the rural dis
tricts in Texas and elsewhere in the country, local budg
etary' control over educational expenditures and a tradi
tion ol close accountability of school officials would be
ended. As to urban areas, a process of political evolution
which over the course of a century has given varying
racial and ethnic groups, in Texas and in the large cities
of the East and Midwest, a voice in fiscal control of their
educational systems would be brought to an end and
further sh ‘ ts in influence over City educational policy'
precluded.
Finally, it has further been noted that “the variations
in school expenditures per pupil, throughout the country,
are mainly due to the differences in teachers’ salary scales.
The high salary scales are commonly protected by formal
contracts between school boards and teachers’ organiza
tions. As a practical matter, in view of the political
strength of the teachers’ organizations, it is idle to sup
pose that salaries in the high-cost school systems can be
cut or, following one proposal, can be frozen over a period
of years wiiile other systems gradually catch up. The al
ternative would be to equalize costs by increasing class
sizes in high-budget areas. Here again the effects would
be sharpest in the central cities, where the need for low
pupil-teacher ratios is greatest.” Editorial, The Washing
ton Post, May 31, 1972.
COSTS OF THE RELIEF SOUGHT
The relief sought by Plaintiffs will result in staggering
costs to already heavily burdened state governments. The
President’s Commission on School Finance estimated the
cost of elevating all school districts to the level of the
100
ninetieth percentile in each state at 6.2 billion dollars and
the cost of elevating all school districts to the nmetyfi
percentile in each state at 8.8 billion dollars. Since the
larger part of school budgets consists of conlraclua y
obligated .terns such as teachers' salaries, bonds contr et
for pupil transportation and the like, it is unlikely that as
a practical matter any state would find Poss.b e o
equalize at less than the ninety-fifth percent.]le See the
summary of the findings at Notion's Schools, May . .
page 8 and see Staff Report. President's Commission ...
School Finance, Review of Existing State School F, nance
Programs. These additional outlays are, of course, in a
dition to the rapidly rising ordinary level of expendnures
with which state governments must keep abreas.. T
rate of increase in educational expenditures in recent
years has far outstripped the rate of inflation and the rate
of growth of the revc ,.e resources of state governmen .
Thus, on a national basis, taxation and appropriation fo
public school systems increased by 67.4% between 1957-58
and 1963-64, see Advisory Commission on Intel-Govt
mental Relations, State Aid to Local Government ( 9691
at 56 (Mondale Committee Hearings at 8480b Similarly,
state and local revenue receipts from own sources or
public schools as a percentage of state persona! income
Increased from 3.1% in 1957-53 to 4.6% in 1967-68. Id. The
increasing militancy of teachers’ unions suggests that this
burden upon state governments is likely, if anything, o
accelerate in its dimensions in the next several years.
The present suits would saddle the states with the re
sponsibility not merely of keeping abreast of ordinary
demands for ever-increasing revenues, but also of finding
the vast additional sums mentioned. Just how a bin den
o 6.2 billion or 8.8 billion dollars per year upon the hard
pressed state governments can be described as anything
101
2 billion dollars and
s to the ninety-fifth
dollars. Since the
ts of contractually
,es, bonds, contracts
t is unlikely that ;
find it possible tu
percentile. See the
Schools, May 1972,
it’s Commission on
ate School Finance
e, of course, in ad-
cel of expenditures
keep abreast. The
nditures in recent
llation and the rate
state governments.
1 appropriation for
''< between 1957-53
on Inter-Govern-
overnment (1969)
3480). Similarly,
own sources for
-■ personal income
n 1967-63. Id. The
suggests that this
!y, if anything, to
xt several years,
ates with the re
roast of ordinary
mt also of finding
(st how a burden
or upon the hard
ibed as anything
other than over helming is difficult to discern, given the
fact that the pending revenue-sharing bill over which
there has been so much travail will give state and local
governments together only 5 billion dollars per year or
roughly 5/ 9thx of the added burden which plaintiffs here
would thrust upon them in a period of rising public de
mand for other governmental functions.
Some inkling of the burden which would be imposed
upon particular states may be gleaned by comparing the
sums necessary to raise school expenditures in given
states to the ninetieth percentile now prevailing in those
states with the revenues which would be generated from
a 1% percent increase in existing sales taxes. The com
parison for the eighteen states which would be most
heavily burdened in absolute terms by the Rodriguez rule
is as follows:
R e v e n u e s p er 1 % o f S o le s
T u x R u le , P r e s e n t T a x e s ,
19 69 (R a t io n a l E d u ca
tion a l P r o j e c t , P o l . 2 , pp.
3 0 / -0 8 ) .
T o ta l E x p en d itu r e s to R a is e
to 90th P e r c e n t i l e ( P r e s i
d en t's C o m m iss io n on S c h o o l
P i n a n c e ) C om pact, s lp r i l
1972, pri. 23
effi
ad(
mo
nel
ant
if
California $421,000,000 $731,200,000
Connecticut 50,000,000 126.800.000
Florida 143,000.000 117,200.000
WO
Georgia 103.000.000 162,600,000
ore
Illinois 234,000,000 401,600,000
of
Indiana 100,000,000 112,900,000
Maryland 66,000,000 175,200.000 3
Massachusetts 53,000,000 236,000.000 im]
Michigan 199,000,000 326,600.000 tot:
Minnesota 58,000,000 107,200.000
Missouri 99,000,000 107,100.000
New Jersey 88,000,000 285,600,000
New York 350,000,000 537,700,000
Ohio 155,000,000 471,800.000
Pennsylvania 148,000,000 456.800,000
Texas 179,000,000 263.400,000
Virginia 70,000,000 130,800,000
Washington 94,000,000 107.800,000
U.S. as whole $3,790,000,000 $6,200,000,000 (est.)
Similar comparisons with respect to income and property
taxes may be made by recourse to the figures contained in
the study of the National Educational Finance Project
above cited. It is clear that the order of magnitude of the
increases which will be required will be such as to totally
preempt for a number of years one or more of the prin
cipal revenue sources in almost every state in the union
and to render impractical tax increases or substantial bud
get increases for any other public purpose.
As elsewhere noted in this memorandum, no particularly
useful public purpose would be served by this massive
103
E x p en d itu r e s to R a ise
th f 'e r c c n t i lc ( P r c s i -
• : , I 'tw iw iss io n n il S ch o o l
. n . i n c c l C om pact, A p r i l
J o ?2 . pci. 25
effort. In Maryland, for example, less than Cith of the total
additional funds necessary would go to the City of Balti
more; the overwhelming proportion of it would be chan
8731.200,000
126.800.000
117.200.000
162.600.000
401.600.000
112.900.000
175.200.000
236.000.000
326.600.000
107.200.000
107.100.000
285,600,(.
537,700,0cu
471.800.000
456.800.000
263.400.000
130.800.000
107.800.000
0.200.000.000 fest.)
nelled to rural districts lacking pressing educational needs
and the same is ti ue elsewhere in the country. The chief,
lf not lhe o n l -v ’ beneficiaries of this massive disruption
would be teachers’ organizations which would swiftly
organize on the state level to obtain the maximum portion
of the newly appropriated revenues.
The interference with state and local budgeting which
imposition of the Rodriguez rule would produce would be
total. As Professor Coons and his colleagues have noted:
c .The ad°Pj10n of a power equalized school district
. jstem would have analogous but more complex effects
on other public services. * * * Power equalizing would
a ter the price of education for nearly all districts and
le interdependencies of local services would assert
themselves in contrasting ways. That is, this all would
happen unless the state either mandated or assumed
the cost of other services beside education. In fact
here ai e certain to be pressures toward such compre
hensive fiscal neutrality. The Serrano idea will in
crease sensitivity to abuses in respect to other public
come and property
lures contained in
1 inance Project
magnitude of the
such as to totally
nore of the prin-
■'to in the union
substantial bud-
services which have been long endured because of their
apparent inevitablity; this dissatisfaction will be fur
ther stimulated by economists and politicians, some of
whom wiil promote full state assumption of all services
A c Z Z u V m m 7 2 K aleR e v i e w ° f L a w W ld S o c ia l
Professor Dimond has similarly noted:
m no particularly
b.v this massive
“I have not the vaguest notion of what the effect of
fiscal neutrality m school finance alone will be on other
public taxing and spending and private consumption
and saving. I only know that Coons, et al„ bear a hmh
" ......... ...................... ..............................................T — * ..................... ................—
burden of proof that it is possible to tinker with ‘just’
the public school finance scheme. 1 suspect that re
quiring reform of public school finance systems will
have a considerable impact on the patterns of all other
public and private sys ems of raising and spending
money. Those disinclined by philosophy to judicial
intervention will be immensely troubled by that spec
ter, and especially by its unknown contours.”
Professor Yudof and Kirp have likewise noted:
“The Serrano decision does of course have an im
pact on the legislature’s capacity to set fiscal policy.
If the legislature is prodded by a Serrano like suit to
increase state education appropriations (a likely re
sponse), then the state will be obliged either to in
crease state taxing, or to cut back some other state
supported program. Serrano, to put the point differ
ently, imposes constraints on the legislatures’ ability to
trade off expenditures on public goods.” 2 Yale Journal
of Law and Social Action at 147, note 4.
Nor is there any reason to believe that the principles of
Rodriguez will be limited in their impact to state programs.
Rather it is clear that every federal matching program will
be potentially jeopardized by the decision, since almost by
definition the ability of states to put up state funds to be
matched is a function in some measure of their wealth.
It should be noted that this spelling out of the potential
implications of Rodriguez is not a parade of horribles de
vised by counsel opposing application of that decision; it
comes from the lips of the proponents of the doctrine
themselves.
See also Schoettle, The Equal Protection Clause in Public
Education, 71 Columbia Law Review 1355 (1971), noting
the potential implications for the total budgeting process.
105
e to tinker with ‘just’
c. I suspect that re
finance systems will
: patterns of all other
raising and spending
hilosophy to judicial
roubled by that spec-
n contours.”
iwise noted:
course have an im-
• to set fiscal pr'bcy.
i Serrano like suit to
iations (a likely re-
obliged either to in-
ck soine other state
put the point differ-
egislatures’ ability to
•ods.” 2 Yale Journal
note 4.
hat the principles of
ct to s ate programs,
itching program will
don, since almost by
up state funds to be
e of their wealth.
out of the potential
ade of horribles de
ed that decision; it
nts of the doctrine
ion Clause in Public
1355 (1971), noting
budgeting process.
There is indeed no reason to believe that these oppor
tunities will not be eagerly pursued once the door is open to
lawsuits of this character attacking state and federal tax
ing and spending programs. We have been told:
“Serrano ‘opens a very large door’ says John Silard,
a Washington, D.C., attorney involved in school tax
litigation. For the first time, he says, the courts are
requiring ‘equal protection’ in public programs. They
are holding states accountable for how and where they
spend public money. In his view, this means ‘a revolu
tion in public services’, the schools, he predicts, are
merely ‘the fir. . bite at the big apple. Welfare wi-
ously comes next, and I guess health too.’ * * * Some
lawyers predict that if education is accepted as a fun
damental interest, other public services are bound to
follow. But they don’t like to say it out loud. ‘They
want this to stick’, one attorney says. ‘You stress tli. t
education isn’t like garbage. We a. playing a game
here. You have to ( in order) not to frighten the courts
away from a proposition that’s sound’.” Andrews, Tax
‘Revolution’, Wall Street Journal, March 13. 1972.
pages 1, 12.
The offer bve inseparability and indistinguishability of
education from other services was noted by Judge Harvey
in his decision in Parker v. Mandeb which repeatedly refers
to “healt: education and welfare” in declining to apply the
Serrano-Rodriguez doctrine.
It will be recalled that the California Supreme Court felt
obligated to issue a supplemental opinion when it was dis
covered that its initial edict was having an adverse effect
upon state property tax collections. With the doctrine that
plaintiffs propose the legitimacy of virtually all state taxa
tion will be cast in peril in the eyes of many members of
the public and the eyes also of at least the more exuberant
members of the lower federal judiciary. Professors Coons,
Clune and Sugarman have gleefully pointed to the factors
which they hope will induce legislative acquiescence in
their favored doctrine:
“A prolonged period of turmoil and doubt in which
aid formulas, validity of tax impositions, validity of
bonds ani retroactivity remain locked in a political
struggle.” 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action
at 118.
Surely, whatever their applicability in their original con
text, 1' re is merit in this new context in the cautionary
words of Judge Learned Hand on the duty of deference to
the decisions of legislatures:
“These men [Justices Holmes and Cardozo] believed
that democracy was a political contrivance by which
the group conflicts inevitable in all society should find
a relatively harmless outlet in the give and take of
legislative compromise after the contending groups
had had a chance to measure their relative strength;
and through which the bitterest animosities might at
least be assuaged, even though the reconciliation did
not ensue which sometimes follows upon an open fight.
They had no illusion that the outcome would neces
sarily be the best attainable, certainly not that which
they might themselves have personally chosen; but
the political stability of such a system and the possible
enlightenment which the battle itself might bring,
were worth the price. * * * We face difficulties which
are big with portent and uncertain of solution. Such
solutions as will arrive, like all human solutions, will
be likely to be inadequate and unfair placebos. But
nevertheless they will be compromises, as government
almost always must be in a free country; and if they
are to be upset under cover of * * * majestic sententi
ousness, they are likely to become centers of frictions
undreamed of by those who avail themselves of this
facile opportunity to enforce their will.” Learned
107
• pointed to the factors
iative acquiescence in
oil and doubt in which
mpositions, validity of
i locked in a political
aw and Social Action
ty in their original con
text in the cautionary
he duly of deference to
and Cardo ' believed
oontrivam by which
i all society should find
i the give and take of
he contending groups
:heir relative strength;
it animosities might at
the reconciliation did
>ws upon an open fight,
outcome would neces-
rtainly not that which
>ersonally chosen; but
system and the possible
le itself might bring,
face difficulties which
tain of solution. Such
human solutions, will
• unfair placebos. But
remises, as government
•e country; and if they
* * majestic sententi
me centers of frictions
• ni] themselves of this
their will.” Learned
Hand, Chief Justice Stone’s Concept of the Judicial
Function, Dilliard (editor >, The Spirit of Liberty at
204. 207.
CONCLUSION
The judgment should be reversed.
Respectfully submitted.
GEORGE W. LIEB M A N X,
SIIALE D. STILLER,
1300 Mercantile Rank & Trust Rldg.,
2 Hopkins Plaza,
Baltimore, Maryland 21201,
Special Counsel for Montgomery
County, Maryland.
RICH ARD S. M cK E R X O X ,
County Attorney for Montgomery
County, Maryland.
F RA XC IS B. BURCH,
Attorney General of Maryland,
H E X R Y R. LORD,
Deputy Attorney General
of Maryland,
E. ST E P H E X DEL V,
Assistant Attorney General
of Maryland.
W IL L IA M J. BAXLEY,
Attorney General of Alabama.
G ARY K. NELSO X,
Attorney General of Arizona,
JAM ES G. BOX'D,
Assistant Attorney General
of Arizona.
EV ELLE J. YOU XGER,
Attorney General of California,
ELIZAB ETH PALM ER,
Assistant Attorney General
of California,
E D W A R D M. BELA SCO,
Deputy Attorney General
of California.
DUKE W. D U XBAR,
Attorney General of Colorado.
RO BERT K. K ILLIAN ,
Attorney General of Connecticut,
F. M ICH AEL AH ERN ,
Assistant Attorney General
of Connecticut.
W. A X T H O X Y PARK,
Attorney General of Idaho,
JAM ES R. HARGIS,
Deputy Attorney General
of Idaho.
TH E O D O R E L. SE XD AK ,
Attorney General of Indiana,
CH ARLES M. W ELLS,
Counsel for Bartholomew, Indiana
Consolidated School Corpora
tion, its Trustees and the Super
intendent of Schools of Barthol
omew County. Indiana,
H A R R Y T. ICE,
GEORGE B. G AVIT,
Special Counsel for Bartholomew,
Indiana Consolidated School
Corporation, et al.
RICH ARD C. TU R XE R ,
Attorney General of Iowa,
GEORGE W. M U RRAY,
Assistant Attorney General
of Iowa.
V E R X M ILLER,
Attorney General of Kansas,
M A T T H E W J. DOW D,
JO IIX C. JO H X SO X,
Assistant Attorneys General
of Kansas.
ED. W. H AXCO CK ,
Attorney General of Kentucky,
103
CART. T. M ILLER,
Assistant Attorney General
of Kentucky.
W IL L IA M J. GUSTE, JR-,
Attorney General of Louisiana.
JAM ES S. ERW IN ,
Attorney General of Maine,
GEORGE W E ST,
Assistant Attorney General
of Maine.
RO BERT H. QUINN,
Attorney General of
Massachusetts,
LA W R E N C E T. BENCH,
Assistant Attorney General
of Massachusetts.
FRED W . FREEM AN ,
CH ARLES F. CLIP PERT,
Counsel for Bloomfield Hills,
Michigan School District,
W IL L IA M M. SA XTO N ,
Counsel for Dearborn City, Mtch-
ROBERT B. W EB STE R,
Counsel for Grosse Pointe, Mich
igan Public School System.
A. F. SUMM ER, . . . .
Attorney General of Mississippi,
ROBERT B. MORGAN,
Attorney General of
North Carolina,
BU RLEY B. M ITCH ELL, JR.,
Assistant Attorney General of
North Carolina.
H ELCI JOH AN NESON ,
Attorney General of
North Dakota,
GERALD V A N D E W A L L E ,
Assistant Attorney General
of North Dakota.
LEE JOHNSON,
Attorney General of Oregon.
D AN IE L R. M cLEOD,
Attorney General of
South Carolina,
G. L E W IS ARGOE, JR.,
Assistant Attorney General
of South Carolina.
GORDON M YD LAND ,
Attorney General of
South Dakota,
C. J. K ELLY,
Assistant Attorney General
of South Dakota.
D A V ID M. PACK,
Attorney General of Tennessee,
M ILTON P. RICE,
Deputy Attorney General
of Tennessee.
M ARTIN R. M cLENDON,
Assistant Attorney General
of Mississippi.
JOHN DAN FORTH ,
Attorney General of Missouri,
D. BROOK B A R TLE TT,
Assistant Attorney General
of Missouri.
CLARENCE A. H. M EYER,
Attorney General of Nebraska,
H AR O LD M OSHER,
Assistant Attorney General
of Nebraska.
W A R R E N B. RU DM AN,
Attorney General of
New Hampshire.
LOUIS J. L E FK O W ITZ,
Attorney Genet i of New \ ork.
VERN O N B. ROM NEY,
Attorney General of Utah,
RO BERT B. H AN SEN ,
Deputy Attorney General
of Utah.
JAM ES M. JEFFORDS,
Attorney General of Vermont.
CH AU N CEY II. BROW N ING, JR.,
Attorney General of
West Virginia,
V IC T O R A. BARONE,
Assistant Attorney General
of West Virginia.
RO BE RT W. W A R R E N ,_
Attorney General of W isconsin,
B E TTY R. BROW N ,
Assistant Attorney General
of Wisconsin.
I, C
Curia
ber o
here!
foreg
lants
posts
for A
Esqu
Texs
Fran
Bailf
1254
Writ
78TC
109
BERT n. MORGAN,
.\ll-irm-y Guieral of
Nurtli Carolina,
Rl.EY n. M ITCH ELL, JIC,
Assistant Attorney General of
North Carolina.
;l g i j o h a n n e s o n ,
Attorney General of
North Dakota,
RALD VA N D EW ALLE ,
Assistant Attorney General
of North Dakota.
E JOHNSON,
Attorney General of Oregon.
NIEL R. McLEOD,
Attorney General of
South Carolina,
LEW IS ARGOE, JR.,
Assistant Att y General
of South C ;na.
•KDON MYD1 .ND,
Attorney General of
South Dakota,
J. KELLY,
A-sistant Attorn General
of South Dako...
A TI) M. PACK,
Attorney General of Tennessee,
..TON P. RICE,
Deputy Attorney (ieneral
of Tennessee.
RNON B. ROM NEY,
Attorney Genera! of Utah,
BERT B. HANSEN,
Deputy Attorney General
of Utah.
RES M. JEFFORDS,
Attorney General of Vermont.
U NCEY II. BROW NING, JR.,
Attorney General of
V est \ irginia,
TOR A BARONE,
AssUtai.i Attorney General
of W est Virginia.
CRT W. W ARREN ,
:iay General of Wisconsin,
I Y R BROW N.
'• Attorney GeneralliCOIiblll.
CERTIFICATE Ol SERVICE
I, George W. Liebmann, one of the attorneys for Amici
Curiae Montgomery County, Maryland, et al., and a mem
ber of the Bar of the Supreme Court of the United States,
hereby certify that on July 21, 1972, I served copies of the
foregoing Amici Curiae Brief on the Appellees and Appel
lants by depositing such copies in .he United States Mail,
postage prepaid, and addressed to the attorneys of record
for Appellees and Appellants as follows: Arthur Gochman,
Esquire, 313 Travis Park West, 711 Navarro, San Antonio,
Texas 78224, Mario Oblcdo, Esquire, 145 9th Street, San
Francisco, California 94103, Counsel for Appellees. Pat
Bailey, Esquire, Assistant Attorney General, P.O. Box
12548, Capitol Station, Austin, Texas 78711, Charles Alan
Wright, Esquire, 2500 Red River Street, Austin, Texas
78705, Counsel for Appellants.
George W. Liebmann
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