San Antonio Independent School District v Rodriguez Brief of Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
July 21, 1972

90 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. San Antonio Independent School District v Rodriguez Brief of Amicus Curiae, 1972. 76157b98-c39a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/d7ca3dea-4b60-4e45-9b1f-51e168c30d94/san-antonio-independent-school-district-v-rodriguez-brief-of-amicus-curiae. Accessed April 28, 2025.
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r: jhC* VI PAGE Hawaii Public Education Department, District Sum mary of School Expenditures, 1970-71 50 Howe, Anatomy of a Revolution. Saturday Review, Nov. 20, 1971, 84 5.38.41 Hutchinson, State - Adyninistered Locally - Shared Taxes (1931) 40,41 Jencks, The Coleman Report and the Conventional Wisdom, in Mosteller and Moynihan, On Equal ity of Educational Opportunity (1972) 58 Johns, (ed.), Alternative Programs for Financing Education, National Educational Finance Proj ect, Volume V (1971) 29. 93, 95 Johns, (ed.), Economic Factors Affecting the Financ ing of Education. National Educational Finance Project, Volume II (1971) 26.102 Karst, Serrano v. Priest, 60 Calif. L. Rev. 720 (1972) 30 Kirp. The Poor. The Schools, and Equal Protection, in Harvard Educational Review, Equal Educa tional Opportunity (1969), 156 7,11 Kraft, U. S. Is Taxing Itself Too Little and Wrongly, Baltimore Sun, January 24, 1972, 11A 27 Kurland, Equal Educational Opportunity in Daly (ed.). The Quality of Inequality (1968) 81 Kurland, Equal Educational Opportunity: The Limits of Constitutional Jurisprudence Undefined. 35 U. Chi. L. Rev. 583 (1968) 51 Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, Valid Systems under Serrano v. Priest, Compact, Vol. 6, no. 2 (April, 1972) 29 Lutz, Can Property Tax be Replaced? Wall Street Journal, February 9, 1972, 14 15 Maeroff, Suburban School Officials Fear Effect of a Freeze on Spending, New York Times, Febru ary 2. 1972 91 Marsh, The Taxation of Imputed Income, 58 Pol. Sci. Q. 514 (1943) .............................................................. 24 Maryland Commission on the State Tax Structure, Report (1971) .............................................................. 80 vtt PAGE Maryland Commission to Study Public Education and Finances. Report '1952) 74,75 Maryland Commission to Study the State s Role in Financing Public Education. Background Infor mation (1970) 69 Maryland Commission to Study the State s Role in Financing Public Education, Report (1970) ”9 Maryland Geological Survey, The Counties of Mary land. Their Origins, Boundaries and Election Districts (1907) ^ Maryland School Law Revision Commission. Report (1968) 72,73.78,79 Maryland State Deportment of Assessments and Taxation. 2Sfh Biennial Report (1971) 71 Maryland State Department of Education, Experi ence of Teachers and Principals, September, 1969 82 Maryland State Department of Education, Selected Financial Data, Maryland Public Schools, 1969- 70. Part I 82 Michelman, On Protecting the Poor Through the Fourteenth Amendment, 83 Harv. L. Rev. 7 (1970) 6,31 Mosteller and Moynihan, On Equality of Educational Opportunity (1972) 58,99 Moynihan, Can Courts and Money Do It? New York Times, January 10, 1972, 24 E 27,61 Moynihan, Sources of Resistance to the Coleman Report in Harvard Educational Review, Equal Educational Opportunity (19691,25 57 Myers, Second Thoughts on the Serrano Case, City Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 6, 41 (Winter 1971) ...... 8, 93, 94 Nation’s Schools, May 1972 ............................................ 100 New York State Commission on Quality, Costs and Financing of Elementary and Secondary Educa tion Report (1972) .................................................. 33,90,91 Vlll PAGE Perlman (ed.), Proceedings of the Maryland Consti tutional Convention of 1S67 (1 9 2 3 ) ................. 72 President’s Commission on School Finance, Review of Existing State School Finaiice Programs (1972) ' ............... 100,102 President’s Commission on School Finance, Schools, People and Money, Final Report (1972) 31, 60 Rand Corporation, How Effective is Schooling (1972) 60 Rhodes, Lay Participation in School Budget Develop ment in Maryland 76 Ridenour and Ridenour: Serrano v. Priest: Wealth and Kansas School Finance, 20 Kansas Law Re view 213 (1972) 67,68 Sacks, City Schools, Suburban Schools: A History of Fiscal Conflict (1972) 98 Sartorious, The Fortunes of Equalization in Mary land Since 1920 (1959) 75,76,77 Schaefer, Book Review, 84 Harv. L. Rev. 1558 (1971) 16 Schoettle, The Equal Protection Clause in Public Education, 71 Colum. L. Rev. 1355 (1971) 104 Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity, United States Senate, The Financial Aspects of Equality of Educational Opportunity and In equities in School Finance (1972) 85.87,88.89 Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational Op portunity, 90th Congress, 2d Session, Hear ings 9. 12, 13, 20, 22, 23, 25, 30, 51, 64, 72, 92, 98,100 Simons, Economic Policy for a Free Society (1948) 43 Simons, Personal Income Taxation (1938) 24 Sizer, Low Income Families and The Schools for Their Children, 30 Pub. Admin. Rev. 340 (1970) 57 Smith, Equality of Educational Opportunity: The Basic Findings Reconsidered in Mosteller and Moynihan, On Equality of Educational Oppor tunity (1972) ................................................................ *.x PAGE Spjglrr. Address to the Maryland Association of Counties. January 20. 1972 Stapleton. Educational Progress in Maryland Public Schools since 1916 (1959) Strayer and Haig. Financing of Education in the State of New York (1923) 73 Surrey and Warren, Federal Income Taxation (I960) 24 The Growing Edge Committee, The Maryland Schools and Mid-Century Needs 76 The Staff Characteristics Committee, Maryland’s Twenty-four Instructional Teams 76 U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools (1967) 57 U. S. Office of Education, Equality of Educational Opportunity (1966) 55 United States Office of Education, Finances of Large- City School Systems: A Comparative Analysis (1972) ............................................................................... 90 Vickery, Agenda for Progressive Taxation (1947 ) 24 Washington Post, November 23, 1971, C-l 82 Webb, Grants in Aid: A Criticism and A Proposal (1920) 40 Willis, A Program of Financing School Construction Designed to Safeguard the Current Operating Program in Maryland (1959) 75 Wise, Rich Schools, Poor Schools (1968) 5 Wise, School Finance Equalization Lawsuits: A Model Legislative Response, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action 130 (1972) 82 Wise, The California Doctrine, Saturday Review, November 20, 1971, 78 6, 30 Woollatt, The Measurement of Cost in Maryland Public Schools (1959) ...............................................•> 75 X PAGE Woollatt and Zimmerman. A \ m u 7 o ! the Maryland Taxpaying Ability of Margin ^ Public School Systems < I960) Wynne, The Politics of Accountability: P^bhc In or- ^ mation About Public Schools (1972) Yudof and Kirp. Serrano in the Political Arena.^ Yale Journal of Law and So JQ4 (1971) „ , Zimmerman, Fiscal Adjustments Over a Century ?g <1959) ........... ., . . . a AArciiror The Tax Potential of Mary- Zimmerman and Walker, 1 ne iax 75 land: State and Local Zukotsky. Taxes and Schools. The New Republic. ^ June 17, 1972, 20 In Tm -. Supreme Court of the United States October Term, 1972 No. 71-1332 SAN ANTONIO INDEPENDENT SCHOOL DISTRICT. Ef AL„ Appellants, v. DEMETRIO p. RODRIGUEZ, nr 0N ^ from the U nite, ^ ~ Court non the W estern District of Texas b r i e f o f a m i c i c u r i a e IN s u p p o r t o f a p p e l l a n t s i n t e r e s t s o f a m i c i c u r i a e . . , ruriae are representatives of state governments Amici Curiae are F h subd1Vision, or political subdivisions m 30 statea Each s u c h ^ ^ ^ like all American sub Serra„o-Rodriguez doctrine, financing incons ste American subdivisions, hasEach such subdivision, like all Americ ^ traditionally confided responsi to . )egisiature. In allocation of pub ic “ V of the sums necessary to " e T y s m m of'sehool financing of each state and sub- 2 division to conform to the Rodriguez doctrine, each of the undersigned states and subdivisions would suffer severe financial stringency and interference with its ordinary bud get making process and the democratic allocation of public resources within its borders. The undersigned subdivisions have a common interest in resisting the imposition upon their fiscal choices in regard to taxing, spending, or the relation between them of the doctrine of judicial “strict scrutiny" which would be im posed upon educational and other spending decisions by plaintiffs and by the Court below. Each and all of the undersigned subdivisions rather favors the application to state taxing and spending decisions of those canons of restraint which have traditionally immunized such deter minations. state and federal, from intensive judicial review ̂ They believe required application of the standards which have traditionally governed judicial review of taxing and spending programs: First that “there need be no relation between the class of taxpayers and the'purpose of the appropriation’; (New York Rapid Transit Company v. New York. 303 U.S. 5 3 (1938))' “ if the tax. qua tax. be good * * * and the purpose specified be one which would sustain a subsequent and separate appropriation made out of the general funds of he treasurer, neither is made invalid by being bound to the other in the same act of legislation” Cincinnati Soap Com- pany v. U.S.. 301 U.S. 308 (1937), see Carmicluiel v. South ern Coal Company. 301 U.S. 495 (1937): Second, that the appropriate standard by which state tax legislation is to be judged is the standard of Madden tx Kentucky. 309 U.S. 83 (1940): “In taxation, even more than in other fields, legislatures possess the greatest freed in classification. Since the members of a legislature nec s- • h co n * * "* * which this * Um,U*t, > 1 o.nNtitutionality can O -— '■»> ••• fc— • lhP r Ur hcit demonstration that b e ......- m e only by ^ X̂ prc-lvB discrimination * classification us a '«• l scs. The burden is on against particular persons and c ^ ^ tQ negative ^ " S ^ i - ^ i c h might support it." 309 U.S. J Third, that .he oppropriato stamdardl^or expenditure programs no h Amendment is that of culiarly reached by the 471 487 ,1970) with its Dandridge v. Willtams. » • ^ Constitution does not stress on the proposition t te offlCials charged empower this court to allocating limited public with the difficult potential recipients” , welfare funds among the myr 548> 584- - S I “ " " - - 619' 644 ,1939U Fourth, that in a federal A g n iz e s rights wealth of political subdivisions t e s j * rc_ State action activating any ^ where the tax prop- view: “the use o taX“ ‘ u constitute an invidious erty is located does not, of Use on„ , Board o/ discrimination or unreasona District of Muskogee V.Education of fndependent Sclwol Dw o , » Oklahoma. 409 F.2d 665 ' In devising their ..have the a t tr ib u te powers m d e ^ ^ ^ T t X l n edSVre o,Ohio, Inc. , . Bowers. 358 U.S. 522. 526 U 95 n constitutional guarantees reach only action by he ate nd not “the inaction implicit in the failure to en- 3 4 act corrective legislation” . Adickes v. Kress and Company. 398 U.S. 144, 167. note 39 (1970). The present case, more than any other case before the Court in the last decade, constitutes a threat to the au tonomy and independent existence of state and local gov ernments and indeed to the power of the purse of legisla tures that is the enduring and perhaps the most important legacy of seven centuries of Anglo-American constitutional history. Since the brief of Texas treats fully the questions sur rounding the applicable standard of review, the presen memorandum will summarize the impact of the issues at stake in the present litigation upon the educational, socia , revenue and expenditure policies of the signatory gov ernments. DANGERS OF A FUNDAMENTAL INTEREST’ HOLDING If this court accepts plaintiffs’ invitation to pronounce educational finance a “fundamental interest ’ activating a strict standard of review, a wide range of other govern mental programs, each of which can be plausibly repre sented as involving fundamental interests w i ^ e ^ t o attack The emotional arguments surrounding the distnbu tion of medical care, for example, are at least as compiling as those surrounding education.* Principles invoked wi respect ,0 elementary and secondary education can read.ly be extended to higher education in a society in w i regarded as ever more essential." The application * ** ration known as in°'th" ’5 is presently orchestrating a barrage of lawsuits mft no doubt will take a greatinterest ive area of public ** Indeed, it is difficult to think of a morê regre ve V ^ ioining the labor 5 . . sod public health i l l s can be ‘ will almost certainly c — ne Howe has noted. ndiustment and diffi- S l ; r ^ - ^ e ga t io „ ,M H o .e .o P. cit. page 38. infra-‘ . lakcn place among the ^ " c ^ a n d Sugarman, the j r r n p = f ^ with scornful r e f e ^ ^ ^ n s a t o r y relief and is also Shapiro with its dem earlier work by Wise, filled with scornful explicit demand for Rich Schools. Poor c , otal state assumption of something closely apP™“ U u r e among districts. The costs or equality mactua 'P profess to prefer a Messrs. Coons. Clune “ " I d act to provide each system under which the in which the level district with « £ £ £ % £ % > district would in part of educational spending ________ _ . . . . i Pmfessor Coons has al- force before graduation from ig sc • principle to publicly- readv suggested extension of .he ^ and Social Acnon suppomd j » " j “ " f f SA S „ g S m as an "inviting targe. . ss (1969)' 6 be a function of the willingness of district voters to tax themselves. Under this regime the education received by each child would, it is said, continue to be a function of the political sentiments of his neighbors, though not necessarily of his own sentiments or those of his parents. It is easy to envisage the welter of law suits which will ensue if this Coons thesis is accepted - suits, for example, by Protestant school children aggrieved at the low level of public school taxation in predominately Catholic cities, etc. e ong term viability of the limitations proposed by Coons, Clune and Sugarman upon a doctrine of absolute equality wou indeed be in doubt. Indeed. Mr. Wise, repaying the com pliments’ directed at him by Coons, Clune and Sugarman, has pointed out that the California decision does not clearly adopt the Coons-Clune-Sugarman rule. Wise, The Cali fornia Doctrine, Saturday Review, November 20, 1971, pg. 78. The Messrs. Coons, Clune and Sugarman would leave some nominal scope for local autonomy by merely equal izing district taxing resources. Mr. Wise would equalize both taxing resources and taxing rates. He would not go so far, however, as to prohibit the use of distinctions based on child characteristics in the allocation of educational funds Professor Michelman of Harvard likewise is an enemy of the Coons approach, see Michelman On Pro tecting the Poor Through the Fourteenth Amendment, 83 Harv Law Rev., 7 at 54-59 (1970). Alleging that the Coons approach could result in inequities while an approach quWng equal expenditures for a foundation program with some local variations upward presents problems o iusticiability, he, as noted, goes on to favor "ins.stence on channelling all the state’s educational expenditures into the common pool.” (83 Harvard Law Review at 58). another legal commentator, Professor Kirp, not to be out- done, proclaims: * -,**1 educational op- S-rr^.r.S * * ^ t h a t the »c\wo\ » . . . . . . w-k .niiming initial du* £ i Z E l a t i o n , in background, rn i X « home hie. and r Z ,ng on C ecuvc ~ - ton of the tor equal achievement - strc^ e,Tort in those schoo sta*e to make a greater 1 . , because their schoo districts whose needs are g school. The state children are less well develop schools has a constitutional o g aS possible for m which tvill compensate a ^ background. The immense; the result well1 wor in Harvard S c a S n a f ' — * « • * " “ * Opportunrtv (19691 at 156, 169.) feSS° r ^The Passow Report »f c»m pensatory education s 11! thc child whose i f meeting the cducatmnal^ee ^ a good portion home environmen enters school ' Pas- i r w ^ t o n a a Public schoo,s, page 259V. Professor Kirp does however provide one helpful sug- gestion. He notes. neCessary effort may seem “The magnitude of the’ rreiiance on schooling as to some to represent an ove a CQUrt wiU not a tool for social ametorati.3 t ^ social policies ^ schotTor and social priorities.” (at 169 n. 122). 0 Lest it be thought that Professor Kirp's position is an extreme one, it should be noted that he too is outdone by Professor Samuel Bowles of Harvard. Professor Bowles set forth the ideal of “equality of education opportunity in terms of the economic results of education . Bowles, Towards Equa\ity of Educational Opportunity in Harvard Review, Equal Educational Opportunity (1969) at 124. Pro fessor Bowdes goes on to urge: “The allocation of unequal amounts of resources for educating Negro as compared to White children and poor as compared to rich children, (at 115). It is clear that there are as many versions of what the Constitution requires as there are professors of law and education, and that the courts, if they admit a significant judicial role in this sphere, will be subjecting themselves to a barrage of conflicting law suits by exponents of con flicting theories.* Counsel coordinating the Serrano litigation has made clear that the decisions are deemed of value not for the actual results obtained, which may indeed be counter productive in terms of the needs of urban districts (“Un less we are careful, we can be locked into a formula we don’t like for over a decade” Myers, Second Thoughts on the Serrano Case, City Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 6 pg. 41 (Winter 1971) quoting Mrs. Sarah Carey, Assistant Di rector of the Lawyers’ Committee), but rather for their holdings that education is a fundamental interest. Mrs. Carey has noted: “And then finally — and this is an issue the press has ignored totally — if education is a fundamental mter- * See Berke and Callahan, Serrano v. Priest, Milestone or Mill- stone 21J Public Law 23, at 69 (1972) (“the courts will once again he called upon to sit in judgment on school resource allocatio in a second or third round of post-Serrano litigation • ) » Sr— ** ^ f - r i c h t t<> an adequate In the criminal fu n d am en ta l right, the drfrmc. ho.i been declare » * glalc has to put the S u p rem e Court has held th. tj ^ acUially fully defendant in a lranslated to mean exercise that right. i Sfur'nished defense counsel; his if he is poor he must be fur hc must bc given ^ ^ sition with i t s : * . pretation of the Serrano ^ ^ g ^ o f ̂ w'hat he calls not asked to dea w > that deal with the ‘fiscal equity/ | o ; nthne°rc haV c been two cases, in Vir- The Serrano decision did declare eo^ of that fundamental interest and ^ the way we spend whatever kinds of pp ~rirninal defendant may ^ ' ’r u n t i /T h e ?teudTnt may need transportation, he may need lunches, or special instructional aids. (Senator Mondale) I understood Dr. Coons to say h J p X ’ no one will bring a lawsuit of that kmd now. Did I understand you correctly? (Dr. Coons) Yes, sir. i Mrs Carev) Dr. Coons does not want to have ber- ran“ ouled up on its way to the Supreme Court. (Senator Mondale) That is going to be quite a con ference in October. 10 (Mrs. Carov > Ultimately, 5 or 10 years the road, there irill be coses that fhne from (hr funda mental interest interpretation just as there hat e been in the voting rights and criminal defense areas " ( Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational Op portunity, 90th Congress. 2nd Session. Hearings at pg. 6868 ,< hereinafter cited as Mondale Committee Hear ings) (emphasis added). It is evident that admitting a judicial role in this sphere will result in the crippling of essential governmental pro grams by a welter of conflicting legal commands. The existing system of multilevel grants in aid in many of its aspects makes effective budgeting difficult. When these difficulties are compounded by a number of conflicting de crees by state and federal courts, hasty and emotional legislative responses, and all the other predictable con sequences of the course being urged upon the court, it is by no means clear that the intended beneficiaries of the new rules will in fact benefit from them, or will benefit from them more rapidly than they would benefit from a process of public persuasion directed at the legislature. The recent experience in connection with welfare litiga tion in California, with its barrage of conflicting federal and state injunctions, special sessions of the legislature, fund shortages and executive cutbacks may supply a vivid illustration of what is in store for our educational system under the regime urged upon the Court here. The conse quences for school bond issues are also notorious. As noted by the court in Spano v. Board of Education, 328 N.Y.S.2d 229 (Sup. Ct., Westchester County, January 17, 1972): “Many contemplated school construction projects it was urged are in jeopardy as a result of the refusal of municipal bonding attorneys to render the necessary certification as to no pending litigation which would impair the validity of the bond issue . . . Unless and « ? ♦ M •«r' • •*» vi. : ■i | 4, ’•' ̂ M* **' 4 * in *.K.» *4 • i t u‘,r? t... W A l v irtu e w-rvetl by bond fi* , . , i or .. > >.r r* \ w v r ta l years . •» re there t* no stopping place in plaintiffs lui.hcm s.fr. consistent with the sur- reAhtarian logic whuh • . . s even have lndT d’ llhcrc u little stopping place in the logic as distinct from Plaintiffs' intentions short of compulsory state,OP? r bewrding schools. Sec Kirp. The Poor. The Schools and Equal Protection, in Harvard Educational Review, Equa Educational Opportunity (1969), at 155-56. The principle that education should not be a function of parental wealth articulated by the Rodriguez decision and in the very title of the Coons, Clune and Sugarman book, is a politically debatable one on numerous grounds. It appears flatly in consistent with the thrust of Pierce v. Society of Sisters. It would constitute constitutional compulsion of an or ganic relationship of the citizen to the state” within the meaning of Justice Holmes’ dissenting opinion in Lochner v. New York. But the maxim that “the child is not the creature of the state” evokes little sympathy from plain tiffs and their allies, some of whom have already declared their purpose to utilize the Serrano principle as a spring board further to constrict private schools and the right to private education: Thus Dr. Coons: “ (Senator Mondale) In the absence of some kind of adjustment in the rich district, would you not actually be encouraging private schools for the rich. Would they not say, ’Well, we are in this trap where we can raise a lot of money to be sent elsewhere or we can put downward pressure on revenue for our local schools and simply spread all of our money on private schools 12 for our children.’ Since all the capital costs of con structing private schools is deductible from the taxes anyway, it is sort of publicly supported . . . (Dr. Coons) May I answer that other question which you had about the rich district and its disincentives? It is an important question. * * * I think the amount that would already be taken out in personal income and other statewide taxes for the general support of education would be enough so that most people would not be able to alTord both the sup port of public education and private education. At least there would not be a sufficient number of such people that there would be any but a fringe of districts in which the demography would be such that there would be so many very rich people that they would opt out of public education altogether. And, of course, it is up to the State as to whether they can do that. The State, after all, would set some kind of adequate minimum which every child should have available in public edu cation. A district could simply drop out, as it were; it would have to stay in the system. Being in and paying for that system, people are going to use it — they are going to have to carry the burden of that local system, and so, there is a powerful incentive to stay in it and make it all work as a public system. Was I responsive? (Senator Mondale) Yes.” (Mondale Committee Hearings, pp. 6883-84) (em phasis added). Mrs. Carey, the Assistant Director of the Lawyers’ Com mittee sponsoring this litigation, went even further in out lining the possible attack on private schools: “ (Mrs. Carey) On the private school issue, that is one that everyone kicks around. As a factual matter, I am not sure there’s any difference right now between the Scarsdale school system and Scarsdale with a private school system. It is just the admission prac tices that are slightly different. At present, it is a U » ‘>AiVC s». ! f> •. • > c :!jr . getting into a • ill chan** things from - whether, if private Archer '»•.. * * nonprofit corporations • A " ' " ' ’ V h X ; «h“ V „ .« be grounds for at- and *o on. v.h< .h« r ' .u s ers’ Committee u .k .n S thorn Th. ro >> . where white case in Mississippi. »r« a prjvate school, for parents trnsl to set up » • ’ • n ancj the court the purP-’so o t ^ o n the ground that ^ X e ^ n of* the constitutional man- dUv' • if the Constitution declares education to be a /u ^ i e l t a l interest, it might be that you could at- m-k private schools on that ground. (Senator Mondale) The key to the Green case was deliberate segregation, white flight, des.gned to es- cape the court order. (Mrs. Carey) That is right. _ . (Senator Mondale) You might say there is a similar con st^ion a l principle, and that ™ .one can escape the public schools. Maybe that will be the law. Go ahead. ̂ . ___» (Mrs. Carey) That is roughly what I wanted to say. (Mondale Committee Hearings, pg. 6884) (emphasis added). What plaintiffs seek to have the judiciary set aside is the operation in the sphere of education of the system of allocation of resources that in greater measure or less determines the distribution of every other commodi y this in a nation whose constitution, including the Four teenth Amendment to it, expressly recognizes and pro tects private property: “Absent constitutional mandate the assurance of adequate housing and the definition of landlord-tenant relationships is a legislative not a judicial function. Nor should we forget that the Constitution ex- - • k ViAau V'fi t'M*&■ ‘-if. ■■' X.': IS r ■ • K l̂NiS1'- '■ '.*£ifoln̂ vv *«•*..» .? • ’• • : '•"? pvwjv-. - i l l Sill 4.jj|y SIP 'v.-, v . . • .t‘:v . MSMijm' V't3c; if • * i § P '. v “-*$■ &8&V’*{-<>.! rsKkfcK c K 1'- i • *.■W f e * : -•• -: «Sê jjBg^>? ,.Cy w&uoit) wJgSwj:t'-i'i ; I’tucraJ . •• ■ '-■ "< sTO ;L"ĵ » l B w ■ V̂T-’ ' ';.d(ufs ; r a s p ! Vi-.'«*y.R?sSstag? SR SbkyEB !, ?• •psrie 0K5^v<i n -\ KSBroSafS r' • frndiuu: w O T H E s a ? ■SfWtol;' M 1g$8u W SWfi. vc^-S'rm ‘rpi ify jjj B i i ! " * , p f g i f e « S &\ >* • (w-'*̂QfT#.cn.' ”v-' ‘S.//i ..yt . cl lifted ir fejjml Table of Contents page Interests of A mici Curiae Argument: Dangers of a ‘Fundamental Interest’ Holding Destruction of the Fiscal Powers of American ^ Legislatures Undesirable Effects on the Tax System 23 Effective Compulsion of Full State Funding 28 35 Impairment of Local Control Enforced Mediocrity and Reduction of Public ^ Spending on Education Lack of Relationship Eetween Educationai Spending and Educational Achievement Lack of Relationship Between Property and ^ Income 70 A Representative State Aid Program Adverse Effects on Interests of Urban Areas and Racial Minorities ....................................... Costs of the Relief Sought 100 107 Conclusion ..................................................... Table of Citations Cases Adickes v. Kress and Company, 398 U.S. 144 (1970 ) 4,14 Allied Stores of Ohio, Inc. v. Bowers, 358 U.S. 522 (1959) ............................................................................. *s’ A' American Commuters Association v. Levitt, 279 F. Supp. 40 (S.D.N.Y. 1967) ; American Commuters Association v. Levitt, 405 F.2d 1148 (2d Cir. 1969) ........................................... iy 11 PAGE Ansell v. Howard County Council, 264 Md. 629, A.2d (1972) 15 Board of Education of Independent School District of Muskogee v. Oklahoma, 409 F.2d 665 ( 10th Cir. 196 9 )........... 3- 17 Bradley v. Milliken, No. 35257 (E.D. Mich. 1972) 62 Carmichael v. Southern Coal Co., 301 U.S. 495 ( 1 9 3 7 ) .......................... 2,18,20,22,54 Cincinatti Soap Co. v. United States, 301 U.S. 308 (1937) 2, 20,21 Dandridge v. Williams, 397 U.S. 471 (1970) 3 Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968) 66 Evans v. Abney, 396 U.S. 435 (1970) 14 Forsyth v. Hammond, 166 U.S. 506 (1897) 45 Helvering v. Davis, 301 U.S. 619 (1939) 3 Jelliffe v. Borden, Civil No. 14821 (U.S. D. C. Conn. 1972) ....... 15 Liggett Co. v. Lee, 288 U.S. 517 (1933) ........................ 45 Lindsey v. Normet, 405 U.S. 56 (1972) ........................ 14 Madden v. Kentucky, 309 U.S. 83 (1940) 2 Mclnnis v. Shapiro, 293 F. Supp. 327 (N.D. 111. 1968), affd sub nom Mclnnis v. Ogilvic, 394 U.S. 322 (1969) 5,17.20.51,53.69 Milliken v. Green, No. 13664-C (Mich. Cir. Ct. Ing ham County 1972) 62.64,65 Mills v. Lowndes, 26 F. Supp. 792 (D. Md. 1939) 74 Morton Salt Co. v. City of South Hutchinson, 177 F.2d 889 (10th Cir. 1949) _ 1S Nelson v. City of New York, 352 U.S. 103 (1956) 19 New York Rapid Transit Co. v. New York, 303 U.S. 573 (1938) Okaloosa County School Board v. Richardson, 40 U.S.L.W. 2238 (N.D. Fla. 1971) Parker v. Mandel, Civ. No. 71-1089-H (D. Md. 1972) 54’ 105 iii PAGE Serrano v. Priest, 5 Cal. 3d 534. 487 P.2d 124 0 9 7 1 ^ 1 .4 , Spano v. Board of Education, 328 N.Y.S.2d 229 (Sup ^ ct. Westchester Co., 1972) . 50 tt j ei 1 449 P.2d 130 (1968) — ! £ T o f VWisconsin v. J. C. Penney and Co., 311 U.S. ^ StewaM T h i n e Co. , Davis, 301 U A M . <1939 , 3 * Constitutional Provisions, Statutes, and Rules 50 Hawaii, Acts of 1968, Ch. 38 5Q Hawaii Revised Statutes, Sec. 27.1 Maryland Acts of 1922, Ch. 383 Maryland Acts of 1964, Ch. 17 Maryland Acts of 1967, Ch. 142 78) LZ Maryland Acts of 1969, Ch. 754 Maryland Acts of 1970, Ch. 4 ........................................ Maryland Code, Art. 77, § 130 A (g) ............................ Maryland Code, Art. 77, §§ 142-145 ............................... Maryland Code, Art. 81, §§ 232 ff Maryland Constitution of 1864, Art. VIII .................... Maryland Constitution, Art. 13, § 1 ............................... Miscellaneous Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Rela- tions, State Aid to Local Government (1969) 72,100 Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Rela tions, Who Should Pay for Public Schools (1971) ................................................... 49,59 Anderson, Study in California: Financing Schools: Search for Reform, Washington Post, May 21, 1972 ................................................................................... 54’ 95 iv PAGE Andrews, Tax ‘Revolution’, Wall Street Journal. March 13. 1972 105 Bassett, Leaders of Urban Schools Oppose Dollar- A-Scholar, Baltimore News American, March 16, 1972 93 Berke and Callahan, Serrano v. Priest, Milestone or Millstone, 21 J. Public Law 23 (1972) 8. 31 Bowles, Towards Equality of Educational Oppor tunity in Harvard Educational Review, Equal Educational Opportunity (19691,124 8 Bruner, 1941 Survey of the Maryland Public Schools (1941) 74 Buder, City Tax Rise Linked to Fleischmann Pro posals, New York Times, Feb. 2, 1972 91 Center for Educational Policy Research, Education and Inequality: A Preliminary Report (1971) 61 Central Advisory Council on Education, Children and Their Primary Schools (2 vols. 1967) 58,59 Cohen, Policy for the Public Schools: Compensation and Integration, 38 Harv. Educ. Rev. 114 (1968) 57 Coleman, Equal Educational Opportunity, in Har vard Educational Review, Equal Educational Op portunity (1969) 38 Coleman, Preface to Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and Public Education (1969) 38,42, 43. 44, 48 Coleman, The Struggle for Control of Education, in Bowers (ed.), Education and Social Policy: Local Control of Education 64 (1970) 37,38 Conant, The Child, The Parent, and The State (1959) 39’ 43 * * * * * 49 Cooley, Constitutional Limitations (2d ed. 1871) 45 Coons, Clune and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Ac tion (1971) 5,23,33,47,51,52,67,94.103,106 Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and Public Education (1969) .......................... 5,11,17,73,94 v PAGE Cord:/.. A Word for the Property Tax. Fortune. May & 1972. 105 , Davies The Challenge of Change in School F™nnce’ D“ ” National Education Association. Tenth An- nual Conference on School Finance 199 (1967) 67, b» Dimond, Serrano: A Victory of S o r t s for Ethics, Not Necessarily for Education. 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action 133 (1972) 60,95,103 Dorn, The Allocation of School Expenditures in ^ Maryland Counties Dorn, What Money Does and What It Does Not Do ^ (1959) „ Q1 Editorial. The New York Times, January 29, 1972 91 Editorial, Washington Post. May 31, 1972 . Encyclopedia of Educational Research (1950) 09 Flexner and Bachman, Public Education in Mary land (1921) Freeman, Address to the Annual Meeting of the Na tional School Boards Association (April 14, 1972) Garvue, Modern Public School Finance (1969) .. 77 Goldstein, Inter-District Inequalities in School Fi nancing: A Critical Analysis of Serrano v Priest and Its Progeny, 120 U. Pa. Law Rev. 504 (1972) 58, 8o, 93, 9b Guthrie, Kleindorfer, Levin and Stout, Schools and Inequality (1970) 58,61 Hand Chief Justice Stone’s Concept of the Judicial Function, in Dilliard (ed.), The Spirit of Liberty (1955) 107 Hardesty, The Relation of Expenditures in Higher Education to Expenditures for Elementary and Secondary Education 76 Harriss, Issues and Interpretations, 155 The Bankers Magazine No. 2 (1972) ..............................................28,147 Havighurst, A Profile of the Large-City High School (1970) 99 14 pressly protects against confiscation of private property or the income therefrom.” Lindsey v. Normet, 405 U.S. 56, 74 (Feb. 22, 1972). The plaintiffs totally fail to respond to the problem created for them by the continuing sur vival of the “state action” doctrine, see Evans v. Abney, 396 U.S. 435 (1970); Adickes v. Kress and Company, 398 U.S. 144, 167 note 39 (1970). The state is not con stitutionally obligated to eliminate the effects of differ ences in private means of individuals, let alone differ ences in average private means of the subdivisions in which individuals reside. These propositions would seem self-evident, but they are not in the constitutional wonder land inhabited by plaintiffs. As Dr. Harley Lutz, Profes sor of Public Finance at Princeton, has recently written: “It comes as quite a shock to be told that the prop erty tax, workhorse of the tax system, is unconstitu tional after so many years of reliable service. One can’t help being suspicious of the circumstances — all the court decisions, in several states, have involved only school financing. The ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ municipal units must levy different rates of property tax for the support of all other local functions, but apparently the disparities of tax rates for these purposes are still constitutional; moreover, every state provides more or less state aid to local schools. Without considera tion of this fact, complaint about differences in prop erty values and tax burdens is overdone. * * * Mother Nature is primarily responsible for the dif ferences in real property values, and the contrivances of men have been aimed at manipulating municipal boundaries for maximum advantages. Topography, location and other natural features result in value dif ferences that cannot be eliminated. A given millage levy will obviously produce more revenue for a gov ernmental unit that contains high value property than it will for a unit that contains low value property. It would be as reasonable to hold that the Rocky Moun tains are unconstitutional because they are not flat . , . .. . , -v , * ** ' ; * -v- ‘ho samC * VA- m ,v not have to -• ” > *V'V!l„ urt wiU d - do th.it a U.w in- wa;t I- - *-«• V Y « .u -n protection of the law be- (..nuly . . <1 . - 1 ' I family with more caUM- it can buy .i-ss ih.in m<j would then be income Inequality of I ^ ‘ 1 p ty Tax be Re- Wail1 S t r ^ " - n a l . February 9. 1972. page 14 tioiicve that the Rodriguez pnnci- Thcrc is no reason to , lionai expenditures or P,c c;,n ^ / “ “ ' f defendants have been informed r ,„ly tUslr.ct ,n a university com- that one »ca > s(atc whcrc a Rodriguez suit has T " fled h” commenced guarding itself against an tm- r” " hie decision bv transferring various physical edu I „ shop and audiovisual activities from the school d to the park board and library board. Of course X i n g transfer, they may not be the compulsory " " t i t h W i n g " tha/their X X " l y mean - - - * ailrf of by fewer students from poorer homes. It * morl protoble however, that if Rodriguez is accepted. the courts will feel bound, as they properly have in th the cour methods of evasion school segregation cases, P . . . .v nomt a+ and to proliferate the Rodriguez principle to the point a. which a corps of suitors** (or marshals) will relentless y the possession by a ta\pa>e which upon onesSS» S S r i ^ r ^ v S h ' m u s , relentlessly he pursued B" im (US C,°972r- -1 Vn 14 8211 where a federal district court on May lo. £ n ie A pretinunary injunction to prevent the Town of Darien from 16 root out from local property-tax-supported budgets all ac tivities which raise the danger that someone might bo educated by them. Do the federal courts really wish this role? Do they regard it as consistent with the mainte nance of local or private initiative in a free country? Thcpe is no reason to think that the judiciary, and par ticularly the lower federal and state judiciary, will pos sess any significant competence in this sphere. Typically and regrettably, constitutional cases raising important public issues are briefed on close schedules by lawyers heretofore possessing limited familiarity with the subject matter. This is not self-evidently the best means of mak ing available to a deciding tribunal pertinent informa tion. Rather it is a method of making public policy that places a premium on sloganeering — sloganeering of the sort that captivated the California and Texas Courts. In the end, it will set in motion forces that will lead to an increasing politicalization of the judiciary. Attention may properly be given to Justice Schaefer’s recent warning: It is true, I think that the style of legal argument and perhaps even the technique of legal research have shifted in recent years. This impression cannot be documented, but it seems to me that much more than in the past the lawyer's quest has become a search for quotable words which, regardless of their initial con text, can be read in the abstract to bear upon the situ ation at hand. The pressure is thus toward a juris prudence of words or phrases divorced from facts and capable of generating new words and phrases with independent lives.” Schaefer, Book Review, 84 Harv. L. Rev. 1558, at 1559 (1971). The present case constitutes a repudiation of methods of persuasion in favor of recourse to authoritarian decrees erecting a public school in asserted violation of the Serrano prin ciple. Cf. also Anscll v. Howard County Council, 264 Md 629 (March 6, 1972). . - £ * • « » (N . . . . *. * ? I t ;v »•* I a * r ‘1 : r' 1 ‘ *-r t * I.. v t.*. #*•:, t ; » . l . { > « » : » < ! -*t *'•«». irvM'hw.'.y h* ’•*.<- |K” 1‘ •-{ gr r» 'live <4 the l-*rg cr.-.fc:y « « No • ,r j c t i i (K uw n. The f.jtp.u’.nuud ctmven- .4 oiurts rendering will stand effec- . brought against a • ;»•'.«• public and political , j'cr fducational cquali- p-st newspapers of most , . v>r, Uill U- searched in vain fur any significant effort during the last several sessions of their legislatures by the {wa.puncnts of the present lawsuits to enlist public support of greater equalization. Although it may be true that the narrow felt interests of taxpayers in the wealthier sub divisions is not aided by equalization, almost all social progress is the product of enlightened self-interest or what justice Holmes described as the limitations upon self- interest imposed by sympathy. Were this not the case, there would be no equalization programs at all, and, indeed, no public schools at all. But the designers of plaintiffs’ theory elect to abjure public persuasion. Rather here the tyranny of the syllogism is resorted to in order to carry the day on the belief that it is easier to persuade one man, or five, than to persuade thousands.* DESTRUCTION OF THE FISCAL POWERS OF AMERICAN LEGISLATURES The proposition tendered by plaintiffs is of course totally at variance with numerous prior cases including those cited in the Mclnnis opinion as well as those cited in Board of Education of Independent School District of Muskogee v. Oklahoma, 409 F.2d 665 (10th Cir. 1969). The Muskogee * Indeed the Coons, Chine and Sugarman book, is not dedicated, in the manner of most polemical treatises, to a hopefully enlightened public but rather “To Nine Old Friends of the Children.” 18 case makes clear that “the use of taxes in the county where the tax property is located does not, of itself, constitute an invidious discrimination or unreasonable classification.” The Muskogee case refers to the leading Supreme Court cases relating to constitutional limits on state taxation. In Allied Stores of Ohio, Inc. v. Bowers, 358 U.S. 522, 526 (1959), the Supreme Court, rejecting equal protection chal lenges to state taxing systems, observed that states “have the attributes of sovereign powers in devising their fiscal systems to insure revenue and foster their local interests.” The cases are legion which reject any suggestion that there is a constitutional requirement of correlation between taxes and benefits, a constitutional prohibition against regressive taxation (such as the property tax, the sales tax, the value- added tax, or the total impact of state and local taxation generally), or a constitutional prohibition against regres sive benefit programs. (Public colleges, national parks, mortgage interest tax deductions, etc); yet an opposite postulate as to all three of these issues is at the root of Plaintiffs’ complaint here. The decided cases clearly indicate that there are virtually no constitutional limits on the distribution of state benefits by legislation. In American Commuters Association v. Levitt, 279 F. Supp. 40, 47 (S.D. N.Y. 1967), the court observed: “With respect to the challenged statutes conferring benefits, plaintiffs claim these statutes are unconstitu tional because there is no equivalence between the taxes plaintiffs pay and the benefits they receive. This claim does not present a substantial constitutional question warranting consideration by a three judge court. * * * The controlling question as stated by the Supreme Court with respect to the constitutionality of a tax is whether the taxing authority has given any thing for which it can ask a return. State of Wisconsin i i , , • u, i*' con- ru n if. aS arv not (•j ( 'rsrmu'Itfict v - V S 495. 521-25 «,.n Salt Co. V. City ' 10th Cir. 1949): > ’ * , i »• •.»«*"* ",r' lo> ;* r . a * '*.*■ ;H 'c; V n , ' y ' l ’: *' 7 . . 7 - 7 ’ icvT l Ul-’n »n the property A \ , . MR-h M ilovs, the support of the lor uvt. » , f()r health and ' ” i,‘,l7 "a!cr'works ami «hc like, the tax vanit.it"'". ' seldom does, bear a just rcla- munity.’ ’ The principles invoked by the district court were era- phatically affirmed by the Court Commuters Association v. Levitt, 405 • 19691. In that case the Second Circuit made ■■special attention courts have always shown to taxt mat even when constitutional rights are involved. e.g.. Nelson u. City of New York. 352 U.S. 103 (1956).” If plaintiffs attain their apparent desire, a fully-state- funded system, the lot of the state administrators will not be a happy one. For the sponsors of the plaintiffs sui have already made it clear that they consider that its prin ciples extend beyond barring “discriminations on the basis of district wealth and operate to bar discriminations in educational spending programs on any arbitrary basis, that is to say, any pattern of expenditure not resulting m per pupil equality. Thus Professor Coons has observed. 20 “ (Senator Mondale) So that if a school district found gold in the downtown area that permitted it to generate an additional $500 in the same tax effort for their school children, that would come within the Serrano decision; but, if they had an influential Congressman that dis tributed the gold out of the Federal Treasury, does it *ipply? (Dr. Coons) I am not sure. It seems to me that the ‘due process’ clause of the Fifth Amendment might require a level of rationality in Federal spending which would make such a policy questionable. It would be a very interesting constitutional problem.” * (Mondale Committee Hearings, pg. 6848). What became of most federal public works programs on this theory, so inconsistent with our history and with gen erally understood limitations on the judicial function, is not explained by plaintiffs. For them, it is not sufficient that, as here, an elected representative legislature has ap portioned burdens and expenditures; the courts are to be invited to second-guess budgetary determinations and to invalidate “regressive” taxes and expenditures and “un fair” relationships of tax and expenditure as they did in Rodriguez. The thesis of Rodriguez is that some unconstitutional unfairness inheres in the fact that the residents of “rich” districts are taxed less heavily, for more educational bene fits, than the residents of “poor” districts. But the case law is emphatic that the constitution imposes no requirement of a relationship between tax burdens and benefits. As * Indeed, plaintiffs are driven inexorably to this conclusion. The specious nature of the distinction which they would draw between Serrano and Mclnnis may be appreciated by considering their prob able attitude toward a statute providing for full state funding and going on to recite that the educational needs of the state required appropriating to the separate subdivisions in the precise unequal amounts spent under the total present system. , . , . r s Court m ,rt \ . U* ‘ ! • . . . . , i * 4 'J . . . scaMr doctrine, - r j i r h . . i d » t i » . a n d - ; !r u \ y r , ; t J . - «».«>* — ui *usia‘ n a \hr J * F ■c = )!,ri.j>r»Vi<>n made out of the tV. ; ^ « ! »■ .«» ......... ......grt.- TA! f •»**' 5 • same act of legisla- '■> » " « • 301 u s . ' " ‘ i n s - 's O -M.Jtil.ro. Nothing is more 6 ' . " , ' th.n the imposition of a tax upon 1 « ■ » intoy no direct benent «» cx,.-n>l.tun.-. an.l who are not responsible tor the condition to be remedied. A tax is not an assessment of benefits. It is. as we have said, a means of distributing the burden of the tx,st of government. The only benefit to which the tax payer is constitutionally entitled is that derived from his enjoyment of the privileges of living in an organ ized society, established and safeguarded by the devo tion of taxes to public Co v United States. 301 U.S. 308, ante, 112, 57 S. C . 764 supra. Any other view would preclude the levy ing'of taxes except as they are used to compensate for the burden on those who pay them, and would involve the abandonment of the most fundamental principle of government - that it exists primarily to provide for the common good. A corporation cannot object to the use of the taxes which it pays for the mainte nance of schools because it has no children. Thomas " Gay 169 U.S. 264. 290. 42 L. ed. 740, 746, 18 S. Ct. 340. This Court has repudiated the suggestion, whenever made, that the Constitution requires the benefits de rived from the expenditure of public moneys to be apportioned to the burdens of the taxpayer, or that he can resist the payment of the tax because it is not expended for purposes which are peculiarly beneficial to him. Cincinnati Soap Co. v. United States, supia, Carley & Hamilton v. Snook, supra (281 U.S. 72. 74 oo L. cd. 703. 50 S. Ct. 294, 03 A.L.R. 194): Nashville. C & St. L.R. Co. v. Wallace, 288 U.S. 249, 268, 77 L. cd. 730. 738, 53 S. Ct. 345, 87 A.L.R. 1191. See Union Refrigera tor Transit Co. v. Kentuckxj, 199 U.S. 194, 203, 50 L. ed. 150, 153, 26 S. Ct. 36, 4 Ann. Cas. 493 (301 U.S. at 522, 523).” Justice Cardozo further pointed out, citing numerous illustrations: “Cigarette and tobacco taxes are earmarked, in some states, for school funds and education purposes Chain store taxes are sometimes earmarked for school funds * * * license and pari-mutuel taxes in states au thorizing horse racing are directed to fairs and agri cultural purposes, to highway funds, and to an old age pension fund in Washington * * * Unemployment relief, though financed in most states by special bond issues, has in some instances been financed by gaso line taxes * * * Similarly, special taxing districts for the maintenance of roads or public improvements within the district have been sustained, without proof of the nature or amount of special benefits (citing cases) 301 U.S. at 522-23 nn. 14, 15. The havoc that will be wrought by the acceptance of the principles espoused by plaintiffs and the Serrano court is quite clear. The effect of acceptance of their claim would be to project the judiciary into a “second guess ing” of government fiscal determinations unparalleled m our history. Virtually all existing spending programs, for education and otherwise, will be opened to attack. Thus, the Federal Impacted Aid Program will be open to constitutional attack by the principle announced by plaintiffs, who reject the rational basis test presently used to sustain the program. See Okaloosa Co. School Board v. Richardson, (N.D. Fla., Oct. 12, 1971).* Indeed, the * 40L.W. 2238 (N.D. Fla., Oct. 12,1971). ti , t t 4 V ‘ * - * V * “ ! v r .*rr# * *. >« C l c t • * r«c r . M*. •+ * * C. \ 1C. ‘ ■n 111 V 4- ( • r* . f.-.'-r'd hv* ̂ , J. to ) f.v. ,\r:.cmlment .... e-rat jijH-iuling 1 would ’ V \ ,rn thr Federal Title I r ;, , r Uh tr.e.*%urcs. may not I'iu*f and Sutfarman. A FirS , Vale U< vie%v of Law and Social M » 11*72 > , ill . . l t l ,. n u n s ON TUB TAX s y s t e m 1 M o( lhc R„dri.,..« rule may be to pro- CVW y «•»«»» ‘°w“d o,her T U' “ f xalion whether ol a regressive or progressive forms of tax is an unfashionable tax. but character. unpopularity are not necessarily to its ,ho reasons tax.s high visibility is some- discred • objectionable feature. But this UT : u " i m r r T“ es ought to be visible, not con- ,s , . . . gwhat’s more, although some homeowners CS™ not to connect clearly the property taxes they pay ™ the services those taxes finance, there is a much T rhnkage between costs and benefits than at the state " r a n e v e l . " Cordtz. A Word for the Property Tax. Fortune, May 1972 pp. 105-06. A shift away from the property tax would have other consequences. One of them would be to confer a windfall upon industries effectively exempt for one reason or other from corporate income taxation: . “One aspect of the local property tax,, which is sometimes overlooked, is that it can, l > up the loopholes in the federal income tax laws. Con- 2-1 sidcr coal. Coal royalties are accorded both capital eains treatment and depletion allowances. As a result of those two loopholes they are taxed on the federal level at a very very minimal level. Thus, the local property taxes is really the only tax in existence now which at least has the potential for getting at the fan tastic mineral wealth.” (Mondale Committee Hear ings pg. 6775) (Testimony of Ralph Nader). In addition, most economists are agreed that the imputed annual value of owner occupied land is at least conceptu ally income though not taxed as such under federal and state income tax laws nor otherwise reached except by property taxation. See Marsh, The Taxation of Imputed Income. 58 Pol. Sci. Q. 514 (1943); Vickery, Agenda for Progressive Taxation, 18-26, 44-49 (1947), Simons, Per sonal Income Taxation Ch. V (1938). “The British in come tax and those of some other countries, include the rental value of owner-occupied homes in taxable income. Surrey and Warren, Federal Income Taxation 129 (1960 edition). Still other economists point out virtues of the property tax in promoting transferability of land: “Not only are the property tax's purported flaws exaggerated, but its virtues are too often slighted. Properly applied, it can help a free real estate market function in a way that maximizes the benefits to so ciety Economists generally agree that Pr°per y taxes encourage speculators to hold land off he market for appreciation, since the cost of holdi g , insignificant compared with the potential gain . is evidence that this has already happened in the U.b. on an important scale. Between 1956 and 1966i accord ing to studies made by Alan D. Manvel for the National Commission on Urban Problems, land prices almost doubled__rising from 270 billion to 520 billion. e rate of increase l a s almost 7 times that of the whole- sale commodity price index. Yet the nse m the value * r ,A' ft* !* , ! is-A •. ; \ 7 ' ‘ ' c. 1 1* '*•. . A » . , , . . . r — * in , f .. aU ln" ‘ m mtra- taxation ■ ;V-1 undcr- . . r* . ; 'he costs of *» ,lr'.vrxi additional . , taxes on the \'.l4 nthr'f..revs that al- Thr fantastic price untru-». where property ib.e potential danger. at , tax are not to be lightly v . r t he \ • * • value and fair- clĉ j j r t Crrtainly the ^ dccisions properly r,-\ er lack of it of the prop*. . * the present committed to state and local Wgts c> me*• ^ 1 # “ ronSl,\ r e 4 t a in the United sTates. The prac- ! trCof°adoption of the Rodriguez rule may be to , he state” either to abandon the property tax for rT r,e„„ or to provide for its state collection and assess- education or to p , ^ — mic proportions and men., an administrative t a s k ° f i n <he many one scarcely P'ac' “-“ e 1 assessment agencies or states which do not have s t a ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ do not denyThese consequences, they acknowledge and seek t o ' ' " V i s i o n does not but it requires tha i generated by it must be distribution o the mcom ^ done less the reformed. coUected is als0 reformed. manner in which th at 6867) (Testimony (Mondale Committee Hearings at oooi of Sarah Carey). xirViv the property tax should be re- TViore is no reason why tne piop j . , quired to'be a state tax or why the taxing authority should 26 be required in Hie . ds rather than merely ordinate assessments by .sing that thc react,,.,, dozens of assessorSt U is n (o the recent court of academic students P , s than enthusiastic, cases ha? been some i ^ the pattern of taxa- Moreover, in many s t a t e s operate to the detri tion away from property ^ .g this so in those ment of poorer far^ ie^ adopted high income taxes, states which already NeW York, to give three such as Maryland, Wiseonsta m i o ^ . ^ .ndustry examples. By reason o f ^ iei£rom significantly these states are effectively P in the absence of further increasing their m^ i hboring states. They will be corresponding ^roperty taxes or to resort to driven either to reso economists agree are more state sales taxes w i taX Some indication of the regressive than the P™1̂ ^ are likely to make if PrJ choices which vano raising a large quantity of addi- sented with the nee funding of education may be tional revenues for :̂ f^ f tables at pages 307-08 gleaned from examination of Factors Affectl» 9 and 317-18 in Johns ted ’ Qn&l Educational Finance the Financing of Educa 10 ’ reveai that as of their dates, Project Volume II. These % sales tax rate and m- Wisconsin, by adopting the no^ ' might derive an eluding consumer service at ‘ ^ whereas that additional $88 million m sales ^ ^ Mgh Oregon State Ct ? r t s n°sfn” egn already has • H°wouW have gained only ?98 su T e T w a ry la n d " r g ^ s — - - m raisingitssales » * <■ ;* *• 1 , v> «t;wcrn ' ‘ * -c-.\ U> ralSC • ,-cr with. ... >.i-*T‘CV , - jv<t confined • ! •. v;duc added .. • * < * \ <■*» » » c , * ■ * : t tt a >**»r . t'. us t \0 . 18" char,r>* V* ip * r and the w i Tt»> UVVle orKU'b 5 and Wrongly-,V >„> » -•» »* *.v rn t f * ' ,rf V S 1' u,-2.page U A ' K qvin January 24. 1J ‘ propcrty taxes lU\tmvr* - ^ arsons badly hur 5 * ily be helped m h;,!a , older people who couldi ^ next year particularly President 1 hoiu a gen- - - Ul̂ o substituting cor state property the promise o oral sales tax.” ) m assed that there is „ is clear from the authorities or the benefit 11 „ that either on the ta Rodriguez will n0d eT sh «t to a formula 'children. In many b e n e f i t - ‘ nation as — the jurisdictions, lo more regresswe sa taxation. result may be a sn upon proper y 28 vigorously disputed and the writers on public finance have been quick to point out that: “Any reduction in [property] tax rates would confer windfalls according to ownership — and property ownership is more concentrated than that of income. Who actually bears the burden of property taxation? * Neither the theoretical analysis nor the empirical evi dence is as clear as we should like. A part of the tax on commercial, utility, industrial and housing struc tures can be assumed to fall on consumers more or less in proportion to spending. This part then has some of the regressive element which is often cited in condemning the tax. But despite frequent implied assertions to the contrary, a part probably remains on suppliers of capital; this will be more progressive than proportional (and not regressive). The considerable portion which falls on land, much of which was capi talized in the past, is hard to place in a meaningful sense__except to say that past and present land own ers are generally ‘not poor'. The distribution of this burden will be decidedly more progressive than re gressive. In short, although families with ‘low’ in comes or consumption do bear property tax, persons who own, directly and indirectly, ‘large’ amounts of property must carry burdens which are ‘heavy’. G. Lowell Harriss [Professor of Economics at Columbia University I. Issues and Interpretations, 155 The Bank ers Magazine No. 2 (1972). EFFECTIVE COMPULSION OF FULL STATE FUNDING The Rodriguez decision at bottom is an effort to consti tutionally impose a regime of full state funding of educa tion upon the 49 American states that have historically rejected such a system and upon the state of Hawaii m which increasing dissatisfaction with its results has been manifested in recent years. It is true that for the moment proponents of the Rodriguez rule have urged that there are other methods of educational finance than full state , t ..,\ -•* i * pr'ffxwal , , *•-* s i V-.c. >* *4 . . • ' f ... v •........... * v ' ' . <rr . . Civil Eights. i ■ vol. 6. ‘ ' _ #* '7 a * . * . , alternatives -• • '*•’ tljv train only" ' - c * ’ * *• " ̂ ̂ \hr writings of pro- r- .*•-«-» . - • Thu>. in describing the P — f ‘ !r , rr' v; ’ Jlv even the lawyers’ Com- p - -r uvr ' * 1 '• ̂ x\t-m * * * he limited to an ” ■ '""* ' *'**“* . n areas** or be likewise lr.lurala.nal experiences - Id a . t l n requires only a slight w»b 'be keneri.1 view «» » «»« education au- voucher plans to realise that they „u ,r„ "w with ^ cour, imposed adoption of a are scant !> . ^ example, the National Educa- T n n a n c e Project in its extended volume on "Alter- nativl Programs for Financing Education" .National Edu cation Financing Project No, 51 dismisses the possible of voucher plans in one footnote: "This so-called 'voucher plan* was not consider d because its constitutionality Furthermore if the law prohibited the redeeming 01 fhe Buchers by parochial schools " ^ ‘1̂ schools which enrolled a lower percent of blacks man the percent of ^ ^ ^ p ^ t e ^ c h o o l ' w a s located, bc°fctv advocates of the voucher plan." Id. at 350 note 3. The so-called power-equalizing option pursuant to which districts would be permitted to supplement the uniform state allocation by levying additional local taxes provided that the wealthier districts levying such taxes turned over a large portion of the proceeds for statewide use similar y ?0 is not regard^ as a viable alternative to full si.tr bv anvone. Even its chief and only sponsor. 1 role- Coons has indicated that it is designed for eonsump.a r. only by judges and not by educators or legislators: “Of course, there are certain problems inherent in • hat [power equalizing proposal!, not the least of them the pohtical problem of recapture from the local dis trict I am informed by people who know these things that it £ politically difficult to establish a: systemi n Committee Hearings, page 6882.) In the event that any state should be so foolhardj' and intrepid after adoption of the Rodriguez rule as to adopt a power-equalizing rule as distinct from full state funding, the proponents of judicial intervention in these matters have already made clear what is in store for it Thus, Professor Wise, the founder of the new cult, reads the Cali fornia decision os prohibiting not merely existing systems of school finance but the Coons power-equalizing proposa a' S0' “This analysis is consistent with the more equali- tarian wealth V r how i ! a a s i g i bors"* * * ” Wise, The California Doctrine, Saturday Review, November 20, 1971, 78 at 82. Professor Karst has analyzed the California decision as to effect rejecting the power equalizing option, pointing 4fgt * * .. .....* ------------- " ^ . . »* ‘ • *•* ** --*•* * ................................... '* ‘, 1 .» » . V ' *. . , lul,b .b .l.h NWhrl . -» ,*<-•< t. ' pa*b.cm» <•! ^..................* I A,* .* •’ * •4 » * * , , |.,„r Through Ih» r .,,n IO. rrotrr.ir.g „ - M SI He is : , - v r 2 - t « ‘ ‘ r ^ en ^ en n d H n , all the stale s ex^d i'.u res * « , ^ « . - * president s Commission - ’T n X iributed hs denunci extremely difficult to establish grounds that ‘ it wo rates that would enable the an upper limit on ^ r t ^ ^ requirements. While the state to plan its e eliminate disparities based on power equalizing vast differences wealth, d would n . ts and therefore among in ^ ndin§ r ? t l * President, Commission on School chiidren ^ the f ̂ and Money (1972) at 33.* The Finance, Scf o o l s V Fleischmann Commission in N 1 v°York State likewise rejected power equalizing. “W e prefer full ^ ^ ^ o n f S l r s c t s ^ e T h a t equalizing for sev^ a. habited by wealthy residents wealthy districts a u âted by the poor. All dis and poor districts ar P P assure equity in trict power equalizing does then * See also- Berke and Callahan, Set rano criticizing power Millstone, 21 J. P ublic L aw 2d at o~ V equalizing as unfair to urban areas. 32 tax rates vis-a-vis school expenditures. Poor j > would have difficulty in meeting the competition •! rich people in rich districts, once the latter saw ho* the finance plan was shaping up and raised their school tax rates to preserve their favored position. Second, assume (as we dol that there is no absolute standard of education which can be described as ade quate’ — that all educational disparities are relative. Then, if one is going to embark on a major revision of educational finance arrangements, why should one not remove ‘place’ inequalities as well as wealth inequali ties? The quality of a child’s education should, in our view, be no more a function of how highly his neigh bors value education than how wealthy they are. Moreover, we believe that the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment applies to individual children rather than school districts. If this is so, then the quality of a child’s education cannot depend any more on the vote of his neighbors within the confines of a local school district than it can on their aggregate rela tive wealth vis-a-vis other school districts within the state. The California Supreme Court in Serrano v. Priest was not explicit on this point, but it did take some pains to argue that territorial uniformity in school finance is constitutionally required. ‘Where funda mental rights or suspect classifications are at stake,’ the Court said, ‘a state’s general freedom to discrimi nate on a geographical basis will be significantly cur tailed by the equal protection clause.’ To make the point clear, consider two districts, A and B, and let them be of equal wealth. Suppose the residents of district A choose a school program half as costly as the residents of district B. Is it good policy for the state to require the children of A to suffer the lifetime handicap of inferior education, which is to say, should the state exclude these children from the benefits of district B education on the basis of a dis trict boundary line that is itself a historical accident? As we understand the ideals of a democracy, public *•* • v,< ' ; ; Z X T Z ‘ f *- I * » ;*• H **-' , / .1 I'.i'.c , , Vj I «- k ? ■'* * - * *'• * * . _ f ..a’. tt-> -urv*-%« ̂ , rj *»»r jii , • 4 j * * • K . . . __ ... . ii,r tunc, ana. .if i.bihlV and aptitude »>cvnr* an me a... S U often act'as a major transmitter of the p w » . jf primary schooling of some children is o %a- > iter quality than that of other children, the sorting h : ineffective and dangerous. Local tastes for basic educational services should not distort the func tion of the sorting mechanism and possibly undermi students’ potential and achievements” (Report of the , 7 York State Commission on Quality, Costs, and o f Elementary and Secondary Educat.on at 2.45 and 2.46. Lest the critics of power equalizing have overlooked some of the considerations which would be urged against it in future litigation, Professor Coons himself has supplie some further suggestions: “The first group notes that tax-sensitive voters may tend to cluster (eg., older persons with fixed incomes and no children). These critics would prefer the se curity of a state mandated uniformity of spending which as they view it, would be more education- oriented and less arbitrary. * * * The second group of critics raises a more technical objection to local choice. They doubt whether it is possible to establish fiscal neutrality or know when it, exists. Realistical > there are many subtle forms of ‘wealth’ differencein addition to differences in the value of taxable proper J per pupil; to equalize assessed valuation per pupil does not necessarily equalize fiscal capacity. If in a decen- .M . •, . ..I i r! • •• , <1 t~. »-jtrall.n-d |*"' «r 4 <•■■■• „, , ... i f,,r c\,im ■ j»:*5 „ i>in six tiding exist u. . |,i..|u-r m disirir'.s wish higher l*™ ;"..! v ' ~ would an objective obs.-rvcr weallh, or some other ■‘t " ’r 1S^ ; | j s ,.rrnno. 1 11971)- Thcse quotations should bo sufficient to make clear that what is at issue in this case is whether this court is going to non the states full state funding as a matter of con- Z u o n a “ ompuision. Notwithstanding the protestations about the alleged a v a ila b ility — sys«m s and £ £ funding upon every Americantuna p viable and are not in- remaining open to the states arc tended to be so. Against this background the appropriate disposition of th^ case is apparent in light of what all nine members of this court have recently stated in respect to the importance of local control of school systems. ■•A more weighty — 'o f £ 2 ° is its lack of formal control overtlK sc ̂ J , , under the terms of its contract edu- Direct control over c i n our cation o f^ o M C h .y s a n ^ of of Emporia. 4°0 L W- 4807, 481? (Opinion of Stewart, Douglas. •Rinnan White and Marshall, J.J-). Z e d control is not only vital to continued public support of the schools, but it is of overriding ™ P ance from an educational standpoint as w ell U Council of City of Emporia 40 L.W a t ^ o t p of Burger, Blackmun, Powell and Rehnquist, ■ ...................... * • • •• 4 * 14' * . , . , . * 4.r * ,* * * -* ; f . ’ . • r * 9 * * * *' • * 1♦ . « «< • 4 » , , . . . r in * s-5 5* ♦ ... •. . v - - „-.t „ i 1 'hr P * h V.KV. *»<■ sir l ; r” ^ v teach ami h->w much th<-V ate p»»d * " v ' f l u arc built nnd buses run are facets of , ‘ *-rc S4b - l s arc r (){ ^^rd s to tax. incur d.xtr.ct P ’^'l-rud ts for distributing local and state debt. make In dk nel and services. Into- b ' b Z ^ h S c d for the same strong room. i m p a i r m e n t o f l o c a l c o n t r o l There are profound ‘ ^ " ^ n e T d t ' L r , public schools in the resul*sought. ^ citizens’ support for b°e eliminated, port for loca f schooi superintendents in The need for mvolveme desires of its citi- the politics of the community The of zens will be in large measure el ^ d' eli^ nated.* « - P - r 1 Z X - " o < t h Z Z o Z s t e m and of The implications fo . , , virtually all the com- the curriculum are recognized by and immedi. mentators on this subject. The mosl oo turns hv the Maryland St. ‘ nre-emptive state assumption of U.Bi>l»tion providing for » “ > » t ^ 77, | 130 A (g). school construction costs in that stale. 36 ate shift is a shift in the responsibility for labor r«. gotiations with teachers’ unions, which will naturally b? directed at the level of government which provides the revenue — the state government under the mode of edu cational finance favored by plaintiffs. There are longer term shifts also. Acceptance of the principle contended for presages a shift in control from the district and county to the state and perhaps ultimately to the nation. The extent to which such a shift is desirable and the degree to which it is desirable raise questions of the highest political moment, which under a democratic system of government cannot be placed beyond legislative and popu lar control. The implications have been spelled out by Professor James Coleman: “There are two very different conceptions of the relation of schools to the social order. One conception is that of schools as agents for the transmission of knowledge, culture and social norms of and thus as agents for the maintenance of the social order. The other conception is that of schools as crucial institu tions of social change. Schools have performed both of these functions in the past and will continue to do so in the future. But the relative emphasis of the two functions has been different at different times and places and what is of interest to us here is different for local authorities and national organizations includ ing national governments. As the discussion of dif ferential opportunity indicated, local authorities ordi narily have more interest in stability and use of the school as a means of maintaining a social order than do national governments. Thus, again on the issue of social change, national governments are more often on one side, the side of change, and local authorities are more often on the other, the side of stability. The basic interests in volved have been discussed in earlier sections; but the content of these issues of change vs. stability goes beyond the questions discussed earlier. Examples will ** «* if V * ■ t • Vi > .1 »' * ,U-c i ? *•-! »!\ UI»>! *rak the \ ♦x* it.r. r the T h e UM* { ^ .r d m g M-h.K.1%. thr d-v,.', ; ..! n*l«unali.%t»c N.-u'.h groups in the schools, the introduction n.i- • •oiiahstic propaganda into the curriculum, the indoc trination of teachers and the purging of teachers are methods that these regimes have used to achieve, in a single generation, radical social change. Such at tempts at change meet with increasing resistance at lower levels of social organization, all the way down to the family. What is true in totalitarian regimes is true to a lesser degree, in democratic ones: The na tional government is more likely to see the schools as instruments of social change than is the local govern ment The local-national conflicts concerning school integration in the United States illustrate this well, because the national government, pressed by organi zations at the national level, attempts to use the schools to create racial integration which is absent in other aspects of life and thus to bring about a major transformation of the social structure. What is evi dent in this type of conflict is, in a sense, the self- preservation interests of two social units, the nation and the community.” Coleman, The Struggle for Con trol of Education, in Bowers (Editor), Education and Social Policy: Local Control of Education, 64, at 77-78 In addition to these broader consequences which may flow from increased centralization of control, there are more immediate reasons for questioning centralization. Thus, the former Commissioner of Education, Harold 38 Howe, though sympathetic to the California decision, t commenting upon it has written: “Teachers’ organizations have opposed decentra'.*. zation of city schools because of the potential loss la leverage in dealing with multiple education authori ties over a variety of issues, and they may welcome centralization of fiscal authority at the state level for corresponding reasons . . . Finally, the California decision raises questions of diversity and control. It is an axiom of American politics that control and power follow money. As schools finance is monopo lized by the state, what would states be likely to do that they are not doing now in controlling the educa tion options of school boards? They might move to complete standardization of education, decreeing what is to be studied, for how long, and in what manner, thereby adding to the already extensive requirements for teacher certification and similar matters. While there are abuses in any system, I believe strongly that we need less, rather than more, participation by the state in the day to day affairs of the schools.” Howe, Anatomy of a Revolution, Saturday Review, Nov. 20, 1971, 84, 88. Thus, too, Professor James Coleman, perhaps the leading authority on these matters, is led by concern for diversity and local control to advocacy of a voucher system with public control limited to control over ethnic and social class composition of student bodies. See Coleman, Preface to Coons, et al„ supra; Coleman, The Struggle for Control of the Schools, in Bowers (ed.) Educa tion and Social Policy: Local Control of Education (1970); and the essay by Coleman in Harvard Education Review, Equal Educational Opportunity (1969). Dr. James Conant, though a recent convert to the de sirability of full state funding, pertinently observed some years ago: “Four generalizations are possible about the financ ing of our public schools. First, in every state the «. ► » „ . ̂- ■. • s* ‘ » »* , , . * • > *• '••••* ‘ r • , ’ I' " • 1 *• ' *. 9 . . •*» V- ■ ' C »••*•**' .» >' ,T ' ’ rf . : > ' ’ ' , , V * r« , - •}•*• noM • t * f-f" * ' . . ’V.hr red n'.V.r to-f- ! r i • A >•=»' by in 't ' " \ loudly inadequate 1 h«-re » no onr ■v -t'h-.clv satisfactory scheme K<*r the state to ta^e ,ver entirely the financing of each school district would K- of course, to move far in the direction of a system state schools. Unless a local community, through its school board, has some control over the purse, there can be little real feeling in the community that schools are in fact local schools. I have heard the opinion ex pressed by those who have devoted much study to the matter that something like 507c of the current expendi tures should be raised through local taxes if local con trol is to predominate” . (Emphasis added). Conant, The Child. The Parent, and The State (19o9) at 26. In discussing Federal equalization aid, Conant recog nized that any large scale program of equalization assist ance would result in a large and increasing measure of Federal control, an insight which applies equally at the state level. Conant observed: “To imagine that recurring appropriations of this magnitude can be made without careful budgeting on the part of the Administration seems to me to be the equivalent of imagining completely irresponsible gov ernment. Careful budgeting will mean, m turn, a strong Executive Agency which must have access to a mass of factual information about the educational situation in every state. The agency responsible for submitting the annual estimate to the Bureau of the •10 Budget and then supporting the proposals bcm.rr < - . gross will have no easy task. Proponents a «V grant and various equalization formulas will have V, argue their eases from time to time, if not each year The Education Committees of the House and Senate will have every reason to examine into details of cur- Hcula and school organization much aS C o m m a s . of the State legislatures now do from time t Certainly a new chapter in American public educa powerful Federal influence added to the Present fluence of the central authority in each state. (Cona , supra, at 55-56). The fact that increased state financing inevitably mean* increased state control has long been recognized by ^ - dents of state-local tax structures. As early as 193 noted in Hutchinson. State-Administered Locally-Share Taxes (1931) that: , “This study of state-administered locally-shared taxes indicates, however, that state administration of : tbp orst step towards state control of thetaxation is the first Ŝ P taxes The state is in. functions supported by unctions by minimum creasing its control of local ^ t i o n s oy ^ ^ requirements. In the case o r Highway Com- the road be built to satisfy the State Hign^ ^ ^ mission. Minimum educa the length of the school of teachers per stude t ^ ^ amount of revenue year are often presen • . tions placed on the return grows larger and rieor ” (at page 21). localities increase in number and ngo . P The Hutchinson study recognizes the extent to which state control usually follows state subventions. Hutch t__ Sidney Webb’s history of grants in aid in E g L T w e b h c Z « i n Aid: A Criticism end . Propose! (1920) (at p. 6) (Hutchinson at 122). .* • «« » , n -> * * ,, ,, V r ! % n . , . a,irqnixtrrrcl t-axcx re- tSu.dly. however, t w - fn,m lhe locality, pl.-we some source »>( tax. U) morc and more Further. the method U-n * lionmcnt of the rev- state supervision, trot -g ‘ ^ o{ need and through onue according to the sta - -mdards for the func- thc establishment of mini lt is a movement to tion of which the money is g numbcr o{ taxes so bc watched, and studw d.^ ^ .ncreasing The state administered and . ing its assistance, but with sees the local need and1S' f _ * This particular type this assistance goes mterfc stioned^ y believers in „f state interteence w ^ rigid legislative tn- S e r e n c e r a t e “ban flexible administrattve control. (at 131-32). Further, because of vartatiGns^iUocal^ee^, ^ d&y not be able, absent detai e m ^ ^ enf0rce any 0T t r e Sq u M itT e tn ythrsimplest. Thus, former Com mie of equality ^ pointed QUt; ” — costs v ^ y — S t h t " a major component in any y Janitorial serv- ^ S S , S ^ a n d the like vary 42 from place to place. Vocational education. W e.-., ,.r the Inch cost of equipment, and the teach,n* of hunt. i ui rnn 'ire exceptionally expensive. Sjx.^ S « a c « y the same amount on each child in a state therefore.tloes not provide equality of servtces. Ho. , , supra at 86. Any rule of equality, whether relating to w r pupil expenditures, school facilities, or allocation to per pup F , dtate school systems into of taxing resources, would force s a Procrustean bed. It is of course, not self-evident that in an age of in- the American system of local financing in education is in effect a substitute for the English and European systems. -The educational systems of Europe have a„y exhibited school systems. y schools terminating SCh? ° for t L ma es Another outcome of these forces has-been £ — nal s“ f supported schools were ^ Us the ‘voluntary or privately PP „nUid satisfy both its family with some financia m e m through taxes, aims by supporting the s . sending its own providing one level of education and send g ^ children to private s c h o o l s n e v e r for them. In the United S ta t^ a ^ ^ ^ ^ of developed within public &d It wouid appear, private schools been ^ {orces> the desire of fami- then, that the seco own children the best educa tes to provide fo wholly submerged by tion they can afford, has been ^ children, or the goal of ^ UCa“ °nnim R e n te d wholly through ac- a ch i^ e ^ ls lattor S Z te m e a n T h a s arisen whereby persons with flnan- • f ̂w; .i . . . «* . , *U.. . . .̂« f - v - - - * l * 1 ' » r* * * * t In t 1 ^ ‘ n K r l ‘ * 7 V . . n , { .hll pf .rvtip> f O bviously , the a , pm •• w ith »n- arca* " l consumption would »*»■ ,m o( ,n- c * ~ Preface to Coons at XIV Professor " 2 " >» a school. component of that experience is the class bacxg *Vir> other students'. Vimader sense of the terms ‘equality of'educattonal ^ f ^ ^ U v e r e s o r t in* p S — one. This equality can on y , t d clearly consists of a " ^ ^ ^ " y ^ n a n e i a i o n e s . this has wide implications is ^ ’̂ Ĉ nV̂ °7 l948)t at 28-29. point of Simons, Economic o icyij individuals or families must "A society based on free reapMS.ble mdn jdt resp0„ si. involve extensive ng 1 s 1 1 • r ^ cjr freedom, like the bilities of families are an essential w moral devel- itiseparahle moral responsi n i ‘ . t i sense 0f the primary opmem. P » % W J * chicks on » “ « i-crea se^ son a , « £ * hom arava •» *» ̂ ̂ ro- duction.” , ■ * *V* «*'-* 44 The question about the state’s provision of equal edu cation opportunity becomes a difficult one: over which of these resources does the state have control, or should the state have control? Which of the resources can the state, through legal means, demand be redis tributed equally? Certainly not the attentive help which some parents give their children in learning to t read, nor the discipline some parents exert in enforc ing the homework assignments of the school, nor the reinforcements by parents of the performance rewards given by the school. . . . In this second area of re sources (the state) has been even more ineffective than in its attempt to redistribute financial resources. This second kind of educational resource, in the form of other children in a school, Coons and his colleagues do not discuss. Yet the attempt of the state to effect a redistribution focuses on the attention of the fact that financial resources are not the only ones. More fundamentally, it raises the question of just how far the state can go, and how far it should go, in redistrib uting educational resources to provide equal protection to the young in the form of equal educational oppor tunity.” Coleman, Preface to Coons at XV-XVI. In light of this, it should be entirely clear that this case at bottom involves questions not merely of educational finance but of political theory: of whether the state is to be viewed as an organic unity, and its citizens merely as com ponents of an organic whole, a view common to most totali tarian systems and one consistent with the thesis that the state is fully responsible for all differences among its citi zens, or whether rather the authority of the state is to be viewed as resting upon some form of social contract and is hence limited in its operation upon individual differences to those powers conferred and stemming from actions taken by elected constitutional conventions and legislatures. It need scarcely be labored that the removal of fiscal controls to the state level has consequences for the survival i iMlii 45 f local government. It has not hitherto, in this country, thought unconstitutional for taxes raised by a given government to be spent without reduction by the s c ^ o Excise tax on educational expenditures which plaintiffs would have this court impose on “wealthy” distnc s. or, under modern concepts of government, is it unconsti - tional for one level of government to delegate powers another, even though the result of a delegation would be to produce distinctions between the actions taken by de gates which the delegating government itself would be powerless to adopt.* •• The whole purpose of delegation of power is to allow the delegates to do what the delega ^ power could not do. It does not follow from the fact that the state has arguably created its municipal corporations, that absent racial gerrymandering of other racial discrim nation it is chargeable with the consequences of their differing actions, as the plaintiffs would have it. * T h e examples are legion. The delegations to states « ndertJ en lilt example: . b , McCarran-Ferguson Act. the Miller- '? ’■ W ? a S The Wehh-Kenyon Act. and the federal estate tax credit strmding ̂thaf‘coi^^ss* vcoukl portionment clause from chrecth imposing from specifying in a different rates in different states or (perhaps) o-m- that "fair trade" agreements were legal m Kansas and U ega m Missouri. Similarlv. the conferral of home rule powers on loca ■ “ divisions has not been thought unconstitutional because the: local < -iikiI of one subdivision enacted a regulatory ordu.ance Much the •• ’ Council of an indistinguishable subdivision decl.ned> to enact it been thought that the resulting •discrimination pres . ' '< in of eiiual protection of the laws. • . M.Ireland and in most Southern states where county districts vplace. nearly all the counties pre-existed the state and * e • • of towns in Xew England. See Liggett Co v. -> «P».bt) i Cardozo, |. dissenting) and authorities there obool awl taxing districts characteristic of the o v A,.,, likewise only in form of state origin and m • •<- ..m of the characteristics of voluntary ayy'- < • ■•riniui! Limitations 1-d (31 cd. 1>/1) : Kv. r : l V, IS* >7 47 46 It has been pointedly observed that ‘ wffl maUe ‘•One purpose f°r “ “ ^subject themselves to sacrifices, for wl“lch ^ schools for their children, heavy taxes is to pay f more education if " S o? aatieToCth“ r own children! Some may, be reluctant to shoulde , ewhere Over the years, or national taxes f o r ^ ^ ' J ^ S a t i o n .11 of pros- I suspect, a sigmfica mont obligations, can have positive^results' as ^ a r V taxes designed to finance , welfare of children. tkose witb the best of good ^ n to n T are" Compelled to curb the desire to BT ‘foundation, - e l of s c W s p e ^ n g g u a ra n ty for. Iffreeto d o so somecommum ^ this general average. b°tter schooling do ex focal freedom. The excess. People tend beyond the area ^ ^ ^ less real than the move. Positive sp convincingly as a rea- 2 t , S r ‘ wide area t0 pay for a lrism level of schooling for. alJ‘ „ nDDer middle income group Many an American in PP ^ ghe can pay still is troubled by present taxe . illin«iy , Americans more. In many cases m o r e t o pay will reduce personal c mQre likely to do so. I more to government T h y chiidrCn to benefit, suggest, the more they expee* th ^ argue that Some groups supporting the ^ say. $2 nv;re - ^ 1 ^ ^ - have to pay $2 imove^ Xfat^ ^ o v T w o u ld it affect in state. Does this seem fairaiist_c ^ old.{ashioned to centives? Is one to , make a difference and believe that effort :in? J ^Mpecte of rewards? What are not unaffected by th P P .Qn -n which the people would be unfortunate 1 . who must be willing who can pay for better edu • too much to support heavier taxes, wd ̂oppose of additional — ^ n a n fn education, a local For the best resu tei^fi ^ seems consistent element may nee Harriss, sup™, with the new court decision . " * — " r = n ° e v e u f S i r — ' " t0 prefer 1 - ^ ^ ^ their residents in plaintiffs' t S Z Z 'I T .iate funding is sought to be secured by a process of blackmail. seH4nterest of the “A primary factor tot b near the median bulk of school dis n . benefits from successful in wealth. They can expect benefits ^ uccess{ul re reform; xvh a tth eyc. P the staUnch ally of form is trouble. This max ^ ^ .g pr0. the court. What such douut in which aid formu- lonqed period of turmoil a validity of bonds, and las"validity of tax " “S ’truggle. The retroactivity remain loc d^ n.wealth districts lies self-interest of these! near- ed to accept any in certainty, and they uiU be p P jt - Coons.renscmable legislative package that prod t n 8 . .,j •> Yale Review of Law and Social acuo «• I s is sought to be imposed in the face of the by the architects of plaintiffs theor>. _______________ 48 “Of all public functions, cducatu n m »•' . . * methods is least u n d erstood and most in rao<i , l - ̂ variety experimentation. and indepcndimi * ct al.,2 Yale lie view of Law and Social Action at 11. e n f o r c e d m e d io c r it y a n d HI.DI CTION OF * PUBLIC SPENDING ON EDICA1IO. Virtually all commentators on these problems agree that S S k k s k s “nd ^ “The S T - S S S u S e 6 S w e t n ‘two f S t " opportunity for ̂all ch Id it can afford for family to provide the^bes^ea ^ to be d ip te d ^ h e y both lead to investment by the older generation in the younger. The experience of the two fEnding is not such have adopted a system o statewide uniformity and as to encourage a belie consistent. n ! t h " r C o - " o n aon tutor Gov ernmental Relations ^nducted^a^conference^on^ sta e ^ nancing of public sc oo • afmberg of the University dressed by Professor P. J. H' of curriculum of New Br^ Ŝ 1Cb7provindal Department of Education to m " 1962 to 1969. during the period o£ the implement- . ... * ........ “ * ' -. » .. - - ................ ‘ *"• a-.1- «*" ' ‘ ..... ' ........... i 1 - ‘ t'.V .TU f . * ' ",, »nc«* 4,n. • i t ' •* » i T = ; , .v . -u u t ' ®!U* . . . < 1- • i • • . • 1 Jar inuii I' ■ !. -* *• 15 curriculum • y ' . - ' - - ' * ' , .,,-iuiutv »>n curie , t .. . * I • iwl t )pi» '■ ,u‘ • . ve_ n 1 ? *• r c' . f .ti.r . down than a ‘•'c't . j r. . .. , r •» ir\cUl‘<8 ** . < c " m Krivutum . . nine up .uin Mr Malmberg said liter, in answer t« » ^ ^ ^ U n g up - better . • Vic felt there hail ix^n - the rural and teachers, buildings and program^ ^ w o or three tv Hirer urban districts dun R j lhink we are be- >■«” ”f u!c dvna'm.c' and there is going to be a ,that when school * * * ‘It is no secret dcnce in 1967 they felt boards lost their feed^n^ nhaod, for this independ- that they had lost represented local control ence to most sc b °°i^ si |icant decision making of education. The ® co^trof Gf raising money and function that they , it fn education. It is my determining how to sp more difficult to get good impression that it ha boards since the advent of people to serve on scho l b ^ hool boards have not Equal Opportunity and th previously, taken their duties as senously^the^ ^ V To retain local interest hcontrob This is a chal- have a large measure c , ,, AdviSory Commis- lenge ^ UGo^ernmeiital Relations, Who Shoa.d Pap for Public Schools (1971) at 12-13. A similar iach of • s r z - j s r ^ ^ r ^ g o v o — a - experience under this program, the Hawaiian » ture by Act 38 of the Regular Session of 1968 - now o..b fied as Hawaii Revised Statutes Section 2i.l> adopted an act restoring to the counties the power to supplement state funds for school construction and transportation. »The act in question was “declared to be an urgency meas ure deemed necessary in the public interest by its pie- amble. The preamble went on to recite: “Under existing law, counties are precluded from doing anything in this area, even to spend their own funds if they so desire. This corrective legislation is urgently needed in order to allow counties to go above and beyond the state s standards and provide educa tional facilities as good as the people of the counties want and are willing to pay for. Allowing local com munities to go above and beyond established mini- mums to provide for their people encourages the best features of democratic government.” Dissatisfaction with the consequences of full state fund ing in Hawaii has not been confined to its legislature.* The Supreme Court of Hawaii in its opinion in Spears v. Honda, 51 Hawaii 1, 7 (1968), a case invalidating a pro gram providing bus transportation for private and par® chial school students, alluded to the uniquely significant position of private schools in Hawaii which had survived throughout the present century and went on to refer to the “stinginess” of the Hawaiian Legislature with re spect to appropriations for public schools and to the uni versal mediocrity of Hawaiian public schools under the full state funding system: * Full state”funding in Hawaii has limited local initiative Contrary to plaintiffs’ postulate, it has not eliminated inequalities but merely rendered them less visible. Salaries per pupil m 1970-71 varied from S407 in the Nimitz School to $1181 in the Hookena School, agams a state average of $597. Hawaii Public Education Department, District Summary of School Expenditures, 19/0-/1. VO-1 _ .. .. . ............ .. < i cvilings upon cx- • i • vt i- iPh'i-r" districts would be a tend- rx r.diturcs tn the we.iUtmr oim. o cncv of residents <*f thi-w districts to resort in greate measure to private schools. This phenomenon has been noted in the aftermath of the abolition of the District of Columbia Track System in Hobson r. Hansen an a was pointed to as a probable consequence of the relief soug L the court in Mclnnis v. Shapiro, 293 F. Supp. o27 <ND 111 1968) at notes 37-38. See also Kurland. Equal Educational Opportunity: The Limits of Constitutioiiall Jurisprudence Undefined, 35 U. Chi. L. Rev. 583, 59a 11968) In response to this very real possibility Pro fessor Coons and his colleagues have tendered two an swers Their first suggestion is that exercise of the right to private education should be further burdened; in Dr. Coons’ words “of course, it is up to the state as to whether they can do that.” (Mondale Committee Hearings pages 6833-84). See also Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and Public Education at 277-78; Mondale Com mittee Hearings at page 6884 (testimony of Mrs. Sarah Carey). It is in addition suggested by Professor Coons and his colleagues that “further, it seems appropriate for the court to view the class ‘children as simply a sub group of the class ‘poor’. Realistically, all children are poor * * * such separation of the interests of child and parent could be enormously significant in future encoun ters among pupils parents and the state on issues ranging from compulsory education to school finance.” Coons, Clune, and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action 111, 115 (1972). It may be that this Court’s recent opinion in the Yoder case has somewhat dampened the enthusiasm for this line of argument. The second answer of Professor Coons and his colleagues with respect to the possibility of flight to private schools, is the perhaps somewhat cavalier ob servation “if these families desert public education it is hard to see that much is lost.” Id. at 118. The difficulty with this attitude is that much of the present political support for state as well as local education programs emanates from the “wealthy” suburban constituencies in which the flight to private education may well take place. Imposing a rule requiring full state funding would be to decree that no new educational program could be em barked upon until it attained majority support in the state as a whole. It is part of the genius of our federal system that no such stultifying barrier to progress or greater ex penditure is imposed upon the lower levels of govern ment. The existence of national programs commanding majority support in the nation is not held to preclude the existence of state programs commanding statewide ma jorities but unacceptable to a national majority. Similarly, the existence of statewide programs commanding state wide majorities is not viewed as inconsistent with the survival of local programs commanding majorities in par ticular localities but not in the state as a whole and, in deed, the lack of majority support at any level of gov ernment for a public program does not under our system preclude individual private expenditures for social de siderata not publicly recognized. Surely this feature of our system of government has been conducive to progress. Many educational innovations now accepted by state ma jorities including special education for handicapped pupils, Coons, ano, 2 H1972). Yoder [tor this Coons U flight [ojer ob tain it is | .jfficulty political 1 ;ro grams p Similarly, . a- K £ state- - Sr •s.'ith the Nps in par- m t and, m- of gov- s 'C system social de nature of | progress, hate ma- *-d pupils, 53 kindergarten schoSdTstric^ the like were pioneered m w e * which would al. While plaintiffs profess o taxing them- l0w local districts to raise added funds y n Qf selves more heavily an the authors of their the added proceeds tc> o e e full state funding or scheme recognize that in P ^ resUit of the re- fully state controlled funding t o l level of disbe lief sought. The oblitera ion ff , compiaint; its tion is effectively demanded b^ plaints ^ sponsors have made plain P Wholly apart and state discretion will shortly _fo ^ # constitution from the inconsis ency language hostility government, can it be »o se d that this program is the way to maximize pub- lie expenditures on education? r ? " " " - h a r to those urged by lowed to spend moiemo y, . h tax rates, than those be it private instruction or higher tax râ who do not value education so highly. "Rnr̂ rifruGZ tuIg, cind. th6 rG§iniG That the end result of a Rodriguez ru u of full state funding enforced by it will be in total educational spending is apparent. “ [Alt least some of the support ing in California is comi g Taxnavers who have a way to hold down in their fought school tax “ i , 0 m ove the decision local districts are now piessing v V ! W m & r M - S-.-ti --H.v ' C1. Vv£ ■ -;r . tn the state level The lobbies for school improve- UmPer S n « s to be strongest at the W leva . That in fact, is one reason for the local disparities Districts with equal wealth choose to tax the^elves at different levels. Whatever benefits statewide ft nancine might bring to California s schools, the char acter of stats politics under Governor Reagan sugges that it will not necessarily increase the money spen on them.” Anderson, Study in California: Financing Schools: Search for Reform. Washington Post, May 31, 1972. LACK o f r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n e d u c a t i o n a l SPENDING AND EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT The opinion of the Rodriguez court is unclear as to whether the gravamen of the constitutional violation found by it consists of the denial of education of equal quality to children in disfavored districts or rather consists of im position by the state of an unfair relationship between taxes and benefits. As previously noted, if the constitu tional violation is founded upon the second theory, e court’s position is entirely untenable in light of the! rule o Carmichael v. Southern Coal Company, 301 U.S. 495, which makes clear that there is no constitutional requirement of a relationship between taxes and benefits. Thus it would seem that the Rodriguez plaintiffs found their claim on the proposition that the state is providing their children with education of inferior quality. Certainly they do not urge that matters of taxing and spending generally are to be subject to a strict scrutiny test. Indeed, it is clear tha even the rational basis test does not apply to such purely fiscal determinations as to which the powers of legisla tures state and federal, have traditionally been held to be almost plenary. Since the decision rests upon the premise - rejected by Judge Harvey in his eloquent opinion in Parker rprove- level, parities, ^-selves l-tide fi- char- L> fjggest [ i spent H S .'?arch •lON’AL AIN'T rc as to a found J Tity to i uf im- J .| tween ) ■ nstitu- the role of which of would on the with M urge to be that Purely •°gisla- to be ise — Parker v. Mandel — that there is something peculiarly significant about the detriment resulting to Plaintiffs from the system of educational finance, it was incumbent upon the plaintiffs to show a significant relationship between educational spending and educational achievement. This burden they did not and cannot sustain. Even cursory review of the evidence in the record reveals that the disparities in spending between varying school districts are largely, if not entirely, explained by two factors: (1) variations in teachers’ salaries, largely re flecting similar variations in wage levels and prices in varying portions of the state; and (2) variations in class size. The available studies on the relationship of educa tional spending to educational achievement speak with almost one voice on the insignificance of such differences. As is well known, the most extensive study of these rela tionships is that contained in the so-called Coleman Report, U.S. Office of Education, Equality of Educational Oppor tunity (1966). That report concluded: “It is known that socio-economic factors [of the students] bear a strong relation to academic achieve ment. When these factors are statistically controlled, however, it appears that differences between schools account for only a small fraction of differences in pupil achievement.” The Coleman Report found that the teacher pupil ratio “showed a consistent lack of relationship to achievement among all groups under all conditions” (p. 312). In addition the Coleman Report observed: “Differences in school fa cilities and curriculum, which are the major variables by which attempts are made to improve schools, are so little related to differences in achievement levels of students, that, with few exceptions, their effects fail to appear even in a survey of this magnitude.” 55 56 The Coleman Report was no ordinary researeh study. It has been described as follows. ^ opportunity, “The study, Equality J Commissioned under was hardly an every ay ^ ^ great bills of the the Civil Rights Act o ’ , b the United States Twentieth Century, sponsoredby most vigorous Office of Education in social scientists leadership and conducted by £ * 8 ^ powerful at just the momen begn devei0ped, the study methods of ana ysi largest in the history of social was perhaps the second la g vthingj even more science. Its findings w ’ . gtollesky and Lesser extraordinary than its g • rable detachment: summarize these e j e c t e d to find, direct ‘Coleman failed to u n it ie s evidence of large: ineq children from different ma in schools attended b y ch^ ^tudy set out to docu- jority or minority group J minority groups ment the facts that f une al and that this m- school facilities are sh Ply J hievement. Data did equality is related to stua small differences not support either cone u ̂ discernibleh, school facimms d ,4 ™ s tohadMt, ^ „ t , relationship to th intended to prove beyond effect, the Coleman st^ y theses of the reform estab- further question two cen aVailable to minori- Ushment: first that school^ e* J a™ ond that this ties were shocking y' This, of course, was accounted for unequal ,, pose two equally not found. The difficult choices ' that the achievement of first would be to cone nnnnrtunity — increasingly ? r 1d^n^ermsCaof0compSable educational achieve- defined in terms ^ and majonty groups - ment on the pa expenditures of money and will require vastly gre£\ , L envisagCd. The second social effort than even hey schools as r^sh ou ld b e downgraded in favor of a vast national ■ m & A - — 56 .. as no ordinary research study. It lows: of Educational Opportunity, vdav affair. Commissioned under of 1964, one of the great bills of the sponsored by the United States in a period of its most vigorous Jucted by leading social scientists nt when incomparably powerful s had been developed, the study ond largest in the history of social were, if anything, even more its genesis. Stollesky and Lesser dings with admirable detachment: nd what he expected to find, direct icqualities in educational facilities i by children from different ma- ;roups. The study set out to docu- t for children of minority groups sharply unequal and that this in to student achievement. Data did inclusion. What small differences lid exist had little or no discernible level of school achievement. In study was intended to prove beyond o central theses of the reform estab- school facilities available to minori ty unequal; and second that this ual outcomes. This, of course, was n’s findings thus pose two equally r the reform establishment. The conclude that the achievement of ional opportunity — increasingly '• comparable educational achieve- f minority and majority groups — greater expenditures of money and en they had envisaged. The second le that improvement of schools as ngraded in favor of a vast national 57 effort to liquidate the lower class, in Walter B. Miller’s phrase, and thereby remove the apparently insur mountable — or at least not likely to be surmounted — restraint on educational achievement among lower class youth, especially in urban ghetto areas. Under standably, the reform establishment chose first of all to concentrate on Coleman’s findings, rather than on their implications. . . . A major element in the re sponses of the reform establishment has been the mani fest fact that, heretofore, the public generally has been more willing to consider changes in educational insti- tions than economic and social institutions. Coleman must be taken to suggest that reform will be consider ably more difficult to achieve than has been expected. This is rarely welcome news, and has accordingly been resisted’.” Moynihan, “Sources of Resistance to the Coleman Report”, in Harvard Educational Review, Equal Educational Opportunity at 25, 26, 28-29, 30 (1969). The Report’s conclusions have gained much professional respect. See, e.g., the article by former Dean of Harvard Graduate School of Education, Sizer, Low-Income Families and The Schools for Their Children, 30 Pub. Admin. Rev. 340 (1970); and Cohen, Policy for the Public Schools: Compensation and Integration, 38 Harv. Educ. Rev. 114 (1968). Re-analyzing the Coleman data, a later study ar rived at the same conclusion. 1 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools 86 (1967). The Coleman Report was a disinterested study. There is no reason to believe that the conclusions reached in it were in any way palatable to Professor Coleman or its other authors, rather the contrary. See Schoettle, Equal Protec tion Clause and Public Education, 72 Columbia Law Review at 1378-1388 (1972). Subsequent to publication of the Cole man Report: •'A recently published re-examination of the Cole- mar̂ data h / a - - ^ n ^ s o c t a l — m a faculty seminar at Ha t while avoiding the findings of the origins t{^ dok>gical problems, some of the original report s methoao B P influ. Indeed, this re-exam, nation ' nd,' a‘ “ “ achievoment ence of school expenditures o original Cole- is even weaker thanwas^ndic ̂ ^ Qynihan> A Path- man Report. See M , Educational Oppor- breaWnp Report in On E q u d .^ Rcport ^ T'̂ nlZlo ity of E ln c a ^ a l l Goldstein, Inter-District Reconsidered m Id. 2o . A Critical Analysis Inequalities in School FJ™£C 9’ 120 University of n-f ^pwclyio v Priest end i t s ± y y / 1 nno\ Pennsylvania Law Review 504, 520, note aO (19721, dren or other to r ‘ se givesflittle evidence that any widely used school policy - resource has an appreciable effect on achievement scores. The findings of the Coleman Report are supported by numerous prior studies. Among them is the leading British study of these matters, the so-called Plowden Report, Cen- ral Advisory Council on Education, Children and Their p i t y Schools<2 Volumes, 19671. The findings of this tn o rt have been summarized by Professor Guthrie, Klein- dorfer, Levin and Stout, as follows. 53 lishcd re-examination of the Cole- ,.e 0f eminent social scientists in a Harvard University has confirmed ie original report, while avoiding ,1 report’s methodological problems, animation indicates that the inllu- ncnditures on student achievement „ was indicated by the original Cole- Mosteller and Moynihan, A Path- -j On Equality of Educational Oppor- , ■ Jcncks The Coleman Report and Wisdom in Id. 69-115; Smith, Equal- l Opportunity: The Basic Findings d. 230-42.” (Goldstein, Inter-District hool Financing; A Critical Analysis st and Its Progeny, 120 University of Review 504, 520, note 50 (1972). lination of the Coleman Report con- wav to deal with the educational [Iren, whatever their race, was to im- comes of their families and also con- spending on schools had little effect Tformance of either lower class chil- ■n. The Jencks study concluded “the >ach to raising achievement is to raise ie data gives little evidence that any xilicy or resource has an appreciable t scores.” io Coleman Report are supported by os. Among them is the leading British s, the so-called Plowden Report. Cen- •il on Education, Children and Their Volumes, 1967). The findings of this nmarized by Professor Guthrie, Klein- tout, as follows: “Except for the fact that the study limits itself to a concern for elementary school students, its findmgs and ?he controversy surrounding them are not very differ e d from those produced by the Coleman Report in this nation.” (Guthrie, et al„ at page 74.) The regression analysis undertaken as part of -he na tional survey of primary education in England reached the conclusion that: “The specific contributions made by the variation in parental attitudes are greater than those made by the variation in home circumstances, while the latter turn are greater than those made by the variations between schools and teachers that we have taken mt account.” (Id. Volume II at 188.) The Encyclopedia of Educational Research (1950), ob served in summarizing over 200 research studies on class S 1 Z 6 * “On the whole the statistical findings definitely favor large classes at every level of instruction, except kin dergarten . . . The general trend of evidence places the burden of proof squarely upon the proponents of sma classes.” The President’s Commission on School Finance recently specially commissioned a survey of the available literature relating to the effects of additional school spending on educational performance. Its final report concluded: “The relationship between costs and quality in edu cation is exceedingly complex and difficult to^docu ment. Despite years of research by educators and econ omists, reliable generalizations are few and scattered * * * The conviction that class size has an important or even a measurable effect on educational quality can not be presently supported by evidence. A review o a great body of research on the effects of class size / inii.+oarhpr ratios, to use a technical term) yields 60 no evidence that smaller classes, of themselves, pro duce more or better education in any accepted sense Nor conversely, has it been shown conclusively that larger classes, of themselves, provide less or poorer education to children - and they obviously cost less. President’s Commission on School Finance, School, People and Money, Final Report (1972), at x-xi. “In a study prepared for this Commission by a dis tinguished research organization, all available researc projects were examined in an effort to determine effect of class size on educational effectiveness. This study — which examined the body of research m this area — found no discernible difference in student achievement even though classes ranged from 18 to up to 35 to 1 * * *• Despite diligent searches and wide spread opinion to the contrary, the Commission finds no research evidence that demonstrates improved student achievement resulting from decreasing pupil-teacher ratios.” * (Id. at 59.^ The implication of these studies for the relief sought by plaintiffs has been pointed out by many commentators. Thus, it has been rather succinctly observed that. ’ “Any reshuffling of dollars - if spent within the present range of variability on more highly paid teach ers, reductions in class size, and buildings — is not likely to have much effect on the tested cognitive skills, or the credentials necessary for entrance into honors programs, jobs or college or on the values of the chil dren. What the reshuffling of dollars will do is reshuffle teacher salaries in rough proportion. That such a result will not materially alter the outcome of schooling for the child should not be all that surprising. Teachers, like the rest of us, are not paid for how well they per form (even if we could define what performance means).” Dimond, Serrano: A Victory of Sorts for Ethics, Not Necessarily for Education, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action 133, 137 (1972). * See The Rand Corporation, H o w E ffec tiv e is S ch oo lin g (1972). Y< sion: a n d also mat T feet (Ca ary con tier cer mo c*- obi Scl sij to K (1 sc U CJ tc c; ti t! t 60 61 nailer classes, of themselves, pro- • education in any accepted sense, s it been shown conclusively that icmselves, provide less or poorer n __and they obviously cost less.” ision on School Finance, Schools, Final Report (1972), at x-xi. ired for this Commission by a dis organization, all available research intd in an effort to determine the on educational effectiveness. This mined the body of research in this discernible difference in student hough classes ranged from 18 to 1 Despite diligv nt searches and wide- p contrary, the Commission finds no >iat demonstrates improved student og from decreasing pupil-teacher I . ) ese studies for the relief sought by nted out by many commentators. ■ succinctly observed that: of dollars — if spent within the riability on more highly paid teach- ffass size, and buildings — is not effect on the tested cognitive skills, accessary for entrance into honors allege or on the values of the chil- auflling of dollars will do is reshuffle • nigh proportion. That such a result alter the outcome of schooling for »t be all that surprising. Teachers, are not paid for how well they per- [• could define what performance i Serrano: A Victory of Sorts for arily for Education, 2 Yale Review potion 133, 137 (1972). ■a. 11 oiv E ffec tiv e is S ch oo lin g (1972). Yet another report has recently reached similar conchi e s . Center for Educational Policy Research, Education and Inequality: A Preliminary Report (1971) at 47-64. See also Wynne, The Politics of Accountability: Public Infor mation About Public Schools (1972). The observations of other commentators to similar ef fect are legion. Thus, Professor Moynihan has observed -Con Courts and Money Do It?, New York Times, Janu ary 10, 1972 page 1): “the only certain result that will come from this [the Rodriguez decision] is that a par ticular cadre of middle class persons in the possession of certain licenses — that is to say teachers — will receive more public money in the future than they do now.” Similarly, Professor Roger Freeman of Stanford has observed: (Address to the Annual Meeting of the National School Boards Association. April 14, 1972 > : “Added school spending provides sizable benefits to teachers and administrators in the form of more and better paid jobs, greater amenities and reduced work loads. Its tangible advantage to children s edu cation has yet to be demonstrated.” The findings of the Coleman Report have met with little significant dispute. The only substantial work purporting to dispute the Coleman findings is the study by Guthrie. Kleindorfer, Levin and Stout, Schools and Inequality (1972). That work is scarcely a disinterested work of scholarship. It was sponsored and paid for by the National Urban Coalition which, the authors tell us, “was specifi cally interested in supporting an objective study relevant to a Michigan court case of national significance for edu cation * * * The Board of Education of the School Dis trict of the City of Detroit had filed a complaint alleging that Michigan’s governmental arrangements for educa tion, violated * * * the Equal Protection Clause.* Given * The suit was later dismissed for want of prosecution. 62 this concurrence of interest, we accepted the National Urban Coalition offer of assistance.” (Schools and In equality at xvi). Only the fourth chapter of the resulting book is devoted to the relation of school services to stu dent achievement. However, the study undertaken by these four writers, a fragmentary description of which ap pears at pages 84 through 90 of their book, was not a study of the relation of monetary inputs to educational performance. The extent of the study undertaken or cor relations found by them has not been clearly disclosed and it appears that the more significant correlations found related to such matters as the relation between student achievement and such non-monetary variables as teacher morale, teacher verbal ability and the percentage of stu dents transferring into the school — variables which bear no necessary relationship to school spending or at least no demonstrated relationship to school spending. Indeed, notwithstanding the fact that the Guthrie-Levin book is frequently cited as contradicting the Coleman study, when the matters studied in it were put to the test in liti gation in Michigan none of its authors appeared as wit nesses in the extended trial in the Michigan school fi nance case.* This is scarcely surprising, since Professor Guthrie had shortly before testified in a Michigan law suit involving metropolitan school desegregation prob lems, Bradley v. Milliken, U.S. Dist. Ct. E.D. Mich. No. 35257 that: “Q. Does your familiarity at the moment permit you to agree with me to the effect that the general, returning to the implications of Mr. Ritchie’s question, the approach of additional dollars without more would seem on the basis of the [Moynihan and Mosteller] re analysis [of the Coleman Report] as well as the other * M illiken v. G reen, Mich. Cir. Ct. Ingham County, No. 13664-C (1972). F lari tior get E fen plai is ,• <at 62 63 interest, we accepted the National - of assistance.” (Schools and In- ■ the fourth chapter of the resulting c relation of school services to stu- lowever, the study undertaken by ragmentary description of which ap- rough 90 of their book, was not a of monetary inputs to educational :ent of the study undertaken or cor- u>m has not been clearly disclosed e more significant correlations found 'rs as the relation between student l non-monetary variables as teacher >1 ability and the percentage of stu- n the school — variables which bear ship to school spending or at least ionship to school spending. Indeed, fact that the Guthrie-Levin book s contradicting the Coleman study, died in it were put to the test in liti- onc of its authors appeared as wit- ed trial in the Michigan school fi- searcely surprising, since Professor before testified in a Michigan law 'politan school desegregation prob l e m U.S. Dist. Ct. E.D. Mich. No. familiarity at the moment permit h me to the effect that the general, mplications of Mr. Ritchie’s question, ■iditional dollars without more would " f the IMoynihan and Mosteller] re- -oloman Report] as well as the other • (->r Ct. Ingham County, No. 13664-C data to which you referred, to be inadequate in terms of the problem? A. My response to Mr. Ritchie’s question was not based very much on the Coleman Report, rather it was based on my work with Senator Mondale’s Select Committee on Equal Educational Op portunity where I have come to see almost every effort we have made at putting additional dollars on the head of poor children has somehow never occurred because we have never gotten the additional dollars there. As Senator Mondale says ‘Everytime we try to help poor children in this nation, someone robs the train on the way’. That seems to be what happens when you look at actual delivery of Title One dollars to poor children, it often doesn’t get there and a vol ume which has been mentioned here, Schools and In equality, for the State of Michigan, myself and col leagues found a negative relationship between the child’s income and the amount of federal money being spent on him. Well, it wasn’t a negative it was a posi tive relationship, poor children were not having money spent on them in Michigan the way it was al leged to be the case . Q. If the dollars got there, but nothing else was changed, including social SES composition and racial composition, would you be optimistic about the dollars spent? A. No, I would not be optimistic even if the dollars were changed by thousands.” (Transcript of hearing, pages 523-524.) Elsewhere at the same hearing Professor Guthrie re ferred to socio-economic status as “to date the best ex plainer of a child’s school achievement that we have. It is a more powerful explainer than race, for example.” fat 4501. Professor Guthrie’s colloborator, Professor Levin, simi larly appears to hold to the view that the limited addi tional increments of funds which “poor” districts would get from an application of the Rodriguez doctrine would IH N H 1 v:T-z •Iff ......„n w__ »$r .«WXv« 64 be of negligible educational value. Dr. Levin testified be fore the Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity (Hearings, part 7 page 3516) as follows: “One of the problems is that additional dollars, as they move into the educational system, have never really been married up to education * * * They have not thought about why the particular techniques ap proaches, and resources that they have used have failed the same children in the past. They have not questioned whether just larger quantities of the same resources that have failed children in the past are going to succeed * * 1(1 ”. After an extensive trial concerning these cost-quality issues, in a state unique for its possession of a statewide educational measurement program, the Circuit Court for Ingham County, Michigan made the following findings, among others: “1. A statewide comparison of State Equalized Valu ation Per Pupil v. Composite Achievement reveals a low correlation between test scores of 4th and 7th grade composite achievement tests and SEV. (Ex. 127, 81, 82; Tr. 2716, 2778.) 2. A statewide comparison of Total Current Oper ating Expense Per Pupil v. Composite Achievement reveals a low correlation between test scores on 4th and 7th grade composite achievement tests and Total Current Operating Expense. (Ex. 127, 88, 89; Tr. 2224.) 3. A statewide comparison of Total Instructional Expense v. Composite Achievement reveals a low cor relation between test scores on 4th and 7th grade com posite achievement tests and total instructional ex pense. (Ex. 127, 90, 91; Tr. 2778.) 4. A statewide comparison of Student Evaluation of Socio-economic Status and State Equalized Valua tion Per Pupil reveal a low relationship (Tr. 2716 and 2778.) 5. A statewide comparison of Student Evaluation of Socio-economic Status v. Composite Achievement re 4t ê 01 a r< o o 2 ( ed co: ar 64 65 tional value. Dr. Levin testified be- t Committee on Equal Educational s, part 7 page 3516) as follows: jblems is that additional dollars, as he educational system, have never ?d up to education * * * They have why the particular techniques ap- ;ources that they have used have fuldren in the past. They have not 2r just larger quantities of the same ve failed children in the past are * * * *> trial concerning these cost-quality ue for its possession of a statewide ient program, the Circuit Court for ligan made the following findings, comparison of State Equalized Valu- . Composite Achievement reveals a 'etween test scores of 4th and 7th chievement tests and SEV. (Ex. 127, 78.) comparison of Total Current Oper- ■r Pupil v. Composite Achievement relation between test scores on 4th nposite achievement tests and Total l Expense. (Ex. 127, 88, 89; Tr. 2224.) comparison of Total Instructional >site Achievement reveals a low cor est scores on 4th and 7th grade com at tests and total instructional ex- •0, 91; Tr. 2778.) comparison of Student Evaluation Status and State Equalized Valua- eveal a low relationship (Tr. 2716 comparison of Student Evaluation Status v. Composite Achievement reveals a moderate correlation between test scores on 4th grade composite achievement test and a student evaluation of SES and a high correlation of test scores of 7th grade composite achievement and student evalu ation of SES. Accordingly, statistical analysis of the relationship between student evaluation of SES and composite achievement scores reveals a high degree of relationship. (Ex. 127, 97, 98, Plaintiffs’ Ex. 80; Tr. 2291, 2293.) 6. An analysis of the data compiled by the Michi gan Department of Education contained in Exhibit 32, using the stepwise mutliple regression-technique indicates that there is ; low statistical relationship between monetary inputs and achievement output (Tr. 2634). Thus, the low degree of relationship be tween financial inputs and achievement outputs found in the uni-variate statistical analysis (scattergrams and correlation coefficients) is confirmed in the multi variate context (stepwise multiple regression equa tion) (Tr. 2636). On the other hand, in both the uni variate and the multi-variate context the relationship of SES to composite achievement is moderate at 4th grade and moderately high to high at 7th grade level (Tr. 2638). 7. A statewide analysis of the data contained in Exhibit 32 using the factor analysis technique of 7th grade data, reveals that SES and composite achieve ment are contained in the same family of variables (Ex. 122; Tr. 2672). Thus, SES appears to be related to the same factor that achievement is related to (Tr. 2672). However, all of the monetary resource varia bles (SEV, local revenue, and state aid) are found to belong to an entirely different factor (Tr. 2672-73). This indicates that student achievement and SES are operating independently of monetary resources.” Clearly, even a cursory examination of the pertinent educational literature reveals that there is no necessary cost-quality relationship or, at the least, that these issues are highly debatable. Under these circumstances it is 66 apparent that this case is about taxes and expenditures and not about education and that the state governments possess a rational basis for declining to appropriate the approximately ten billion dollars necessary to produce abstract monetary equality with its concomitant detri ments to local fiscal control and to the future willingness of voters and legislators to avail themselves of, or ap propriate funds for, public school systems. It is hardly appropriate for this court, or any court to try these dis puted cost-quality issues; it is no more within the province of courts than it is within the province of legislators, in the face of the conflicting scientific evidence, to make of Professor Guthrie an American Lysenko. Cf. Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968). LACK OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PROPERTY ANI) INCOME The essential thesis of the present wave of lawsuits is that there is a necessary connection between variations in the wealth of school districts and variations in the educa tional outcome of their individual students. But if there is one thing that the literature of this field makes entirely clear it is not merely that there is no connection between educational spending and educational achievement but also that there is no necessary connection between dis trict wealth defined in terms of property and educational spending. The effort to translate the necessary conse quence of the division of the nation into different organs of state and local governments into a deprivation of in dividual rights must hence fail. It has been elaborately and repeatedly demonstrated that the property wealth standard utilized by the Cali fornia and Texas Courts bears no necessary relationship to the individual wealth of residents of the affected school distric distric fessor v. c: li ti d s c c ( ] p ecoi tior car we; tiv< Se i Ka “tl on eff co fo in er 66 G7 se is about taxes and expenditures ion and that the state governments ;is for declining to appropriate the llion dollars necessary to produce juality with its concomitant detri- ontrol and to the future willingness tors to avail themselves of, or ap- Dublic school systems. It is hardly ourt, or any court to try these dis- ies; it is no more within the province •ithin the province of legislators, in ding scientific evidence, to make of American Lysenko. Cf. Epperson v. (1968). ONSIIIP BETWEEN PROPERTY AND INCOME ; of the present wave of lawsuits is iry connection between variations in listricts and variations in the educa- ir individual students. But if there iterature of this field makes entirely that there is no connection between and educational achievement but necessary connection between dis- n terms of property and educational to translate the necessary conse- a of the nation into different organs eernments into a deprivation of in- hence fail. ately and repeatedly demonstrated ?alth standard utilized by the Cali- -uds bears no necessary relationship Ith of residents of the affected school jistricts and that in no sense is the alignment of school iistricts a discrimination against poor persons. Even Pro h o r Coons and his colleagues have conceded: “The distinction between collective and individual wealth is worth considering. Serrano forbids dis crimination in education upon either basis, but it is likely that the proof required at trial will be confined to the wealth of school districts. At present it is very difficult to specify the degree to which personal and school district wealth coincide. The economists seem confident that the relation is positive but the anom alies are frequent and sometimes embarrassing. Not only do poor people inhabit rich industrial enclaves with low populations, but they also are found in large numbers in certain large cities, a few of which for school purposes, are relatively well off (e.g. New York and San Francisco — a primary cause is significant private school enrollment). Equally troublesome, per haps, the rich sometimes live in tax poor areas. Ser rano, thus, is not a one edged blade for the war on poverty.” 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action at 114. Professor Coons and his colleagues did not identify the economists who concluded that there is a positive rela tion between personal and school district wealth. But careful studies of the relationship of income to property wealth in two states, Kansas and California, have effec tively exploded this notion. In Ridenour and Ridenour, Serrano v. Priest'. "Wealth and Kansas School Einance, 20 Kansas Law Review 213 (1972) the authors observed: “the application of a definition of wealth that relies only on assessed property valuation in Kansas would result in effective discrimination against taxpayers with little in come”. It further observed, citing a similar study in Cali fornia (Davies, The Challenge of Change in School Finance in National Education Association, Tenth Annual Confer ence on School Finance 199 (1967)): “The practical result of the Serrano rationale in C a l ^ a n d Kansas is to strike down de. ]»re crimination between pupils on the ba • value per-pupil in favor of a scheme of defa-to dis crimination on the basis of income per-pupil (at 224.) It is even more dramatically observed. “It was pointed out in the previous section that a study in California found only random correlation be* tween districts having high assessed value per-;pupil and those having high income that there of the foregoing figures it can be argued that the exists in Kansas almost an inverse correlation, dis tricts with highest income per-pupil have low assess value per-pupil and districts with high assessed value per-pupil have low income per-pupil (at 22b. The study by Davies of California concluded: “California's present criterion of wealth imputes to the high wealth counties ability, that, on the basis of income they do not possess. Ability to finance educa- “ on m fy be exaggerated. These counties can raise equivalent sums of money only by ; tively greater share of income to taxes. Tenth Annual Conference on School Finance at 200. These articles point out that in many states the net effect of a change from the present system of school finance to a system of school finance fully consistent with Rodriguez and Serrano may be to burden more heavily the low income taxpayers. In the authors’ words, the Serrano court s con clusion fails to recognize that there is no guara" te^ rela’ tionship between ownership of property and a fixed yield from it” (at 224). The detriment to minority group pupils as a class from the decision in Serrano has already been noted, 59% of such pupils living in districts with above average property 68 69 result of the Serrano rationale jn nsas is to strike down de jure dis on pupils on the basis of assessed favor of a scheme of de facto dis basis of income per-pupil” (at 224 i latically observed: >ut in the previous section that a found only random correlation be ing high assessed value per-punji «h income Per-pupil. On the basis urcs it can be argued that there most an inverse correlation- dis icome per-pupil have low assessed districts with high assessed value ncome per-pupil” (at 225J California concluded: 7 cri7 r1ion ^f wealth imputes to J*1CS ablhty> that, on the basis of £ssess. Abihty to finance educa ted . These counties can raise [mcy only by apportioning a rela- f income to taxes.” Tenth Annual r mance at 200. that in many states the net effect mt system of school finance to a ahy consistent with Rodriguez len more heavily the low income uords, the Serrano court’s “con- •at there is no guaranteed rela- P o Property and a fixed yield yproappupds as a class from » h y ,beenn° ted- 59*o fsu c h above average property Nor is this all. The New Brunswick experience is illus trative of another possible consequence of the Serrano- Rodriguez rule. There, the introduction of full state fund ing was accompanied by a shift from the property tax to an even more regressive sales tax: “One of the elements that helped sell Equal Oppor tunity to the people was the fact that it represented ‘a shift away from direct taxation as exemplified by property taxes . . . toward indirect taxation — the sales tax,’ explained Mr. Arsenault Lprincipal Secre tary to the present Prime Minister], ‘Property taxes especially went down.’ ” Advisory Commission on In ter-governmental Relations, Who Should Pay for Public Schools at 10. Thus, not only on the expenditure side but also on the tax side it is possible, indeed probable, that introduction of the Rodriguez-Serrano rule may be actually detrimental to spending on the education of children of low-income families. It should further be noted that the lack of relationship between low district property values and low educational achievement is exacerbated by another factor: the extreme present reluctance of many low property value districts because of low educational costs in rural areas to make even an average tax effort for education. The importance of this effort factor was noted by the court in Mclnnis v. Shapiro, 203 F. Supp. at 333 (N.D. 111. 1968). It is also dramatized by the study of a state commission in Maryland which revealed that a large part of the lower expendi tures in many smaller rural counties was accounted for not by lower resources but by lower tax effort. See the table on “Effect of Differences in Effort” in [Maryland] Commis sion to Study the State’s Role in Financing Public Educa tion, Background Information (May 1970), pg. 68. 70 A REPRESENTATIVE STATE AID PROGRAM It is the thesis of the framers of plaintiffs’ theory that legislatures are incapable of independently re-examining state aid programs unless prodded to do so by courts, that state aid formulas constitute examples of “settled wrong”, that existing state spending patterns and school district lines should be viewed for purposes of constitutional assess ment as though each state had a single united state school system, that existing formulas are capricious, unjust, and irrational, and that the explosion of legislative creativity they profess to desire is dependent upon judicial invalida tion of existing formulas. Examination of the history and rationale of state aid to education in a representative middle-sized state, Maryland, is sufficient to explode all these notions. In Maryland, as in Virginia, North Carolina, and some Southern states, school district lines correspond exactly to the long established district lines of Maryland counties, just as in many New England, Midwestern, and Western states school district lines correspond exactly to town and township lines. The Maryland counties were established at early dates. Eleven of the 24 subdivisions were estab lished within their present borders prior to 1695; all but six of them were established prior to the ratification of the Constitution of the United States; and all but one of them were established prior to ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment, the most recent erection of a Maryland county having taken place in 1872. The dates of origin of the Maryland counties are as follows; St. Mary’s 1637, Kent 1642, Anne Arundel 1650, Calvert 1650, Charles 1658, Balti more 1659, Talbot 1662, Somerset 1666, Dorchester 1668, Cecil 1679, Prince George’s 1695, Queen Anne’s 1706, Wor cester 1742, Frederick 1748, Caroline 1773, Harford 1773, 'TA ILT i ATE A i*> PItOGIlAlVI S ° f P u f f s ’ theory that independently re-examining dud lo do SO by court * samples o f -'settled wrong” patterns and school district -OSes of constitutional assess- a a.ngle united state school 2 ° r ,PriCi° US' unJ “sC a»d 0 egislative creativity ,0nt upon ^ d ie ia l invalids, nmalton of ,he history and m a representative sufficient to explode all line’ Car° lina- and some ncs “ respond exactly jtes of Maryland counties Midwestern, and Western knd exactly were established -ubdivisions were estab- M . ' ° r to 16951 all but to 'he ratification of the P " »ut one th™ Z V he Fourte™"' a.,. “ 1Iaryland county S l ° ‘ " t o of 'he ' c ary-s I637, K en( : „ . “ rles Mesa, Haiti. -.Dorchester 16C8 " 4 s 1706- Wor. * ' Harford 1773 71 Washington 1776, Montgomery 1776, Allegany 1739 Car- roll 1336, Howard 1851, Wicomico 1367, Garrett 1872. See generally Maryland Geological Survey, The Counties of n Z n ° rigin' Boundaries and Election Districts C f t f 6~57?' ArUcle 13) Section 1 of the Maryland Constitution of 1867, still in effect, effectively forbids the erection of new counties by providing that no new county shall contain less than 400 square miles or less than 10 000 in abitants nor shall any existing county be reduced to less than the same amount in order to form a new county. Maryland school boards possess no independent taxing authority. The taxes levied for schools are levied by thf county governments and that of Baltimore City and in cluded m county budgets. The counties are accorded by ashmi L T 6i t0 ImP° Se UnHmiled Pr°Perty taxes as well as limited local income taxes and various other taxes. No aparf?romSth i<' 1 HaS exbausted its taxin§ authority apart from the property tax; each subdivision is empow- re o evy taxes which it does not levy. The Maryland counties accord varied exemptions from their local property axes ee 28th Biennial Report of the Maryland State Department of Assessments and Taxation at 19-22 ) Real property assessment is carried out and organized on a county basis under the supervision of a state agency (Maryland Code, Art. 81, §§ 232 ff.). fn no sense dJ s Maryland have a unified school system. Article V in T T h ^ ^ SCh° 01 System’ created by ° the MaryJand Constitution of 1864, which P ovided for a state property tax to be distributed to the counties on a per pupil basis and for a powerful State Superintendent of Schools. The Convention adopting the present 18 7 Constitution expressly repudiated this s t l ystem in favor of a system under local control. See the 72 Report of the [Maryland] School Law Revision Commission (1968), at 27, summarizing the history and see Perlman (cd.), Proceedings of the Maryland Constitutional Con vention of 1867, at 200-202: “The economic expenses of the system, the mode of raising the money and the mode of expending it, and the power of the superintendent, are all reasons why this system should be dispensed with. * The whole system has radical, fundamental objections. It would be supposed that it would be right to commit the ex penditure of those funds to those who contributed them, but these funds are placed beyond the control of every parent and guardian in the State; those who bear the burdens are denied all share in their direction.” < Remarks of Delegate Kilbourn). “Concerning the [state] system, he would say that it required an infallible head and an inex haustible treasury. [Laughter]” 'Remarks of Delegate Farnandis). The limited remaining powers accorded the State Super intendent of Schools under the legislation adopted under the 1867 Constitution are generally inapplicable to the Baltimore City system (see Md. Code, Art. 77, §§ 142-145', which is independent of most of these mild measures of state control. The existence of large county school dis tricts has always limited disparities in school spending in Maryland, as has the fact that each county contains groups of widely varying income. Indeed, “the formation of single county wide school districts - as in Maryland and Nevada — is often advanced as a solution to resource dis parities among school districts.” Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, State Aid to Local Govern ment (1969), at 49; Mondale Committee Hearings, at 8473. Nonetheless, Maryland has taken many measures to further equalize school spending. The initial such measure was taken by the adoption of a comprehensive school aid 73 (tool Law Revision Commission the history and see Perlman Maryland Constitutional Con- The economic expenses of the ; the money and the mode of of the superintendent, are all >uld be dispensed with. * * * til. fundamental objections. It uld be right to commit the ex- those who contributed them, beyond the control of every State; those who bear the m their direction.” (Remarks cerning the [state! system, he i infallible head and an inex- erl (Remarks of Delegate ers accorded the State Super- he legislation adopted under ■nerally inapplicable to the id. Code. Art. 77, §§ 142-145), i of these mild measures of of larSe county school dis- urities in school spending in each county contains groups cod. ••the formation of single ■ in Maryland and a solution to resource dis- Advisory Commission on Stdti Aid to Local Govern- onnmttee Hearings, at 8473. ■■n many measures to further ' lni,lal sucb measure was comprehensive school aid formula by Chapter 383 of the Maryland Acts of 1922. That formula was not the creation of a rustic legislature. It was prepared under the sponsorship of the General Education Board of New York by Dr. Abraham Flexner of Johns Hopkins, best known for his work leading to the reform of medical education in the United States.* The formula adopted anticipated that summarized the next year in the pioneering work by Professors Strayer and Haig, Financ ing of Education in the State of New York (1923), of which Professor Coons and his colleagues have written; “The pioneer effort to translate the philosophy of equal education opportunity into a viable state finance program adjusting for district wealth variation was made by George E. Strayer and Robert M. Haig in 1923 and later refined and developed by Paul R. Mort. (Private Wealth and Public Education at 63.) The 1922 act provided for a foundation program of edu cation in each county based upon set-pupil-teacher ratios, a state minimum salary scale graduated to qualifications and experience of teachers and additional allotments founded on the theory that teachers’ salaries should constitute not more than 76 U of total current costs. The portions of this program which could not be financed by the counties from a uniform tax were paid for by the state equalization fund. In the years following its enactment, the program was periodically reviewed and progressively amended. In 1927 a state retirement program for teachers was added; in 1929 a state program of education for the handicapped was added; in 1933 aid to transportation costs was added and in 1939 differentials between elementary and secondary school salary scales were eliminated. “This became known as the Maryland Single Salary Scale because Maryland was in the * See Flexner and Bachman, P u blic E du ca tion in M a ryla n d (1921), at 8. 74 vanguard of this progressive advance.” (Report of the School Law Revision Commission at 12.) In 1941, the program again underwent extensive review by eminent authorities from outside of Maryland, the state engaging the services of Dr. Herbert Bruner of Teachers College, Columbia University to direct a study for the Mary land School Survey Commission. The report concluded: “In the intervening twenty-five years [since the Flexner report] strong leadership in the state depart ment combined with active and capable local initiative, has brough: to fruition many of the recommendations which the General Education Board Survey Commis sion made.” “The present system of state aid in Mary land is one of the most advanced in the county,” (at 63). In the same year, a court in Maryland (Chesnut, J.), approvingly quoted a bulletin of the United States Bureau of Education describing the program in glowing terms as “in a sound and relatively satisfactory way, equalizing] school burdens, revenues, and educational opportunities.” The opinion listed in detail “the outstanding features of the Maryland system of school support.” Mills v. Lowndes, 26 F. Supp. at 797 n.3 (D. Md. 1939). Following the war, the program underwent extended re view by two distinguished state commissions, the Sherbow Commission (1948), and the Green Commission (Maryland Commission to Study Public Education and Finances) (1952). The latter of these Commissions, in summarizing the history of educational progress in Maryland, noted the pioneering role in introducing new programs played by bell-wether school districts. Neither of these Commissions recommended full state funding, both noting the detriment that would result from it to Baltimore City, then the richest subdivision in the state and the only subdivision not to 75 benefit from the equalization fund. See the Report of the Maryland Commission to Study Public Education and Finances (1952), especially at pg. 55. Various liberalizing recommendations of these Commis sions were enacted into law, these including a revision of salary scales in 1947, an increase from $200 to $400 in aid for handicapped children and the addition of the twelfth grade to the foundation program in 1949, further salary increases in 1953 and 1955, creation of an incentive fund for school children in 1956, and creation of a program of aid to preschool handicapped children in 1957. In 1958, the Maryland program underwent an unusually comprehensive review. The state again went outside its borders to engage the most eminent student of school financing in the nation. Professor Paul Mort of Columbia. The resulting study occupies a summary volume and thir teen printed volumes, issued over a period of three years, as follows: Staff Study 1 — Stapleton. Educational Progress in Maryland Public Schools since 1916 (1959);' Staff Study 2 — Dorn, What Money Does and What it Does Not Do (1959); Staff Study 3 — Sartorious, The Fortunes of Equalization in Maryland Since 1920 (1959); Staff Study 4 — Zimmerman & Walker, The Tax Potential of Maryland, State and Local (1959) ; Staff Study 5 — Zimmerman, Fiscal Adjust ments Over a Century (1959); Staff Study 6 — Woollatt, The Measurement of Cost in Maryland Public Schools (1959); Staff Study 7 — Woollatt & Zimmerman, An Eco nomic Index of the Maryland Taxpaying Ability of Maryland Public School Systems (1960) ; M B■ ■ k wiM 76 Staff Study 8 — Willis, A Program of Financing School Construction Designed to Safeguard the Current Operating Program in Maryland (1959); Staff Study 9 — The Growing Edge Committee, The Maryland Schools and Mid-Century Needs; Staff Study 10 — The Staff Characteristics Com mittee, Maryland’s Twenty-four Instruc tional Teams; Staff Study 11 — Dorn, The Allocation of School Expenditures in Maryland Counties; Staff Study 12 — Hardesty, The Relation of Ex penditures in Higher Education to Expendi tures for Elementary and Secondary Edu cation; Staff Study 13 — Rhodes, Lay Participation in School Budget Development in Maryland. In the Staff Study dealing most directly with equaliza tion problems, Sartorious, The Fortunes of Equalization in Maryland Since 1920 (Staff Study No. 3). it wTas observed. “It is well to bear in mind that the educational ad vantage of local participation in school support is that it frees the vigorous local units to forge ahead in meet ing the problems education comes to face with in chang ing times. Such local units by their pioneering become leaders for the state” (page 9). The Sartorious Study, by way of introduction, observed: “New legislation has merely incorporated into this (state-local) partnership certain features that were inaugurated in the local school systems. That is to say that, in the main, improvement in the school sys tem has taken place on certain local levels and as the idea spread it became part of the total state program. This means further that the partnership in respect to support has always lagged on the part of the state, but, 77 in fairness, it must be said that it has inevitably fol lowed, and it is safe to conclude that it always will” (page 1). From this summary characterization of the history of educational progress in Maryland the Sartorious Study concluded: “Equalization demands more than helping the poorer local units. It connotes equalization of an adequate program, but it certainly does not demand levelling down.” (at page 11). The Sartorious Study expressed concern that the equali zation system then in operation in Maryland, while pro viding for a high degree of equalization in Maryland rela tive to other states, had not given rise to a high degree of local effort and that in consequence Maryland ap peared to lack bellwether school districts in which new improvements might serve as an example for the entire state. This concern was in accord with Professor Mort’s con cern for local tax leeway: “Paul Mort advanced a number of refinements in the Strayer-Harg plan with his associates and disciples at Columbia University. Among them were * * * 4) local tax leeway * * * The concept of local tax leeway pro vided for a downward adjustment of the rate of local contribution so that almost all districts would receive some state aid. Also the local district would have the discretionary power to tax itself beyond the local con tribution rate in order to purchase its own unique pro gram, presumably of a quality beyond the so-called state-mandated minimum.” Garvue, Modern Public School Finance, (1969), 228-29. Subsequent changes rapidly ensued. Increases in the salary component of the foundation program took place 78 in 1958, 1960, and 1961, increases in the basic aid com- ponent in 1960 and 1961, and an increase in the building J incentive component in 1961. The years following 1964 witnessed an explosion of cre ativity in educational finance in Maryland. Four major developments took place: 1. In the period 1964-1967, a distinguished state com mission, the Maryland Commission on State and County Finance, recommended sweeping changes in the financing of education and other public services in Maryland, changes reflected in two major acts of the Maryland legis- Y lature, Chapter 17 of the Acts of 1964, and Chapter 142 of the Acts of 1967. By virtue of these changes, Mary land became the first state to consider income as well as property wealth in its state educational equalization for- ° mula, a change of particular benefit to Baltimore City. ' In addition, the state’s first graduated income tax was enacted, supplanting a fiat rate tax, and special sub ventions to the subdivisions for police services were pro vided for including a special lump sum appropriation to t Baltimore City. This has been described as “a revolu- r tionary change in support for Maryland schools. A unique s feature is that per capita income is used as a factor in , determination of the relative fiscal capacity of local school systems. * * * The elements making up the foundation program were raised to levels representing current aver age practice throughout the state * * * A piogram of current expense incentive aid was created. A notable improvement in this law was its establishment of a fixed percentage for the State’s share in the foundation pro gram.” Report oj the School Law Revision Commission (1968), at 29. 2. In 1968, another state commission, the School Law Revision Commission, after a study of equalization prob- of urban eally deprived environment. Such educational pro grams should be designed to compensate for the lack of prior appropriate learning experiences and to pro- .luc I ecummenuauons oi tins uommission were antici pated by the Legislature. By Chapter 142 of the Acts of 1967 the foundation aid program was extended to kinder garten children. By Chapter 754 of the Acts of 1969 and again by Chapter 4 of the Acts of 1970 a special program of “density aid” to Baltimore City created by the 1967 Act (see the similar suggestion by the Lawyers Commit tee for Civil Rights, Compact, April 1972, page 41) was enlarged and increased. 3. In 1970, another state commission, the Commission to Study the State’s Role in Financing Public Education, recommended full state assumption of the costs of public school construction. The legislature, acting almost im mediately, adopted this recommendation by Chapter 624 of the Acts of 1971, Maryland thus becoming the first state in the nation to fully assume school construction costs. In fiscal 1972, appropriations for this program approxi mated $150,000,000, raising the state’s share of education spending from 31cr to 39C-. The budget estimate for this program for fiscal 1973 is approximately $300,000,000, all of it to be allocated by a state agency solely on the basis of educational need, which will further raise the state share of total school spending and will also operate to a considerable but as yet undett mined degree to elevate VE1B M PI . ■jj.w~rtlr . 80 the level of school spending in poorer counties to a figure closer to the state average. The Commission, though split on the issue, refrained from recommending full state fund ing of current expenses. Its recommendation that the state assume 55% of all existing current expenses m the several subdivisions, essentially a tax relief rat er an equalizing measure, was not adopted, the legislature in stead provided for distribution of an added fund of $2 million to subdivisions on a basis inverse to wea y Chapter 4 of the Acts of 1970. In 1971, another distinguished state commission, the Commission on the State Tax Structure under the chair manship of Professor Edwin Mills of the Johns Hopkms Economics Department considered and rejected proposa s for full state funding of education, recommending instead a program of general purpose grants akin to revenue sharing to subdivisions with large numbers of persons below the poverty level. In rejecting full equalization of education, the Mills Commission observed: “Thus the relative burden of taxes in support of a particular program is very nearly the same m all jur isdiction [under equalization]. The problem with this approach is that each jurisdiction is forced to con sume exactly the service level decreed by die State. Although it may be desirable to force or induce low income jurisdictions to consume a higher level of some services than they otherwise would, because of the State’s interest in those services, it is not so clear that it would be desirable to force higher income jurisdic tions to consume a lower level of services than they would prefer. If educational attainment is a desirable thing the State surely doesn’t want to be in the posi tion of curtailing it in those jurisdictions that are likely to excel. State assumption of a local service is desirable only when a very large proportion of the benefits of a service are statewide and when most 81 m i counties to a figure mission, though split m:.ending full state fund- •mmendation that the g current expenses in the ;i tax relief rather than i .pud. the legislature in- t.f an added fund of $22 eas inverse to wealth by 1 state commission, the tructure under the chair- ■ of the Johns Hopkins • d and rejected proposals ■ i. recommending instead i:rants akin to revenue- ’ c numbers of persons •cling full equalization of observed of taxes in support of a ’■■•riy the same in all jur- 'I he problem with this diction is forced to con- I decreed by the State, to force or induce low e •' higher level of some would, because of the t is not so clear that e tugher income jurisdic- : "f services than they '■••inment is a desirable ’ to be in the posi- • dictions that are '> Of a local service is proportion of the * *de and when most people desire similar levels of the services. This does not appear to be the case for education for example.” (at 264). It is thus clear that plaintiffs’ proposals have not been neglected or ignored in Maryland, but rejected on their merits by disinterested public bodies. One further instance of rejection deserves to be noted. In 1967, the abortive Maryland Constitutional Convention meeting in that j^ear had before it a proposal to fasten on the state a rule substantially equivalent to that proposed by plaintiffs here. The proposal received extensive dis cussion. It was rejected on the floor of the convention after it was pointed out that such a provision “would dis courage and frustrate local initiative”, and effectively pre vent or postpone new initiatives in education. Excerpts from the competing reports appear as an appendix to Kur land, Equal Educational Opportunity, in Daly (ed.). The Quality of Inequality (1968), at 67-72. Professor Kurland accurately concludes: “The arguments addressed by the reports * * * are certainly relevant to the issue whether the Supreme Court should attempt to impose on all of the States what the delegates to the Maryland Constitutional Convention were unwilling to impose on their own state.” At present, state educational programs are continuing to undergo review in Maryland. The Governor’s Educa tion Counsel, a former superintendent of schools of one of the poorer counties, has opposed on principle full equali zation or full state funding. Spigler, Address to the Mary land Association of Counties, January 20, 1972. The Gov ernor, on June 8, 1972 appointed a new Task Force to consider reallocation of the presently available state funds in a fashion which “will avoid doing drastic damage to the school system or taxpayers of any particular jurisdiction” and which “will require little, if any, increase in the very large sum of money ($343,425,540 in Fiscal Year 1971) that the State is already pumping into the local school system.”* Those advocating equalization at the Montgomery County level together with freezing of that county's expenditures have conceded that this Rodriguez-type approach would re quire additional revenues in Maryland of $200 million per year, equal to 3% on the present sales tax base. Wise, School Finance Equalization Lawsuits: A Model Legis lature Response, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action at 130, precluding the state legislature for at least three years from “begin[ning] to set levels for education in competition with its assessment of needs for other public services.” Id. at 130. * Existing disparities in Maryland are of a very modest order, and are largely attributable to the escalation of personal income in recent years in Montgomery County, the bell-wether subdivision — an es calation due in no small measure to the federal pay comparability program, and to the effects of the five-week Montgomery County teachers’ strike in 1970. Cost per pupil for current expenses, includ ing transportation in 1969-70 was $972.84 in Montgomery Countv. In the other 23 subdivisions in the state the range was strikingly narrow, from $597.92 in Somerset County on the eastern shore to $767.19 in Baltimore County. Selected Financial Data, Maryland Public Schools, 1969-70, Part I, Table II. These figures do not take into account the new state assumption of school construction which heavily benefits the rural counties since state funds are available on a need basis. There is no reason to believe that Montgomery Countv children are enjoying peculiar benefits. Recent comparative studies of educational achievement in the Montgomery County schools indicate that children in those schools perform slightly below the national average of children of comparable intelligence" on nationwide tests. Washington Post, November 23, 1971 Pg. C-l. Indeed, by a number of measures, Montgomery County schools are worse off than Somerset County schools. 23.3% of Montgomery County teachers have less than 2 years’ experience as against 14.7% in Somerset County, 63% of Montgomery County teachers have more than 5 years’ ex perience as against 78.9% of those in Somerset County. Maryland State Department of Education, Experience of Teachers and Prin cipals, September 1969, Table 1. ADVERSE EFFECTS ON INTERESTS OF URBAN AREAS AND RACIAL MINORITIES The relief granted by the Rodriguez and Serrano courts, far from being the advertised panacea to problems of minority and urban education is, as some of its original supporters have come to recognize, actually destructive of the interests of urban areas and the interests of mi nority children. Nothing makes this clearer than consideration of the evidentiary material upon which the Rodriguez court pur ported to base its decision. The principal such piece of “evidence” was a lengthy narrative affidavit of Joel S. Berke of Syracuse University, filed at an extremely late stage of the litigation under circumstances which pre cluded the state from making effective reply. It has been observed of this affidavit that: “It is true that the three-judge federal district court which invalidated the Texas school financing system in Rodriguez found that ‘those districts most rich in property also have the highest median family income and the lowest percentage of minority pupils, while the poor property districts are poor in income . . The basis for this finding was an affidavit submitted by plaintiffs and cited by the court. As a basis for the court's conclusion, this was a questionable souice, a careful reading of the data contained in the affidavit creates grave doubt about the validity of its conclu sions * * * The Rodriguez court cited the affidavit as showing a median family income of $5,900 in the ten districts with the highest tax base per-pupil and $3,325 in the four districts with the lowest tax base per-pupil [337 F. Supp.l at 282 n. 3. The following arc the study’s figures: M a r k e t V a lu e o ] T a x a b le P r o p e r t y P e r P u p il M edian F a m ily In c o m e F ro m I9 6 0 S ta te & P e r C en t L o ca l M in o r ity R e v en u es P u p ils P e r P u p il Above $100,000 (10 Districts) $5900 8 % $815 $100,000-$50,000 (26 Districts) 4425 32 544 $50,000-30,000 (30 Districts) 4900 23 483 $30,000 $10,000 (40 Districts) 5050 31 462 Below $10,000 (4 Districts) 3325 79 305 Affidavit of Joel S. Berke at 6 (footnotes omitted.) “The five category breakdown of school districts seems to be arbitrary, and it is only this breakdown which appears to produce the correlation of poor school districts and poor people. Event on this br<ea down, however, the correlation is doubtful. Note the very small number of districts in the top and bottom categories. Even more significant is the apparent in verse relationship between property value and median income in the three middle districts, where 96 of the HO districts fall. While the family income differences among the three groups of districts are small, they S T t e even more significant if categories are weighted by the number of districts in each. At the very least, the study does not support the affirmative correlation of poor school districts and poor people stated by the court and the affiants; this is, however, the study the court relied upon, and it is apparen y the only study which purports to show such correla tion ” Goldstein, In ter -D is tr ic t In eq u a litie s in S ch oo l F in a n cin g : A C ritica l A n a ly s is o f S erra n o v. P r ie s t and 85 {fsJt:n l In .e rn e } T >»»* ;v on P e r C en t M in o r ity P u p ils S ta te & L o ca l R e v en u es P e r P u p il $5900 8 % $815 4425 32 544 4900 23 433 5050 31 462 3325 79 305 6 (footnotes omitted.) -down of school districts it is only this breakdown the correlation of poor ■ople. Even on this break- lion is doubtful. Note the icts in the top and bottom lificant is the apparent in property value and median . districts, where 96 of the family income differences f districts are small, they lificant if categories are ,f districts in each. At the not support the affirmative districts and poor people ,e affiants; this is, however, upon, and it is apparently oorts to show such correla- ■trict In eq u a litie s in S ch oo l l/sis o f S erra n o v. P r ie s t and Its P r o g e n y . 120 University of Pennsylvania Law Re- view 504, 523 and note 67 (1972). Professor Berke has since pursued his studies of the! ef- ecls of the Serrano-Rodriguez rule and has reached CO - fusions dramatically at variance with those advanced in ,r at least suggested by his affidavit in Rodnpuez. Two monographs prepared by Professor Berke have lince been published. Select Committee on Equal Educa >in 1 „ TT . . a cf ofpc Senate T h e F inancia ltional Opportunity, United btates senate, ^ Aspects o, Education^ O p p o r t^ p and ̂ ea u ities in S ch ool F in a n ce (January 1972). lhe secon 7 these monographs considers the results which would obtain in the event that a state adopting the rule provided for full state assumption of lie cost, of ed cation and equal per-pupil expenditures the costs of this program being funded by a proportional income tax. The study notes that similar results would obtain if the stale educational program where funded from another bro based non-progressive tax such as a statewide sales or property tax. It need scarcely be labored that the “ ° least resistance for states confronted with a Rodriguez type decision will be movement to a statewide property tax. Professor Berke and his colleagues conclude ,n this study: _ .. -Despite the widespread enthusiasm that the Cali fornia Minnesota and Texas cases have raised through out he nation it is our belief that finance reform of th e type just described will not result in removing the major inequities in American educational finance and on th e co n tra ry m a y w e ll e x a c e r b a te th e p ro - lem s o f a su bsta n tia l p ro p o r tio n o f u rb a n sch oo ls . T results are rather sobering for those concerned about the urban financial crises. In th r e e -fo u r th s o f th e c itie s in th ese la rge m etro p o lita n areas, s ch o o l ta x e s Z u l d r ise and o f th e s ix e x c e p t io n s to th is ten d en c y th r e e a re lo ca ted in a s in g le s ta te , O h io , and in a fourth th e ta x ra tes w o u ld rem a in v ir tu a lly th e sam e. I h e e x p e n d itu r e im p lica tion s , h o w e v e r , a re e v e n m o r e ja rrin g . For this aspect of the analysis we have as sumed that the local share of revenues assumed by the state would be re-distributed on an equal per- pupil basis throughout the state. * * N ea r ly tw ic e as m a n y cen tra l c it ie s w o u ld r e c e iv e lo w e r e x p e n d i tu r e s fr o m th e s ta tes u n d er eq u a l s ta tew id e p er -p u p il d is tr ib u tio n o f fu n d s th an th e y p r e s e n t ly r e c e iv e u n d er th e ex is tin g r e v e n u e s tru c tu re . In a number ot cases, for example, New York City, the proportion of income tax for educational purposes would rise from 2 57c to 3.1% yet the expenditures from local sources that were $694 in the 1970 school year would drop under an equal per-pupil statewide re-distnbution of the state assumed local share to $636. In shor , no only would New York be paying more, under equal per-pupil statewide re-distribution, it would be re ceiving less. * * * Under our revenue-expenditure model, educational resources are being re-distributed from large cities to other parts of the state. The rea son for this phenomenon lies in the analysis already discussed * * * which showed that city tax rates for education were lower than in the surrounding areas because city tax rates for all governmental functions combined were higher than in other parts of metro politan areas. The explanation for the expenditure effect has also been shown: city educational costs are considerably higher than those in other parts of the state; and, while expenditures in cities are not as high as their added costs and greater educational need re quires, they are higher than expenditures in rural areas and in some suburban areas. Certainly, c i ty sch o o l e x p e n d itu r e s u su a lly a re a b o v e th e s ta tew id e a v era q e o f d is tricts , and th u s, c it ie s lo se o r o n ly b rea k e v e n in p la n s th a t h a v e eq u a l p er -p u p il e x p e n d itu r e s th ro u g h o u t th e s ta te o r w h ich ‘ le v e l-u p ’ to th e s ta te a v er a g e To show the impact of our tax-expenditure modei on cities and their suburbs, we took a random 87 v. O hio, and in a fo u r th ■ rt w illy the sam e. T h e i-ever , a re e v e n m o re .f analysis we have as- ' revenues assumed by uted on an equal per- • :e. * * * Nearly twice receive lower expendi ng statewide per-pupil th ey p re sen tly r e c e iv e meture. In ' number of City, the \ ^portion of lrposes would rise from •tires from local sources -hnol year would drop •.■wide re-distribution of • to $636. In short, not ving more, under equal tut ion, it would be re ar revenue-expenditure are being re-distributed ts of the state. The rea- m the analysis already 1 that city tax rates for t the surrounding areas governmental functions n other parts of metro- on for the expenditure t v educational costs are e in other parts of the ■ in cities are not as high ter educational need re- i expenditures in rural I areas. Certainly, c i ty •:-< chore th e s ta tew id e ■■'dies lose o r o n ly b rea k ■ er-pu p il e x p e n d itu r e s n 'lev e l-u p ’ to th e s ta te of our tax-expenditure :rhs, we took a random selection of thirteen of the 37 largest metropolitan areas, and looked at a large central city and its county. * * * In six of the eight large cities in the Northeast and Midwest, suburban taxes would rise under state assumption, but the rise would be markedly less than in the cities in most cases. Both areas would be re distributing to non-metropolitan areas or to the least urbanized portions of metropolitan areas. In the South the tax impact of statewide assumption would permit the suburban counties in both metropolitan areas to reduce tax effort for education, while the cities would get either a lesser degree of tax relief or none at all. In the West, all three cities would have their tax effort increased, while that would be the case for only one suburban county. Table XV I shows the compaiative central city-suburban expenditure results. * * * After equal per-pupil distribution of the state assumed local share, the third column shows the new statewide ex penditure levels from what were formally local rev enues. Only two of the eight Northeastern and Mid western cities gain, while only one suburb does, and the rates by which the suburbs exceed the state aver age are substantially higher than in the cities.” Id. at 66-69. (Emphasis added). The Berke stud., contains (at 67) a detailed table which is instructive, and which is set out below. T able XIV. — T a x e ffo rt and exp en d itu res assum ption and equal p er pupil •------- - Percent of income taxed for school purposes 1970 Under State assump tion im plication u nder S tate distribution Local expenditures per pupil Statewide equal expendi- 1970 turns Local expenditures under statewide tax ratal Northeast: Baltimore, Md................— Boston, Mass...........- ..... - Newark, N.J.................— Paterson-Clifton- Passaic, N.J-------------- Buffalo, N.Y. — ------ New York City, N.Y. — Rochester, N .Y ..............— Philadelphia, Pa.............. Pittsburgh, Pa. —......— Providence, R.I. --------- Midwest: Chicapi' 111. ---------------- Indianapolis, Ind.............. Detroit, Mich. ------------- Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minn. ------------- Kansas City, Mo. --------- St. Louis, Mo. ---- -------- Cincinnati, Ohio --------- Cleveland, Ohio ............. Columbus, Ohio, --------- Dayton, Ohio --------------- Milwaukee, Wis. --------- South: Miami, Fla. (Dade County) ------------------- Tampa-St. Petersburg, Fla. _____ _____ Atlanta, Ga. ---------------- Louisville, Ky. ------------ New Orleans, La. -------- Dallas, T ex----- -------------- Houston, T ex........ .......... San Antonio, Tex...... — 3.4 2.5 3.4 ( 2) 1.6 2.5 3.0 2.0 2.5 2.9 3.7 3.6 3.8 $444 522 587 $538 632 707 $486 741 648 3.8 3.1 3.1 3.1 2.7 2.7 2.8 ( 2 ) 347 694 697 444 596 701 707 636 636 636 446 446 477 797 662 863 727 593 650 678 1.4 2.4 2.1 2.3 (2) 2.7 4.6 4.8 3.0 3.7 3.4 3.3 2.8 2.9 3.3 3.0 3.0 3.4 3.4 3.4 3.4 4.3 307 415 439 582 677 749 479 632 599 600 377 396 429 408 408 490 490 490 490 573 754 495 589 835 428 469 499 530 546 568 708 1.6 1.3 2.4 1.6 1.5 1.8 287 1.8 222 1.5 395 1.6 341 1.9 261 2.2 (2) 2.2 ( 2 ) 2.2 ( 2 ) 383 324 383 315 175 350 191 343 212 325 275 409 275 364 275 259 West: Los Angeles-Long Beach, Calif----- ------- San Bernardino, River side, Ontario, Calif. - San Diego, Calif. ------- San Fraud sco- Oakland, Calif. ------- Denver, C o l o . ......... .... Portland, Oreg. -------- Seattle-Evcrett, Wash-------- --------------- _ 2.9 (2) 433 531 — 2.9 2.9 (2) (2) 433 433 403 423 2.5 2.9 709 435 817 3 ^ 4.3 667 507 864 2.3 2.0 442 672 980 1.7 2.3 436 328 608 1 Local revenues tint the revenues raised by 2 Nut compiled. t would be those rates nerated If the statewide rates were ■ere retained tor local expenditure. applied but •(pappe sisnqd -uig) -j-g-yg ; b 'pi ysoa.iE pun.i .1 0 uBq:tnqns ui uoi; bo -npo jo ;youoq aq; .xoj s;uapisa.i AP jo uoi; b x e ; .iaqSiq ui qnsoa pyioo — Bpuu-ioj p;up Jad saanqpuadxa juriba uk qSno.iq; sooiajos puoijBonpa jo uoi;nqp;sip b puB xb; Ajjadoad ajBjs b qgrtoaq; s;soo iBuoxjBonpa jo uoijdiunssB apiAvajejs — aAi;Bu.ia;[B {Buoi;n;i;suoo ajqissod auo jo qnsaa a q ; ‘poqs uj ■iuxou ajvjs paoao/ -ua fiipiGu v oj maqj Jo Buixacnoj v uaao sdvqxad puv saxnjipuadxa nvqxn pouoijippn on ui jpisax ppioa asvo djuvuiJ jooips v Jo sJinsax aqj — sq.mqns jpqi jo ;soui uoq; jaA\oj X[[BjauaS 3JB Aaq; qSnoqqB ojbjs aaq -ua aq; joj ogBuaAB aq; UBq; -iaqSiq aq o; puoj sp^ai aanjipuadxa [BuoijBanpo AP aSuej aauis ‘paau jbuoijbo -npa jo aansBaui aiuos ueq; aaqjBJ qoBOJdde sajnjipuad -xa jenba aq; si saap-ias jBuoijBonpa jo uoi;nqu;sip aq; .ioj papaps aAi;BUja;p aq; Jl masin ai[j H\juaxxna si umpj uoijvanpa xo$ svaxv uoqxn Jo uoijvxvj xaqBiq aq ppiocn uoijvBmi adfij ouvxxa$ Jo sjpisax aqj saai -A-ias [BpiauiujaAoS p-iauaS joj puBuiap aq; jo asnsaaq sa;o;s jo suoigaJ aaq;o ui uBq; sai;p ui jaqgiq ojb so; bj xb; ;b; o; — sai;p pajiiaa aq; jo so;bj xb; uopoonpa jaAvoj A lB3nsP3PB‘I13ll3 3LU UBlU -laqSiq ojb so;bj aq; pus ‘paAojdiua si x b ; Apado-id apiA\a;B;s b * * * jj„ :sA \oqoj sb sguipuy apq; pazpBuiains aABq sanSBaqoa siq puB aqjag jossajojj •oSeaaAB a; ;s aq; paaoxa AjRa^S qatqAV suoippidod Apouiui puB aood aABq sai;p asaq; qe AtBnWA ai;;BaS PUB ‘P«Bnjod PaAuaa ‘puBi ->po ‘oospuB.i ; ubs ‘sopSuy soq ‘subo[.io ‘3tUAPncrI ‘b ; u b i; v ‘aaqnBAqijM ‘snqutrqoo ‘smoq ;s ‘A t O s b s u b x qnBj qs-sqodBOUuqM ‘qojpa ‘sipdBUBipuj ‘oSeoiqj 'aouap -iaojj ‘qSanqsutj ‘BiqdppBqqa Papaqacq ‘qJOA â N ‘°lBJ -jng ‘uo;so£i jo sai;p aqj Suipnpui ‘sai;p aSas; ;soui joj XquiBiBD pa;Bgi;tuiun ;som[B lib aq p[noA\ ‘suoispap adX; -zandixpwu jo qnsaj popyod aiqRqoad aq; ‘sisoq jidncl-aocl pnba ub uo uoi;nqu;sip q;iA\ pa[dnoo soxb; Apadoad app\ -o;b; s o; jeooj uiojj ;jiqs b ;sq; spaAaa ajqo; aqjag aqx jnq pajirtxTn ‘ajnjiptiddxa ?v . ; 8 0 9 8cC 9Cf 086 I L 9 r i t - fr98 ^OS L ' i L \ 2 set- 6 0 L cĉ COt' cct- tt> ICS cct- tt> 6 i Z S L Z ( . 1 t9C S L I 1; 160t̂ < U Z see Z I Z 19? ct-c 161 tt-c osc szt S6C SIC C8C Z Z Z t-cc CSC Z8? 80/C c/s NW 89S 0 6 1- ?C9 9VS 06 6/f oes 06 V 6t-/ 6 6 1- ObV //9 6 9 f SOt' zzv 8?^ sot- (c) SC8 6?^ tHis 68S 96C 6Ct- S6fr //C sit- t'SZ 009 /oc 8/9 //t- 10/ 0S9 9tt %s C6S 9t-t- t-t-t- LZL 9C9 >̂0 C98 9C9 t-69 ?99 9C /t-c LU /i (s) 8C9 /()/ /8S It'/ ?C9 ZZi m i SCS5 t-n-S xwi x.>J1U OlHl - 1 p u«»«I x.» .i;>piins»u[UI|,Ud‘*x’,{wooq (tdiHi jad s.uniipuaclsa U O f l U q i . ( I S f l > i y ■I J P u n u o i i o J l i J u t ) >-’ J 68 90 Professor Berko and his colleagues are net alone în these •nrlimrs The study conducted by the United Stages U ee of Education, Finances of Lanje City School Systen.s: A Comparative Analysis (DHEW Publication S a O H H ,972 conducted an even more extensive survey of the ‘ fleets on large cities. The study found " ‘een out of twenty-five representative large ci y sixteen had above average assessed valuations, and that sixtc “ of twenty-hve also had average or below average tax rates for education. That study also found that if all school systems in the respective states collected all presently collected loca funds for education and re-distributed them on a equa funds per-pupil basis, only 29 of the 84 urban scho • ys- tems studied would receive more funds. If the d.s nbu tion were made not on a equal dollars per-pupl bast, but on an equalisation basis rewarding areas With low prop erty values, the results for the large cities would hav been even more disastrous. Indeed, one cannot view without wonder the extent to which ideology has triumphed over good sense in the work of some of the defenders of the Rodriguez doctrinê An especially spectacular example of this tendency 1 found in the recommendations of the Report of the New York State Commission on the Quality Costs an < inan ing of Elementary and Secondary Education, That Com mission recommended a shift from the present mode of financin', to a regime in which state property taxes would supply all educational funds, the funds to be re-d.stributed orCa per-pupil basis modified by factors designed to chan nel more funds to large cities. Under its recommendations a ur wou tax $1.4 and woi sivi rcc no’ foi in $2 th h: of d li agues.are not alone in tlie.se d by the United States Ch arge City School Systems: A A’ Publication No. OE72-29 re extensive survey of the udy found that sixteen out large city school systems valuations, and that sixteen erage or below average tax if all school systems in the 1 presently collected local istributed them on a equal of the 84 urban school sys- lore funds. If the distribu- 1 dollars per-pupil basis but rding areas with low prop- he large cities would have •hout wonder the extent to •d over good sense in the of the Rodriguez doctrine, ample of this tendency is * the Report of the New - Quality Costs and Financ- lary Education. That Com- from the present mode of state property taxes would ie funds to be re-distributed v factors designed to chan- bnder its recommendations a uniform state property tax of $2.04 per hundred dollars would be imposed for educational purposes. The present tax rate in New York City for education is $1.89, in Buffalo $1.44, in Albany $1.77, in Syracuse $1.66, in Rochester $1.72 and in Yonkers $1.74. The “big six” cities in New York would be presented by this “reform” measure with mas sive increases in property taxes. By contrast, sweeping reductions would be mandated for those suburban areas now making high tax efforts on education. The tax effort for education in Scarsdale would drop from $2.58 to $2.04, in Hempstead from $2.61 to $2.04, in New Rochelle from $2.49 to $2.04 and so on. Id. at p. 2.33.* Against this background it is scarcely a source of wonder that disenchantment with the Serrano-Rodriguez doctrine has set in. Thus, William L. Taylor, former staff director of the United States Civil Rights Commission and now director of the Center for National Policy Review, Catho lic University Law School has testified: “In the first place, it is being discovered rather belatedly that in some areas there is no correlation between the property wealth of an area and the wealth of families who reside there. This means that in New York City which has a good tax base and many poor families, poor and minority children would be hurt — not helped — by an application of the Serrano princi ple re-distributing property wealth for school financ ing purposes. Second, the Serrano decision points not toward a system of financing based on educational need — which is what poor children really require — or even to equal expenditures, but simply to equal izing the property tax base. Third, even in the best * Sec the critical lead editorial in the New York Times for January 29, 1972, and see Under, C ity T a x R ise L inked to F lc isc lm a n n P r o posals and Maeroff, Suburban S ch oo l Officials P ear E ffe c t o f a F reeze on S pending . New York Times, February 2, 1972 at 47. 92 ot circumstances, there is no differ“ w S c f s i g " dliTerencM in educational expenditure alone will F ̂ ucc d* erately need.” higher quality teaching they . n472) (Mondale Committee Hearings page 10472). The kindest thing that Mr Taylor could iy about the . f i t — s env for'refusing to provide shelter for poor and minority tmilies from thcentral city,” surely a minor and remo onsequence. Mr Norman J. Chachkin of the NAACP Legal De- ense and Educational Fund, a supporter of metropolitam- ;ation of school districts, has observed: “Some of the schemes proposed in the wake of the California decision^could ailments Ma" ^ C ° ° ^ money under a revised aid districts — couia get TVip failure of the Serrano scheme than tlrey tgot no ̂ Th jd the McInnis litigants a n d X ‘ng educational need, to propose ac- S S r " s " f u t : the burden on state l e g i s , ^ . 1 would nut be surprised if many respond by abohsh- ,, flat errant minimum foundation and all cate on a statewide basis, and then distributing toi the e ™ - fhe education of minority and disadvantaged children w T wonder how such a restricted revenue base might affecta°school age'teachers’ sauries.” (Mondale Committee Hearings, at 10905.) 93 ; persuasive evidence that — unless they are mas- did’erences in educational ematical that increases in uce for poor children the ey so desperately need.” ngs page 10472). l'aylor could think of to ie was that “it will strip uburban communities em- ter for poor and minority urely a minor and remote the NAACP Legal De- ipporter of metropolitani- scrved: posed in the wake of the vo the cure worse than the cts — particularly urban (>ney under a revised aid ' be failure of the Serrano aste to avoid the Mclnnis ■nal need, to propose ac- den on state legislatures, many respond by abolish- foundation and all cate- ing effective assessment a uniform property tax • distributing to the exist- ■ en a equal dollars per- l)e extremely bad for 1 disadvantaged children, i d revenue base might ‘b in 'he past negotiated for higher than aver- “ :-l‘ Committee Hearings, To similar effect see Myers, Second Thoughts on the Serrano Case, City: The Magazine of the National Urban Coalition, Volume V, Number 6 < Winter 1971), at page 38; Bassett, Leaders of Urban Schools Oppose Dollar-A-Scholar, Baltimore News-American, March 16, 1972, page 1, column 4; Goldstein, supra, 120 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 504, 526 <1972). Nor is the probable detrim nt to large cities resulting from the Rodriguez rule a function of the fact that the rule applies only to property tax bases: “An equalization principle that operated beyond the sphere of property tax base wealth could work against the cities in another area. Local non-property taxes, though limited in significance to a few states * * * may also disproportionately favor urban centers. In a study of Alabama, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania and Tennessee for 1968-1969, school districts were classified into central city, suburban, in dependent city and rural districts. It was found that in five of the seven states * * * the rural districts re ceived the least amount of revenue per-pupil from such local non-property taxes; in four of the seven states * * * the central city districts received the most revenue per-pupil. The average ranking for the seven states showed that the central city school districts on the average received the most revenue per-pupil from local non-property taxes, followed in order by subur ban, independent city, and rural districts. Alternative Programs for Financing Education 186-187 (1971) (National Educational Finance Project, Volume V ). Goldstein, supra, at 526 note 73. Not only will large cities not benefit from Rodriguez but it has also been established that minority groups will not benefit from the Rodriguez rule. Though the United States Civil Rights Commission has claimed that some moderate benefit would accrue to Mexican-American children in 94 Texas, its studies of the school systems of California, Ari- _~- zona, New Mexico and Colorado, conspicuously failed to ° ri find any detriment to Mexican-Americans from operation of the existing system of school finance. Similarly, Coons, 7 Clune and Sugarman, A First Appraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale Roc Review of Law and Social Action 103, 120 note 37, observe: sug “The racial district wealth pattern may be other than bet intuition might suggest. In California, over half the in minority pupils reside in districts above the average dol in assessed valuation per pupil.” acc Professor Coons and his colleagues have noted: “If racial discrimination were measured by the per- ^ ccntage of all minority students who reside in dis tricts below the statewide median average valuation per-pupil, California would manifest inverse discrimi- la- nation. 5971 (683,919) of minority students live in th districts above the median average valuation per- su pupil. The percentage is considerably higher for Ne- p, groes; Indians and those with Spanish surnames are g£ nearly evenly divided above and below the median. The minority figures were taken from an unpublished survey for the State Department of Education by F. R. Gunsky, ‘Racial and Ethnic Distribution of Public E School Pupils, District Report, October 1968.’ The aver- L age valuations per-pupil are from California Public Schools Selected Statistics, 1967-68 (Sacramento).” Coons, Clune and Sugarman, Private Wealth and Public u Education at 356 note 47. e e The disenchantment of large cities with the Serrano rule s is dramatized by the case of San Francisco which initially j filed an Amicus Curiae Brief in support of the plaintiffs in t Serrano, see Myers, supra. More recently, we are told, “San Francisco has joined several of the small wealthy districts to organize a lobby ( ‘Schools for Sound Finance’ ) to fight any limits on local expendt .ires” in connection with the systems of California, Ari- lu, conspicuously failed to Americans from operation i finance. Similarly, Coons, 1 ppraisal of Serrano, 2 Yale n 108, 120 note 37, observe: h pattern may be other than :I California, over half the -Uriels above the average ipil." agues have oted: were measu ed by the per- udents who reside in dis- inedian average valuation manifest inverse discrimi- minority students live in n average valuation per- onsiderably higher for Ne- - h Spanish surnames are * c‘ ar>d below the median, 'aken from an unpublished ment of Education by F. R. uc Distribution of Public rt, October 1968.’ The aver- re from California Public 1967-68 (Sacramento).” Private Wealth and Public .'ies with the Serrano rule i 1 i uncisco which initially support of the plaintiffs in recently, we are told, “San -■mall wealthy districts ' Sound Finance’ ) to fight in connection with the 95 legislative consideration of school finance revisions in Cali fornia. Anderson, Financing Schools: Search for Reform, Washington Post, May 31, 1972. The obvious detriment to large cities inherent in the Rodriguez rule has driven apologists for the formula to suggest ever more desperate rationalizations. Thus, it has been suggested that the detriment to large cities might be in part mitigated by adopting a rule requiring not equal dollar spending but equal facilities, thus partially taking account of higher city costs. But the almost total unjustici ability and unenforceability of such a rule, which invariably draws the court into comparison of apples and oranges should be apparent. Other commentators have suggested that the solution is to be found in some formula, legis latively rather than judicially adopted, taking account of the factor of municipal overburden. The difficulty with such a suggestion is that “the National Educational Finance Project reached a different conclusion after analysis of a sample of school districts from eight states: ‘no persuasive evidence of the existence of municipal overburden was un covered.’ Johns, et al., Alternative Programs of Financing Education 98 (1971).” Dimond, supra, 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action 140, note 38 (1971). Finally, there have been suggestions that although an unmodified Rodriguez rule may be detrimental to cities, the effect of Rodriguez type decisions is to induce states to re examine their systems of school finance; it is inferred that such a re-examination can only result in benefit to cities. However, the history of recent and frequent amendments to state school finance formulas makes clear they have un dergone continuous re-examination. As recently pointed out “equal statewide financing will take more money out of the central cities than it will give to them. * * * Under the Texas decision a state could theoretically choose to appropriate extra funds to deprived urban children. Bu it would be very difficult for the cities to get those appro priations through any legislature, as a matter of practical politics, in a period in which other wealthy districts weie being held down.” Editorial, The Washington Post, May 31, 1972. Indeed, the most dramatic illustration of what the Rodri guez principle may mean in practice is supplied by the experience in New Jersey where, in pursuit of the wil o the wisp of abstract numerical equalization m favor o small rural districts not really needing additional funds, a state court judge invalidated a new and progressive piece of reform legislation, the Bateman Act, which specifically addressed the problems of large cities by allocating avail able funds in heavy proportion to districts with large num bers of AFDC recipients. There is no way a constitutional rule can leadily take account of these problems. It has been demonstrated that the Rodriguez rule in general, would operate to the severe detriment of urban districts. “A decision by the United States Supreme Court attempting to differentiate among the states, would be entirely inappropriate. It would be most unwise to have basically similar state systems held invalid or valid depending on where the state’s poor llvGd> ° r more accurately, depending on judges views of the difficult statistical analysis demonstrating a correla tion between poor people and poor school districts. Goldstein, supra, at 525.* * Professor Goldstein also accurately observes : “ Whatever cor relation there is between the percentage of minority people.andthe tax base wealth of a school district in Texas may refkcl; „ru nature of Texas minority life or some other state peculiarity. / ■ at 525 note 71. eoretically choose to urban children. But s to get those appro- a matter of practical ealthy districts were ashington Post, May m of what the Rodri- * is supplied by the nirsuit of the will of lization in favor of g additional funds, a nd progress' e piece t, which specifically by allocating avail- icts with large num- de can readily take t demonstrated that perate to the severe tes Supreme Court the states, would be be most unwise to ms held invalid or ite’s poor lived, or idges’ views of the istrating a correla- >r school districts.” rves.- “ Whatever cor- mority people and the day reflect the rural uate peculiarity." Jd. 97 Even if it is assumed that the changes adopted by state legislatures following invalidation of existing formulas gave some weight to problems of the cities, the net result would still be grave detriment to the long term interests of the deprived residents of cities. This is so because even the most sanguine exponents of the Rodriguez rule ac knowledge that vast additional appropriations for educa tion would be necessary to elevate districts to the level of the higher districts in each state and that the larger part of such appropriations would be channeled to districts without particularly pressing educational problems. What ever marginal benefits might accrue to large cities from changes in educational spending patterns viewed alone would be more than offset by the waste of society’s total resources and the detriment in the capacity of govern ment to address other problems such as the urban unem ployment which the Coleman Report and its defenders view as the gravest detriment to the educational and other interests of urban children. Thus, even one of the proponents of the Rodriguez principle, Professor Charles S. Benson has observed: “Assuming compliance with the dictum of Serrano v. Priest that wealth not influence quality of education within the states, one is led to the conclusion that state governments must allocate additional revenues to the public schools simply to establish such compliance. To remove the influence of wealth on education requires that expenditures in the large number of low wealth — low expenditure districts be brought up to accepta ble standards. This can only be done by injecting money from a higher level of government into those districts. (No one can imagine that states could obtain compliance with Serrano v. Priest by forcing high wealth, high expenditure districts to reduce their ex penditures sharply, one reason being that most of these expenditures are contractual in nature.) My concern 98 is that state governments which are obliged to raise their education budget for this purpose of compliance will slight other social welfare activities, such as health, low cost housing, and the more developmental types of welfare accounts. There is strong reason to believe that performance of schools with respect to disadvant ,red youth is itself extremely sensitive to thes- very kinds of expenditures that might suffer as states move toward compliance with Serrano. This would subvert whatever equalitarian purpose exists in Serrano * * I Mondale Committee Hearings at 7669). Similar concerns underlie the conclusion of a recent careful study of the history of state educational finance formulas: “Improving the condition of large city school sys tems can best be attained by a pinpointed federal program that will deal with financing needs of the large cities and other areas containing the concentra tions of poverty which are so costly to local govern ments, both in the educational and non-educational spheres. The financial requirements of suburban and rural school systems can be most adequately dealt with by the system of state and local finance which has been able to provide such large sums of money since the end of World War II. Large cities, on the other hand, present problems which are very differ ent and probably can be dealt with only on a national scale with a national resource base.’’ Sacks, City Schools, Suburban Schools: A History of Fiscal Con flict (1972) at 177.* * Indeed, the limited federal and state programs focused on de prived urban areas are said to have already placed city high schools with large numbers of low-income children on a much better than average material footing. See Havighurst, et al. A P rofi le o j the L a r g e - C i t y H ig h S ch oo l , National Association of Secondary School Principals. November 1970, quoted at Hosteller and Movnihan, On E q u a l i ty o f E d u ca tio n a l O p p o r tu n ity (1972), pg. 11. 99 h are obliged to raise purpose of compliance e activities, such as ■ more developmental re is strong reason to Pools with respect to xtremely sensitive to s that might suffer as with Sei’rano. This irian purpose exists in mmittee Hearings at inclusion of a recent e educational finance arge city school sys- a pinpointed federal ■.ancing needs of the .lining the concentra- 'stly to ]■• cal govern- and non-educational nis of suburban and <st adequately dealt local finance which ■ rge sums of money Large cities, on the uich are very differ- ’ b only on a national base." Sacks, City lst°nj of Fiscal Cov- ' ’"ranis focused on de- I'fiicd city high schools :i "inch better than ct nl- P rofile o f the ■' "i -Secondary School “ r and Movnihan, O n ■ PJf. 11. Plaintiffs, though claiming to represent all parents, chil dren and taxpayers in their state, seek a rule profoundly destructive of their political rights. As to the rural dis tricts in Texas and elsewhere in the country, local budg etary' control over educational expenditures and a tradi tion ol close accountability of school officials would be ended. As to urban areas, a process of political evolution which over the course of a century has given varying racial and ethnic groups, in Texas and in the large cities of the East and Midwest, a voice in fiscal control of their educational systems would be brought to an end and further sh ‘ ts in influence over City educational policy' precluded. Finally, it has further been noted that “the variations in school expenditures per pupil, throughout the country, are mainly due to the differences in teachers’ salary scales. The high salary scales are commonly protected by formal contracts between school boards and teachers’ organiza tions. As a practical matter, in view of the political strength of the teachers’ organizations, it is idle to sup pose that salaries in the high-cost school systems can be cut or, following one proposal, can be frozen over a period of years wiiile other systems gradually catch up. The al ternative would be to equalize costs by increasing class sizes in high-budget areas. Here again the effects would be sharpest in the central cities, where the need for low pupil-teacher ratios is greatest.” Editorial, The Washing ton Post, May 31, 1972. COSTS OF THE RELIEF SOUGHT The relief sought by Plaintiffs will result in staggering costs to already heavily burdened state governments. The President’s Commission on School Finance estimated the cost of elevating all school districts to the level of the 100 ninetieth percentile in each state at 6.2 billion dollars and the cost of elevating all school districts to the nmetyfi percentile in each state at 8.8 billion dollars. Since the larger part of school budgets consists of conlraclua y obligated .terns such as teachers' salaries, bonds contr et for pupil transportation and the like, it is unlikely that as a practical matter any state would find Poss.b e o equalize at less than the ninety-fifth percent.]le See the summary of the findings at Notion's Schools, May . . page 8 and see Staff Report. President's Commission ... School Finance, Review of Existing State School F, nance Programs. These additional outlays are, of course, in a dition to the rapidly rising ordinary level of expendnures with which state governments must keep abreas.. T rate of increase in educational expenditures in recent years has far outstripped the rate of inflation and the rate of growth of the revc ,.e resources of state governmen . Thus, on a national basis, taxation and appropriation fo public school systems increased by 67.4% between 1957-58 and 1963-64, see Advisory Commission on Intel-Govt mental Relations, State Aid to Local Government ( 9691 at 56 (Mondale Committee Hearings at 8480b Similarly, state and local revenue receipts from own sources or public schools as a percentage of state persona! income Increased from 3.1% in 1957-53 to 4.6% in 1967-68. Id. The increasing militancy of teachers’ unions suggests that this burden upon state governments is likely, if anything, o accelerate in its dimensions in the next several years. The present suits would saddle the states with the re sponsibility not merely of keeping abreast of ordinary demands for ever-increasing revenues, but also of finding the vast additional sums mentioned. Just how a bin den o 6.2 billion or 8.8 billion dollars per year upon the hard pressed state governments can be described as anything 101 2 billion dollars and s to the ninety-fifth dollars. Since the ts of contractually ,es, bonds, contracts t is unlikely that ; find it possible tu percentile. See the Schools, May 1972, it’s Commission on ate School Finance e, of course, in ad- cel of expenditures keep abreast. The nditures in recent llation and the rate state governments. 1 appropriation for ''< between 1957-53 on Inter-Govern- overnment (1969) 3480). Similarly, own sources for -■ personal income n 1967-63. Id. The suggests that this !y, if anything, to xt several years, ates with the re roast of ordinary mt also of finding (st how a burden or upon the hard ibed as anything other than over helming is difficult to discern, given the fact that the pending revenue-sharing bill over which there has been so much travail will give state and local governments together only 5 billion dollars per year or roughly 5/ 9thx of the added burden which plaintiffs here would thrust upon them in a period of rising public de mand for other governmental functions. Some inkling of the burden which would be imposed upon particular states may be gleaned by comparing the sums necessary to raise school expenditures in given states to the ninetieth percentile now prevailing in those states with the revenues which would be generated from a 1% percent increase in existing sales taxes. The com parison for the eighteen states which would be most heavily burdened in absolute terms by the Rodriguez rule is as follows: R e v e n u e s p er 1 % o f S o le s T u x R u le , P r e s e n t T a x e s , 19 69 (R a t io n a l E d u ca tion a l P r o j e c t , P o l . 2 , pp. 3 0 / -0 8 ) . T o ta l E x p en d itu r e s to R a is e to 90th P e r c e n t i l e ( P r e s i d en t's C o m m iss io n on S c h o o l P i n a n c e ) C om pact, s lp r i l 1972, pri. 23 effi ad( mo nel ant if California $421,000,000 $731,200,000 Connecticut 50,000,000 126.800.000 Florida 143,000.000 117,200.000 WO Georgia 103.000.000 162,600,000 ore Illinois 234,000,000 401,600,000 of Indiana 100,000,000 112,900,000 Maryland 66,000,000 175,200.000 3 Massachusetts 53,000,000 236,000.000 im] Michigan 199,000,000 326,600.000 tot: Minnesota 58,000,000 107,200.000 Missouri 99,000,000 107,100.000 New Jersey 88,000,000 285,600,000 New York 350,000,000 537,700,000 Ohio 155,000,000 471,800.000 Pennsylvania 148,000,000 456.800,000 Texas 179,000,000 263.400,000 Virginia 70,000,000 130,800,000 Washington 94,000,000 107.800,000 U.S. as whole $3,790,000,000 $6,200,000,000 (est.) Similar comparisons with respect to income and property taxes may be made by recourse to the figures contained in the study of the National Educational Finance Project above cited. It is clear that the order of magnitude of the increases which will be required will be such as to totally preempt for a number of years one or more of the prin cipal revenue sources in almost every state in the union and to render impractical tax increases or substantial bud get increases for any other public purpose. As elsewhere noted in this memorandum, no particularly useful public purpose would be served by this massive 103 E x p en d itu r e s to R a ise th f 'e r c c n t i lc ( P r c s i - • : , I 'tw iw iss io n n il S ch o o l . n . i n c c l C om pact, A p r i l J o ?2 . pci. 25 effort. In Maryland, for example, less than Cith of the total additional funds necessary would go to the City of Balti more; the overwhelming proportion of it would be chan 8731.200,000 126.800.000 117.200.000 162.600.000 401.600.000 112.900.000 175.200.000 236.000.000 326.600.000 107.200.000 107.100.000 285,600,(. 537,700,0cu 471.800.000 456.800.000 263.400.000 130.800.000 107.800.000 0.200.000.000 fest.) nelled to rural districts lacking pressing educational needs and the same is ti ue elsewhere in the country. The chief, lf not lhe o n l -v ’ beneficiaries of this massive disruption would be teachers’ organizations which would swiftly organize on the state level to obtain the maximum portion of the newly appropriated revenues. The interference with state and local budgeting which imposition of the Rodriguez rule would produce would be total. As Professor Coons and his colleagues have noted: c .The ad°Pj10n of a power equalized school district . jstem would have analogous but more complex effects on other public services. * * * Power equalizing would a ter the price of education for nearly all districts and le interdependencies of local services would assert themselves in contrasting ways. That is, this all would happen unless the state either mandated or assumed the cost of other services beside education. In fact here ai e certain to be pressures toward such compre hensive fiscal neutrality. The Serrano idea will in crease sensitivity to abuses in respect to other public come and property lures contained in 1 inance Project magnitude of the such as to totally nore of the prin- ■'to in the union substantial bud- services which have been long endured because of their apparent inevitablity; this dissatisfaction will be fur ther stimulated by economists and politicians, some of whom wiil promote full state assumption of all services A c Z Z u V m m 7 2 K aleR e v i e w ° f L a w W ld S o c ia l Professor Dimond has similarly noted: m no particularly b.v this massive “I have not the vaguest notion of what the effect of fiscal neutrality m school finance alone will be on other public taxing and spending and private consumption and saving. I only know that Coons, et al„ bear a hmh " ......... ...................... ..............................................T — * ..................... ................— burden of proof that it is possible to tinker with ‘just’ the public school finance scheme. 1 suspect that re quiring reform of public school finance systems will have a considerable impact on the patterns of all other public and private sys ems of raising and spending money. Those disinclined by philosophy to judicial intervention will be immensely troubled by that spec ter, and especially by its unknown contours.” Professor Yudof and Kirp have likewise noted: “The Serrano decision does of course have an im pact on the legislature’s capacity to set fiscal policy. If the legislature is prodded by a Serrano like suit to increase state education appropriations (a likely re sponse), then the state will be obliged either to in crease state taxing, or to cut back some other state supported program. Serrano, to put the point differ ently, imposes constraints on the legislatures’ ability to trade off expenditures on public goods.” 2 Yale Journal of Law and Social Action at 147, note 4. Nor is there any reason to believe that the principles of Rodriguez will be limited in their impact to state programs. Rather it is clear that every federal matching program will be potentially jeopardized by the decision, since almost by definition the ability of states to put up state funds to be matched is a function in some measure of their wealth. It should be noted that this spelling out of the potential implications of Rodriguez is not a parade of horribles de vised by counsel opposing application of that decision; it comes from the lips of the proponents of the doctrine themselves. See also Schoettle, The Equal Protection Clause in Public Education, 71 Columbia Law Review 1355 (1971), noting the potential implications for the total budgeting process. 105 e to tinker with ‘just’ c. I suspect that re finance systems will : patterns of all other raising and spending hilosophy to judicial roubled by that spec- n contours.” iwise noted: course have an im- • to set fiscal pr'bcy. i Serrano like suit to iations (a likely re- obliged either to in- ck soine other state put the point differ- egislatures’ ability to •ods.” 2 Yale Journal note 4. hat the principles of ct to s ate programs, itching program will don, since almost by up state funds to be e of their wealth. out of the potential ade of horribles de ed that decision; it nts of the doctrine ion Clause in Public 1355 (1971), noting budgeting process. There is indeed no reason to believe that these oppor tunities will not be eagerly pursued once the door is open to lawsuits of this character attacking state and federal tax ing and spending programs. We have been told: “Serrano ‘opens a very large door’ says John Silard, a Washington, D.C., attorney involved in school tax litigation. For the first time, he says, the courts are requiring ‘equal protection’ in public programs. They are holding states accountable for how and where they spend public money. In his view, this means ‘a revolu tion in public services’, the schools, he predicts, are merely ‘the fir. . bite at the big apple. Welfare wi- ously comes next, and I guess health too.’ * * * Some lawyers predict that if education is accepted as a fun damental interest, other public services are bound to follow. But they don’t like to say it out loud. ‘They want this to stick’, one attorney says. ‘You stress tli. t education isn’t like garbage. We a. playing a game here. You have to ( in order) not to frighten the courts away from a proposition that’s sound’.” Andrews, Tax ‘Revolution’, Wall Street Journal, March 13. 1972. pages 1, 12. The offer bve inseparability and indistinguishability of education from other services was noted by Judge Harvey in his decision in Parker v. Mandeb which repeatedly refers to “healt: education and welfare” in declining to apply the Serrano-Rodriguez doctrine. It will be recalled that the California Supreme Court felt obligated to issue a supplemental opinion when it was dis covered that its initial edict was having an adverse effect upon state property tax collections. With the doctrine that plaintiffs propose the legitimacy of virtually all state taxa tion will be cast in peril in the eyes of many members of the public and the eyes also of at least the more exuberant members of the lower federal judiciary. Professors Coons, Clune and Sugarman have gleefully pointed to the factors which they hope will induce legislative acquiescence in their favored doctrine: “A prolonged period of turmoil and doubt in which aid formulas, validity of tax impositions, validity of bonds ani retroactivity remain locked in a political struggle.” 2 Yale Review of Law and Social Action at 118. Surely, whatever their applicability in their original con text, 1' re is merit in this new context in the cautionary words of Judge Learned Hand on the duty of deference to the decisions of legislatures: “These men [Justices Holmes and Cardozo] believed that democracy was a political contrivance by which the group conflicts inevitable in all society should find a relatively harmless outlet in the give and take of legislative compromise after the contending groups had had a chance to measure their relative strength; and through which the bitterest animosities might at least be assuaged, even though the reconciliation did not ensue which sometimes follows upon an open fight. They had no illusion that the outcome would neces sarily be the best attainable, certainly not that which they might themselves have personally chosen; but the political stability of such a system and the possible enlightenment which the battle itself might bring, were worth the price. * * * We face difficulties which are big with portent and uncertain of solution. Such solutions as will arrive, like all human solutions, will be likely to be inadequate and unfair placebos. But nevertheless they will be compromises, as government almost always must be in a free country; and if they are to be upset under cover of * * * majestic sententi ousness, they are likely to become centers of frictions undreamed of by those who avail themselves of this facile opportunity to enforce their will.” Learned 107 • pointed to the factors iative acquiescence in oil and doubt in which mpositions, validity of i locked in a political aw and Social Action ty in their original con text in the cautionary he duly of deference to and Cardo ' believed oontrivam by which i all society should find i the give and take of he contending groups :heir relative strength; it animosities might at the reconciliation did >ws upon an open fight, outcome would neces- rtainly not that which >ersonally chosen; but system and the possible le itself might bring, face difficulties which tain of solution. Such human solutions, will • unfair placebos. But remises, as government •e country; and if they * * majestic sententi me centers of frictions • ni] themselves of this their will.” Learned Hand, Chief Justice Stone’s Concept of the Judicial Function, Dilliard (editor >, The Spirit of Liberty at 204. 207. CONCLUSION The judgment should be reversed. Respectfully submitted. GEORGE W. LIEB M A N X, SIIALE D. STILLER, 1300 Mercantile Rank & Trust Rldg., 2 Hopkins Plaza, Baltimore, Maryland 21201, Special Counsel for Montgomery County, Maryland. RICH ARD S. M cK E R X O X , County Attorney for Montgomery County, Maryland. F RA XC IS B. BURCH, Attorney General of Maryland, H E X R Y R. LORD, Deputy Attorney General of Maryland, E. ST E P H E X DEL V, Assistant Attorney General of Maryland. W IL L IA M J. BAXLEY, Attorney General of Alabama. G ARY K. NELSO X, Attorney General of Arizona, JAM ES G. BOX'D, Assistant Attorney General of Arizona. EV ELLE J. YOU XGER, Attorney General of California, ELIZAB ETH PALM ER, Assistant Attorney General of California, E D W A R D M. BELA SCO, Deputy Attorney General of California. DUKE W. D U XBAR, Attorney General of Colorado. RO BERT K. K ILLIAN , Attorney General of Connecticut, F. M ICH AEL AH ERN , Assistant Attorney General of Connecticut. W. A X T H O X Y PARK, Attorney General of Idaho, JAM ES R. HARGIS, Deputy Attorney General of Idaho. TH E O D O R E L. SE XD AK , Attorney General of Indiana, CH ARLES M. W ELLS, Counsel for Bartholomew, Indiana Consolidated School Corpora tion, its Trustees and the Super intendent of Schools of Barthol omew County. Indiana, H A R R Y T. ICE, GEORGE B. G AVIT, Special Counsel for Bartholomew, Indiana Consolidated School Corporation, et al. RICH ARD C. TU R XE R , Attorney General of Iowa, GEORGE W. M U RRAY, Assistant Attorney General of Iowa. V E R X M ILLER, Attorney General of Kansas, M A T T H E W J. DOW D, JO IIX C. JO H X SO X, Assistant Attorneys General of Kansas. ED. W. H AXCO CK , Attorney General of Kentucky, 103 CART. T. M ILLER, Assistant Attorney General of Kentucky. W IL L IA M J. GUSTE, JR-, Attorney General of Louisiana. JAM ES S. ERW IN , Attorney General of Maine, GEORGE W E ST, Assistant Attorney General of Maine. RO BERT H. QUINN, Attorney General of Massachusetts, LA W R E N C E T. BENCH, Assistant Attorney General of Massachusetts. FRED W . FREEM AN , CH ARLES F. CLIP PERT, Counsel for Bloomfield Hills, Michigan School District, W IL L IA M M. SA XTO N , Counsel for Dearborn City, Mtch- ROBERT B. W EB STE R, Counsel for Grosse Pointe, Mich igan Public School System. A. F. SUMM ER, . . . . Attorney General of Mississippi, ROBERT B. MORGAN, Attorney General of North Carolina, BU RLEY B. M ITCH ELL, JR., Assistant Attorney General of North Carolina. H ELCI JOH AN NESON , Attorney General of North Dakota, GERALD V A N D E W A L L E , Assistant Attorney General of North Dakota. LEE JOHNSON, Attorney General of Oregon. D AN IE L R. M cLEOD, Attorney General of South Carolina, G. L E W IS ARGOE, JR., Assistant Attorney General of South Carolina. GORDON M YD LAND , Attorney General of South Dakota, C. J. K ELLY, Assistant Attorney General of South Dakota. D A V ID M. PACK, Attorney General of Tennessee, M ILTON P. RICE, Deputy Attorney General of Tennessee. M ARTIN R. M cLENDON, Assistant Attorney General of Mississippi. JOHN DAN FORTH , Attorney General of Missouri, D. BROOK B A R TLE TT, Assistant Attorney General of Missouri. CLARENCE A. H. M EYER, Attorney General of Nebraska, H AR O LD M OSHER, Assistant Attorney General of Nebraska. W A R R E N B. RU DM AN, Attorney General of New Hampshire. LOUIS J. L E FK O W ITZ, Attorney Genet i of New \ ork. VERN O N B. ROM NEY, Attorney General of Utah, RO BERT B. H AN SEN , Deputy Attorney General of Utah. JAM ES M. JEFFORDS, Attorney General of Vermont. CH AU N CEY II. BROW N ING, JR., Attorney General of West Virginia, V IC T O R A. BARONE, Assistant Attorney General of West Virginia. RO BE RT W. W A R R E N ,_ Attorney General of W isconsin, B E TTY R. BROW N , Assistant Attorney General of Wisconsin. I, C Curia ber o here! foreg lants posts for A Esqu Texs Fran Bailf 1254 Writ 78TC 109 BERT n. MORGAN, .\ll-irm-y Guieral of Nurtli Carolina, Rl.EY n. M ITCH ELL, JIC, Assistant Attorney General of North Carolina. ;l g i j o h a n n e s o n , Attorney General of North Dakota, RALD VA N D EW ALLE , Assistant Attorney General of North Dakota. E JOHNSON, Attorney General of Oregon. NIEL R. McLEOD, Attorney General of South Carolina, LEW IS ARGOE, JR., Assistant Att y General of South C ;na. •KDON MYD1 .ND, Attorney General of South Dakota, J. KELLY, A-sistant Attorn General of South Dako... A TI) M. PACK, Attorney General of Tennessee, ..TON P. RICE, Deputy Attorney (ieneral of Tennessee. RNON B. ROM NEY, Attorney Genera! of Utah, BERT B. HANSEN, Deputy Attorney General of Utah. RES M. JEFFORDS, Attorney General of Vermont. U NCEY II. BROW NING, JR., Attorney General of V est \ irginia, TOR A BARONE, AssUtai.i Attorney General of W est Virginia. CRT W. W ARREN , :iay General of Wisconsin, I Y R BROW N. '• Attorney GeneralliCOIiblll. CERTIFICATE Ol SERVICE I, George W. Liebmann, one of the attorneys for Amici Curiae Montgomery County, Maryland, et al., and a mem ber of the Bar of the Supreme Court of the United States, hereby certify that on July 21, 1972, I served copies of the foregoing Amici Curiae Brief on the Appellees and Appel lants by depositing such copies in .he United States Mail, postage prepaid, and addressed to the attorneys of record for Appellees and Appellants as follows: Arthur Gochman, Esquire, 313 Travis Park West, 711 Navarro, San Antonio, Texas 78224, Mario Oblcdo, Esquire, 145 9th Street, San Francisco, California 94103, Counsel for Appellees. Pat Bailey, Esquire, Assistant Attorney General, P.O. Box 12548, Capitol Station, Austin, Texas 78711, Charles Alan Wright, Esquire, 2500 Red River Street, Austin, Texas 78705, Counsel for Appellants. George W. Liebmann -