Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amicus Curiae Howard University Civil Rights Clinic
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January 1, 2009
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amicus Curiae Howard University Civil Rights Clinic, 2009. a017bef0-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/da4341d5-91a5-4d71-8272-410dbb6fde1d/northwest-austin-municipal-utility-distr-one-v-holder-brief-amicus-curiae-howard-university-civil-rights-clinic. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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No. 08-322
IN THE
m p x z x m (Emxrt erf t\ \ t llrttiuit States
Northwest Austin Municipal Utility
District Number One,
Appellant,
-v.-
Eric H. Holder, Jr., Attorney General of the
United States of America, et al.,
Appellees.
o n a p p e a l fro m th e u n ite d states d is tr ic t c o u r t
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
BRIEF OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS CLINIC AT
HOWARD UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW,
AS AMICUS CURIAE, IN SUPPORT OF
APPELLEES AND INTERVENOR-APPELLEES
Aderson Bellegarde Franqois
Counsel o f Record
Associate Professor of Law
& Supervising Attorney of
the Civil Rights Clinic
Lisa A. Crooms
Professor of Law
Howard University School of Law
2900 Van Ness Street N.W.
Washington D.C. 20008
(202) 806-8065
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES............................. iv
STATEMENT OF INTEREST......................... 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT................... 1
ARGUMENT...... .................... 4
I. THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT
ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL
RIGHTS (ICCPR) AND THE
INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION
ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL
FORMS OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
(ICERD) ARE PART OF THE
SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND,
AND IMPOSE AN OBLIGATION
UPON THE UNITED STATES TO
PROTECT THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS
TO VOTE FREE FROM RACIAL
DISCRIMINATION............................ 4
A. Treaties are Part of the
Supreme Law of the Land......... 4
B. ICCPR and ICERD are Part
o f the Supreme Law of the
Land And, as such, Impose
an Obligation on the United
States to Protect The Right
of Citizens to Vote Free from
Racial Discrimination................ 6
ii
C. The Executive Branch Has
Interpreted The Voting Rights
Act, and its Pre-Clearance
Provisions, as fulfilling in
part our treaty obligations
under ICCPR and ICERD.........
II. THE POLITICAL INTERPRETATION
THAT OUR ICCPR AND
ICERD OBLIGATIONS ARE
FULFILLED IN PART BY THE
VOTING RIGHTS ACT IS A
LEGITIMATE BASIS UPON
WHICH TO UPHOLD SECTION 5
BECAUSE THE COURT HAS
TRADITIONALLY ACCORDED
GREAT DEFERENCE TO
CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT
ACTING INDEPENDENTLY
OR IN CONCERT TO MAKE,
IMPLEMENT, INTERPRET, OR
ENFORCE TREATIES........ .............
A. The Court Has Traditionally
Deferred to the President’s
Power to Make and Interpret
Treaties.................................... .
B. The Court Has Similarly
Shown Great Deference to
Congress’ Power to Implement
and Interpret Treaties...............
PAGE
9
16
19
21
I l l
C. Deference to the Political
Branches is Particularly Apt
When the President and
Congress Act in Concert............ 23
D. The Political Interpretation
that the Voting Rights Act
Fulfills in part our ICCPR and
CERD Obligations Deserves
the Same Deference the Court
has Traditionally Accorded
to Treaty Interpretation by the
Political Branches..................... 26
III. IT IS FITTING THAT THE VOTING
RIGHTS ACT SHOULD BE ONE OF
THE BASES FOR MEETING OUR
ICCPR AND CERD OBLIGATIONS
BECAUSE OUR HOMEGROWN
NOTIONS OF EQUALITY HAVE
HISTORICALLY BEEN INSPIRED
BY INTERNATIONAL HUMAN
RIGHTS NORMS ........................ 26
PAGE
CONCLUSION 34
IV
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
PAGE
Cases:
B. Altman & Co. v. United States,
224 U.S. 583 (1912)............................ . 4
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962)................ 22
Beazley v. Johnson, 242 F.3d 248
(5th Cir. 2001)............................. ............ 22
Bentzon v. Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch)
191(1815)................................................ 29
Brewster v. Gage, 280 U.S. 327 (1930)......... 25
Charlton v. Kelly, 229 U.S. 447 (1913)......... 19
Collins v. Weinberger, 707 F.2d 1518
(D.C. Cir. 1983)........................................ 20
Cook v. United States, 288 U.S. 102 (1933)... 25
Dames & Moore v. Regan, 453 U.S. 654
(1981).................................... .................. 24
De Geofroy v. Riggs, 133 U.S. 258 (1890)....... 5
Edge v. Robertson, 112 U.S. 580 (1884).......... 4
El Al Israel A irlines, Ltd. v.
Tsui Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155
(1999)................................................ ..5, 18, 21
Factor v. Laubenheimer, 290 U.S. 276
(1933)......................... ............................ 19
Fellow v. Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366 (1856)..... 5, 17
V
Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S. 253 (1829)........5, 12, 21
Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006) ... 24
Hawkins v. Comparet-Cassani,
33 F. Supp. 2d 1244 (C.D. Cal. 1999) ...... 22
H einrich v. Street, 49 F. Supp 2d 27
(D. Mass. 1999)........................................ 22
Hoffmann-La Roche Inc. v. Sperling,
493 U.S. 165 (1989)................................. 17
Igartua De La Rosa v. United States,
32 F.3d 8 (1st Cir. 1994)..................... 22
In re E xtrad ition o f Cheung,
968 F. Supp 791 (D. Conn. 1997)............. 22
Iwonowa v. Ford M otor Co.,
67 F. Supp. 2d 424 (N.J. 1999)................. 20
Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763
(1993)....................................................... 18
Kolovrat v. Oregon, 366 U.S. 187 (1961)...... 17
Maiorano v. Baltim ore & O. R. Co.,
213 U.S. 268 (1909)................................. 5
Marburg v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803)......... 16
McCaughn v. Hershey Chocolate Co.,
283 U.S. 488 (1931)................................. 25
Medellin v. Texas, 128 S. Ct. 1346 (2008)..... 4, 12
Nagle v. L o i Hoa, 275 U.S. 475 (1928)........... 25
O’Connor v. United States, 479 U.S. 27
(1986)....................................................... 18
PAGE
VI
Osborn v. Bank o f the United States,
9 Wheat. 738 (1824)................................. 17
Respublica v. De Longchamps,
1 U.S. (1 Dali.) I l l (1784).................... 29
Rousseau v. Brown, 21 App. D.C. 73 (1903).. 23
Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331
(2006)....................................................... 5, 16
Sullivan v. Kidd, 254 U.S. 433 (1920)..... 17, 18, 20
Sumitomo Shoji America, Inc. v.
Avagliano, 457 U.S. 176 (1982)............... 18, 20
Talbot v. Janson, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 133
(1795)....................................................... 29
Talbot v. Seeman, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1
(1801)...................................................... 29
The Antelope, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat) 66 (1825) .. 29
The Nereide, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 388 (1815) .. 29
The Paquete Habana, 175 U.S. 677 (1900)__ 30
The Scotia, 81 U.S. (14 Wall.) 170 (1871)..... 29
Thirty Hogsheads o f Sugar v. Boyle,
13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191 (1815)................. 29
TransWorld A irlines, Inc. v.
Franklin M in t Corp., 466 U.S. 243
(1984)...................................... 25
United Shoe Machinery Co. v.
Duplessis Shoe Machinery Co.,
155 F. 842 (1st Cir. 1907)......... 23
PAGE
United, States v. Arjona, 120 U.S. 479
(1887)..................................................... 29
United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324
(1937)....................................................... 5
United States v. Curtiss-W right
Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304 (1936)..... 18, 19, 24
United States v. Noriega, 808 F. Supp. 791
(S.D. FI. 1992).......................................... 20
United States v. Old Settlers, 148 U.S. 427
(1893).............. 17
United States v. Percheman, 32 U.S. 51
(1833)....................................................... 21
United States v. Schooner Peggy,
5 U.S. 103 (1801)...................................... 5,16
Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 199 (1796)... 29
Weinberger v. Rossi, 456 U.S. 25 (1982 )...... 4
White v. Paulsen, 997 F. Supp. 1380
(E.D. Wash. 1998).................................... 22
Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U.S. 190 (1888)... 12, 23
Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362 (2000)....... 16
Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer,
343 U.S. 579 (1952).................................. 23
vii
PAGE
V lll
PAGE
Constitutional Provisions,
Statutes and Treaties:
U.S. Const, art. VI., cl. 2 ................................ 5
Voting Rights Act o f 1965, 42 U.S.C.
§§ 1971, 1973-1973bb-l......................... passim
International Convention on the Elimination
o f All Forms of Racial Discrimination,
September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 .... 6, 8
International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, December 16, 1966,
999 U.N.T.S. 171.................................... 6, 7
S. Res. 4783, 102d Cong., 2d Sess. (1992)..... 11
United Nations Documents:
Core document forming part of the reports
o f states parties: United States,
U.N. Doc. HRI/Core/USA 2005 (2006)..... 10
Statement of Conrad Harper, Legal Advisor,
United States Department o f State,
to the United Nations Human Rights
Committee, U.N. GAOR Hum. Rts.
Comm., 53d Sess., 1405th mtg.,
U.N. Doc. HR/CT/404 (1995) ................... 12
U.N. CCPR, Consideration o f Reports
Submitted by States Parties Under
A rtic le 40 o f the Covenant, In it ia l
Reports o f States Parties Due in
1993, United States of America,
CCPR/C/81/Add. 4 (1994) 12, 13
IX
U.N. CCPR, 53th Sess., 1401 mtg.,
U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/SR. 1401 (1994)......... 15
U.N. CCPR, General Comment No. 25:
The right to 'participate in public
affairs, voting rights and the right
to equal access to public service,
art. 25, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev.l/
Add.7 (1996)............................................ 7
U.N. CERD, Report o f the Committee
on the E lim ina tion o f Racial
D iscrim ina tion : 51st Session of
the General Assembly, Supplement
No. 18, U.N. Doc. A/51/18 (1996)............ 8
U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States
PAGE
Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the
Convention: Third period ic reports
o f States parties due in 1999:
United States of America,
U.N. Doc. CERD/C/351/Add.l (2000 )..... 10, 12
U.N. CERD, 59th Sess., 1474 mtg.,
U.N. Doc. CERD/C/SR.1474 (2003)......... 13
U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by State
Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the
Convention: Sixth period ic reports,
U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2007)............ 15
X
U.N. CERD, Seventy-second session
Geneva: Questions Put By the
Rapporteur in Connection with
the Consideration o f the Combined
Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Period ic
Reports o f the United States o f
Am erica, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6
(2008)............................................ ..........
U.N. CERD, Written Replies to the Questions
Put By the Rapporteur in Connection
with the Consideration o f the
Combined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth
Period ic Reports o f the United States
of America, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6
(2008).......................................................
U.N. CERD, Consideration o f Reports
Submitted by States Parties
Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention:
Concluding observations o f the
CERD Committee, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/
USA/CO/6 (2008).....................................
Electronic Sources:
Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties,
Treaty Number: 95-20, In ternational
Covenant on C iv il and P o litica l
Rights - Legislative A ction s .................
Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties,
Treaty Number: 95-20, In ternational
Covenant on C iv il and P o litica l
Rights - Legislative H is to ry .................
PAGE
11
14
15
11
6
XI
Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties,
Treaty Number: 95-18, International
Convention on the E lim ina tion o f
A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ina tion -
Legislative H is to ry ................................ 6
Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties,
Treaty Number: 95-18, International
Convention on the E lim ina tion o f
All Forms of Racial D iscrim ina tion -
Legislative A c tio n s ................................ 11
Legal Periodicals Authorities:
PAGE
William Blackstone, Review of
W. Blackstone: Commentaries,
25 Am. Jour. Leg. Hist. 74 (1981)............ 28
David P. Currie, Positive and Negative
Constitutional Rights,
53 U. Chi. L. Rev. 864 (1986)....................... 28
Thomas C. Grey, Do We Have An
Unwritten Constitution?,
27 Stan. L. Rev. 703 (1975) ..................... 27
James Jennings, The International
Convention on the E lim ina tion of
All Forms of Racial D iscrim ina tion
(CERD ): The International Convention
on the E lim ina tion o f A ll Forms o f
Racial D iscrim ination : Im plications
f o r Challeiiging Racial Hierarchy,
40 How. L.J. 597 (1997) ........................... 33
xii
PAGE
Nelson Lund, Rousseau and
D irect Democracy,
13 J. Contemp. Legal Issues (2004)........ 27
Thurgood Marshall, Reflections on
the B icentennial o f the
United States Constitution,
101 Harvard L. Rev. 1 (1987)................... 2
Jenny S. Martinez, Antislavery Courts
and the Dawn o f In ternational
Human Rights Law 117 Yale L.J. 550
(2008)....................................... .............. 4
Gay J. McDougall, The In ternational
Convention on the E lim in a tion o f
All Forms o f Racial D iscrim in a tion
(C ERD ): In troduction : Toward a
Meaningful In ternational Regime:
The Domestic Relevance o f
In ternational Efforts to E lim ina te
All Forms o f Racial D iscrim ina tion ,
40 How. L.J. 571 (1997).......................... 33
Ellen Frankel Paul, Freedom o f Contract
and the “P o litica l Econom y” of
Lochner v. New York, 1 N.Y.U. J. L.
& Liberty 515 (2005)................................ 28
Dorothy Q. Thomas, Advancing Rights
Protection in the United States:
An Internationalized Advocacy
Strategy, 9 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 15
(1996)....................................................... 33
Tim Wu, Treaties' Domains, 93 Va. L.R. 571
(2007)....................................................... 18
X lll
Books:
Carol Anderson, Eyes o ff the Prize: the
United Nations and the A frican
Am erican Struggle fo r Human
Rights, 1944-1956 (2003)....................... 31
David Brion Davis, The Emergence o f
Im m ediatism in British and
Am erican Antislavery Thought
(1975)....................................................... 30
Susan M. Glisson, The Human Tradition
in the C iv il Rights Movement
( Human Condition in America)
(2006)....................................................... 31
Immanuel Kant, Po litica l Writings
(Hans Reiss ed. & H. B. Nisbet trans.,
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991) (1793)..... 27
Ruth A. Ketrin, Charles Osborn in the
Anti-Slavery Movement (1937)............. 30
Azza Salama Layton, International
Po litics and C iv il Rights Policies
in the United States 1941-1960
(2000)....................................................... 32
John Locke, Two Treatises o f Government
(P. Laslett ed. Cambridge University
Press, 1988) (1690)................................. 27
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue
(2d ed., 1984)
PAGE
27
XIV
John Stuart Mill, On Liberty
(John Gray ed. Oxford Univ. Press,
1991) (1859)............................................ 27
Robert C. Morris, Reading, ‘R iting,
and Reconstruction: The Education
o f Freedmen in the South 1861-1870
(1981)....................................................... 31
Thomas L. Pangle, The S p ir it o f Modern
Republicanism: The Moral Vision
o f the Am erican Founders and the
Philosophy o f Locke (1988).................... 28
William L. Patterson, We Charge Genocide:
The Crime o f Government Against
the Negro People (1970).......................... 32
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours
sur I ’economie politique in Ouevres
Completes (Bernard Gagnebin &
Marcel Raymond eds., 1964) (1775)....... 27
Miscellaneous:
Herbert Aptheker, The Quakers and
Negro Slavery in The Journal of
Negro History, Volume 25, 1940 .............. 30
Thomas Jefferson, The Declaration o f
Independence (1776)........................ 27
Eleanor Roosevelt, On the Adoption of
the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (December 9, 1948)...... 32
Malcolm X, The Leverett House Forum
of March 18, 1964.................................... 33
PAGE
XV
Unknown, This Country Our Only Home
(May 9, 1840) in The Journal of
Negro History, Volume 4, 1919..........
PAGE
30
STATEMENT OF INTEREST
A m ici curiae are faculty members at Howard Uni
versity School o f Law and the Supervising Attorney
and Student Attorneys of the Civil Rights Clinic at
the Law School.1 We submit this brief in support of
the Appellees and Intervenor-Appellees in order to
respectfully urge this Honorable Court to uphold the
decision of the LTnited States District Court for the
District of Columbia.
For one hundred and forty years, through the
work of such former and current deans and profes
sors as C. Clyde Ferguson, Jr., James M. Nabrit,
Goler Teal Butcher, Lisa A. Crooms, Marsha A.
Echols, and Ziyad Motala, among others, Howard
University School o f Law has long placed the strug
gle for racial equality in the United States in the
broader context of international human rights
norms. It is in the spirit of that tradition that A m ici
respectfully submits that the District Court’s deci
sion should be upheld because Section 5 of the Vot
ing Rights Act represents a partial fulfillment of
United States treaty obligations under the Interna
tional Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
On September 28, 1966, and October 5, 1977,
respectively, the United States signed the Interna-
1 Counsel o f record for all parties received notice at least
10 days prior to the due date o f Amicus Curiae's intention to file
this brief. A ll parties have provided consent. No counsel for a
party authored this brie f in whole or in part, and no counsel or
party made a monetary contribution intended to fund the prepa
ration o f the brief.
2
tional Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Nearly twenty years following our signature o f the
ICERD, the Senate ratified both treaties, first the
ICCPR in 1992, and then the ICERD in 1994. As a
party to two of the most important human rights
documents of the last century, we renewed before
the community o f nations a promise we had origi
nally made to ourselves at our constitutional found
ing, and had tried to keep—often faithfully but
sometimes only fitfully—through one civil war, sev
eral constitutional amendments, and still ongoing
social movements: that all human beings, regardless
of race, sex, religion or national origin, are equal
before the law and are entitled to certain funda
mental civil and political rights.
Signing and ratifying these two treaties was not a
mere symbolic gesture to celebrate that which we
had already achieved. Rather, it was both an implicit
concession to the unfinished business of fixing what
Justice Thurgood Marshall called “the Constitution’s
inherent defects,”2 as well as a fitting acknowledg
ment of the international roots o f the American con
cept o f human equality. Thus, when Congress
initially enacted the Voting Rights Act in 1965, and
when it reauthorized the Act’s pre-clearance provi
sions in 2006, those legislative actions fulfilled in
part our treaty obligations under ICERD and ICCPR
to protect the rights of all citizens to vote free from
racial discrimination.
Indeed, since legislative passage and reautho
rization of the Act, the Executive Branch has
2 Thurgood Marshall, Reflections on the Bicentennial of
the United States Constitution, 101 Harvard L. Rev. 1 (1987).
3
unequivocally held up the Voting Rights Act to the
international community as evidence of our fulfill
ment of ICERD and ICCPR obligations. This Court
has a long tradition of according great deference to
the interpretation of treaties by the political branches
based on the Court’s recognition that it is in the coun
try’s best interest to have the government speak with
one voice when dealing with other nations, as well as
the Court’s respect for the particular expertise of
those government agencies charged with adminis
tering treaties. The present political interpretation of
the Voting Rights Act as the fulfillment of our treaty
obligations deserves no less a degree of deference
and no less a measure of respect.
To submit that among the bases, upon which the
Court ought to uphold Section 5 of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965, are our commitments to international
treaties is not to engage in an academic meditation
over the proper role of foreign sources o f law in
domestic precedent. It is merely to make two points:
first, ratified treaties such as ICERD and ICCPR are
not foreign sources of law but rather the supreme law
of the land, no different from and not inferior to con
stitutional enactments and federal statutes; and sec
ond, whether judged from the founders grounding our
political philosophy in the works of European enlight
enment thinkers, the abolitionists modeling their anti
slavery appeals on the British abolition movement, or
post World War II civil rights activists framing their
challenge to Jim Crow segregation as part of the larger
anti-colonial struggle of peoples of color in Africa,
Asia, and the West Indies, our homegrown notions of
liberty and equality have always been from the first
and remain to this day deeply inspired by, inextricably
intertwined with, and fundamentally inseparable from
international norms of human freedom and justice.
4
ARGUMENT
I.
THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON
CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR )
AND THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION
ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION (ICERD)
ARE PART OF THE SUPREME LAW OF
THE LAND, AND IMPOSE AN OBLIGATION
UPON THE UNITED STATES TO PROTECT
THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS TO VOTE FREE
FROM RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
A. Treaties are Part of the Supreme Law of
the Land
A treaty is “a compact made between two or more
independent nations, with a view to the public wel
fare.” B. Altman & Co. v. United States, 224 U.S.
583, 600 (1912).3 As a solemn expression of national
commitment, a treaty “depends for the enforcement
of its provisions on the interest and the honor o f the
governments which are parties to it.” Edye v.
Robertson, 112 U.S. 580, 598 (1884). Though scholars
have long advanced customary international law as
a legitimate basis for abiding by treaty commit
ments4, American treaty obligations are firmly
3 See also Medellin v. Texas, 128 S. Ct. 1346, 1357 (2008)
( “A treaty is, o f course, ‘primarily a compact between indepen
dent nations.”); Edye v. Robertson, 112 U.S. 580, 598 (1884) ( “A
treaty is primarily a compact between independent nations.”);
Weinberger v. Rossi, 456 U.S. 25, 29 (1982) ( “Under principles o f
international law, the word [treaty] ordinarily refers to an inter
national agreement concluded between sovereigns.”)
4 Jenny S. Martinez, Antislavery Courts and the Dawn of
International Human Rights Law 117 Yale L.J. 550 (2008).
5
rooted in our own constitutional text and jurispru
dential precedent. Article VI, Clause 2 provides that,
along with federal constitutional provisions and fed
eral statutes, “all treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the United States, shall
be the supreme law of the land.” In terms of prece
dent, since the jurisprudential version of time
immemorial, this Court has recognized that treaties
are not a lesser species of federal law,5 and that,
“ [u]nder the Supremacy Clause [of the United States
Constitution,] a treaty is ‘to be regarded in courts of
justice as equivalent to an act of the legislature,
whenever it operates of itself without the aid of any
legislative provision.’ ” Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon,
548 U.S. 331, 373 (2006) (quoting Foster v. Neilson,
27 U.S. 253 (1829)).
5 See Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. 199, 236 (1796) (holding that
treaties made by the authority o f the United States are superior
to the Constitution and laws o f individual States); United States
v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. 103, 109 (1801) (holding that a treaty,
affecting the rights o f parties litigating in court is to be regarded
by the court as an act o f Congress); Fellow v. Blacksmith, 60
U.S. 366, 372 (1857) (holding that courts are prohibited from
using tactics that would work to annul a treaty’s effect and pur
pose in the same manner as they are prohibited concerning acts
o f Congress); De Geofroy v. Riggs, 133 U.S. 258, 266 (1890)
(holding that the treaty power is unlimited except for those spe
cific restrictions found within the Constitution); Maiorano v.
Baltimore & O. R. Co., 213 U.S. 268, 272-73 (1909) (holding that
courts are under an obligation to enforce treaties in litigation
involving private rights); United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324,
330 (1937) (holding that governmental power over external
affairs is vested exclusively in the national government and such
powers should be exercised without regard to state laws or poli
cies); El Al Israel A irlines, Ltd. v. Tseng, 525 U.S. 155, 181
(1999) (holding that state laws regarding tort liability are unen
forceable if they undermine the purpose o f the treaty).
6
B. ICCPR and ICERD are Part of the
Supreme Law of the Land And, as such,
Impose an Obligation on the United States
to Protect The Right of Citizens to Vote
Free from Racial Discrimination
The United Nations adopted the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in
the 1960s.6 Approximately one year after the passage
of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the United States
signed the ICERD. Eleven years later, the United
States signed the ICCPR.7 The Senate provided the
advice and consent for ratification of the ICCPR in
1992 and the ICERD in 1994. Since their ratification,
the United States has filed periodic reports with and
appeared before the Human Rights Committee and
the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Dis
crimination to elaborate on US compliance with its
treaty obligations.
The ICCPR envisions that a state party will
respect individuals within its territory “without dis-
° International Convention on the Elimination o f All
Forms o f Racial Discrimination, September 28, 1966, 660
U.N.T.S. 195 [hereinafter ICERD or the Race Convention]; and
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Decem
ber 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171 [hereinafter ICCPR],
' Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number:
95-18, International Convention on the E lim in a tion o f A ll
Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination—Legislative History, avail
able at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/
~trtysnOKqw8:: (last visited Mar. 22, 2009); Library o f Congress,
Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, International
Covenant on C iv il and Politica l Rights—Legislative History,
available at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys: 1:./
temp/~trtysMtlFkl:: (last visited Mar. 22, 2009).
http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/
http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys
7
tinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, lan
guage, religion, political or other opinion, national
or social origin, property, birth or other status.”
ICCPR, art. 2, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.
Specifically, the ICCPR states:
Every citizen shall have the right and the oppor
tunity, without any of the distinctions men
tioned in article 2 and without unreasonable
restrictions: [. . .] (b) To vote and to be elected
at genuine periodic elections which shall be by
universal and equal suffrage and shall be held
by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expres
sion of the will o f the electorsf.]8
ICCPR, art. 25, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.
The Human Rights Committee (HRC) is the body
responsible for monitoring implementation of the
ICCPR. According to the HRC, Article 25 of the
ICCPR “lies at the core of democratic government
based on the consent of the people and in confor
mity with the principles of the Covenant.”9 This arti
cle “requires States to adopt such legislative and
other measures as may be necessary to ensure that
8 Article 2 requires that each State that is a party to the
treaty must undertake “to respect and to ensure to all individuals
within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights rec
ognized in the present Covenant, without distinction o f any kind,
such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other sta
tus.” ICCPR, art. 2, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.
9 U.N. CCPR, General Comment No. 25: The right to par
ticipate in public affairs, voting rights and the right to equal
access to public service, art. 25, U.N.Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev.
1/Add. 4 1 1 (1994). available at http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/
doc.nsf/(Symbol)/d0b7f023e8d6d9898025651e004bc0eb?Open-
document.
http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/
8
citizens have an effective opportunity to enjoy the
rights it protects,” which includes the right to vote.10
The right to vote cannot “be suspended or excluded
except on grounds which are established by law and
which are objective and reasonable.”11 The use of
race to deprive citizens of their voting rights is nei
ther objective nor reasonable.
The ICERD is founded on the principle that “all
human beings are equal before the law and are enti
tled to equal protection of the law against any dis
crimination” and that “the existence o f racial
barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human
society.” See Convention on the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination, September 28, 1966, 660
U.N.T.S. 195. Specifically, the ICERD requires that:
State parties. . . prohibit and. . .eliminate
racial discrimination in all its forms and to guar
antee the right of everyone, without distinction
as to race, color, or national or ethnic origin, to
equality before the law, notably in the enjoy
ment of [. . .] [political rights, in particular the
right to participate in elections-to vote and to
stand for election-on the basis of universal and
equal suffrage[.]
ICERD, art. 5(c), September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S.
195 [hereinafter ICERD Article 5].
Article 5 o f the ICERD “obligates. . .States Par
ties to guarantee the enjoyment of civil, political,
economic, social and cultural rights and freedoms
without racial discrimination.”12 As the Committee
10 Id.
11 Id. at H 4.
12 U.N. CERD, Report o f the Committee on the E lim in a
tion o f Racial D iscrim ina tion : 51st Session o f the General
9
on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has
noted, “ [a]t the head of these rights and freedoms
are those deriving from the Charter of the United
Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights,” most o f which “have been elaborated in the
International Covenants on Human Rights,”13 such as
the ICCPR. While “ [a]ll States Parties are. . .obliged
to acknowledge and protect the enjoyment of human
rights, . . .the manner in which these obligations
are translated into the legal orders of States Parties
may differ.”14 The Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination further notes that “Article 5. . .apart
from requiring a guarantee that the exercise of
human rights shall be free from racial discrimina
tion, does not of itself create civil, political, eco
nomic, social or cultural rights, but assumes the
existence and recognition of these rights. The Con
vention obliges States to prohibit and eliminate
racial discrimination in the enjoyment of such
human rights.”15
C The Executive Branch Has Interpreted The
Voting Rights Act, and its Pre-Clearance
Provisions, As fulfilling in part our treaty
obligations under ICCPR and ICERD
In light of the fact that the United States has
signed and ratified both the ICCPR and the ICERD,
it has an obligation to protect all citizens’ right to
vote, especially those whose rights might be irnper-
Assembly, Supplement No. 18, U.N. Doc. A/51/18, p. 124 1) 1
(1996), see http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N96/257/
38/PDF/N9625738.pdf?OpenElement.
13 Id.
14 Id.
15 Id.
http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N96/257/
10
iled because of racial discrimination. The Executive
Branch has admitted as much in both the documents
it has filed with the United Nations Committees
overseeing implementation status o f ICCPR and
ICCPR, Human Rights Committee and the Commit
tee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, and
its testimony before these two treaty-bodies. The
core document filed with the United Nations by the
Executive Branch identified the Voting Rights Act of
1965 as supplementing “the constitutional protection
afforded by the Equal Protection Clause of the Four
teenth Amendment against discrimination by the
state governments on the basis o f race, color, or
national origin.”16 The initial periodic report filed
with the Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination described the Voting Rights Act as
including “specialized mechanisms that apply to
areas of the country with the most severe history of
discrimination against Blacks.”17 The report con
tinued, “ [t]his part o f the Act requires federal pre
approval for any proposed changes in voting laws
and practices to prevent the implementation of new
discriminatory laws.”18 In addition, as part o f the
February 2008 hearing before the Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination, high-level
members of the Executive Branch characterized the
Voting Rights Act as “one of the most effective civil
16 Core document forming part o f the reports o f states par
ties: United States, U.N. Doc. HRI/Core/USA 200-5 (16 January
2006) at H 133.
U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States Parties Under
A rticle 9 o f the Convention: Third period ic reports o f States
parties due in 1999: Addendum: United States o f America, U.N.
Doc. CERD/C/351/Add. 1 (10 October 2000) at <n 95.
18 Id.
11
rights statutes ever enacted by Congress,”19 further
contending that United States’ treaty obligations
have been met by, in ter alia, the Voting Rights Act
o f 1965 and its subsequent reauthorizations.
Admittedly, when the United States initially signed
and subsequently ratified the ICERD and the ICCPR,
we did so subject to the declaration that neither
treaty was self executing.20 Thus, the ICERD decla
ration specifically states “that the provisions of the
Convention are not self-executing.”21 Id. Likewise,
Senate consent to the ICCPR was accompanied by a
declaration “that the provisions of Articles 1 through
27 are not self executing.” Id. S. Res. 4783, 102d
Cong., 2d Sess. (1992).22
19 U.N. CERD, Seventy-second session Geneva, 18 Febru
ary-? March 2008, Questions Pu t By the Rapporteur in Con
nection with the Consideration o f the Com bined Fourth, F ifth
and Sixth Period ic Reports o f the United States of Am erica,
U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2008) at p. 14.
20 Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number:
95-18, International Convention on the E lim ination o f A ll
Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination—Legislative Actions, avail
able at http://thomas.loc.gOv/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/
-trtysowwrRK:: (last visited Mar. 10, 2009); Library o f Congress,
Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, International
Covenant on C iv il and Po litica l Rights—Legislative Actions,
available at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys: 1:./
temp/~trtys7StCnV:: (last visited Mar. 10, 2009).
21 The specific declaration adopted by the Senate at the
time it ratified the ICERD reads as follows: “the United States
declares that the provisions o f the Convention are not self
executing.” http://treaties.un. org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=
TREATY&id=319&chapter=4&lang=en#EndDec (last visited
March 2, 2009).
22 These declarations were among the Reservations, Dec
larations and Understandings filed with the appropriate treaty-
http://thomas.loc.gOv/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/
http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys
http://treaties.un
12
As interpreted by the Executive Branch, these
declarations prohibit “only a private and indepen
dent cause of action,” unless Congress enacts leg
islation that grants individuals a justiciable cause of
action as a matter o f U.S. law.” See Statement of
Conrad Harper, Legal Advisor, United States Depart
ment o f State, to the United Nations Human Rights
Committee, U.N. GAOR Hum. Rts. Comm., 53d Sess.,
1405th mtg., U.N. Doc. HR/CT/404 (1995).23 These
declarations, however, do not affect the obligations
of the United States under either the ICERD or the
ICCPR. See Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S. 253, 314-15
(182 9).24
body when the ICCPR and the ICERD were finally ratified in
1992 and 1994, respectively. Id.
23 This Court recently reiterated this principle, stating that
“a ‘non-self executing’ treaty does not by itself give rise to
domestically enforceable federal law.” Medellin v. Texas, 128
S.Ct. 1346, 1356 (2008); see also Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U.S.
190, 194 (1888) ( “When the [treaty] stipulations are not self-exe
cuting, they can only be enforced pursuant to legislation to carry
them into effect, and such legislation is as much subject to mod
ification and repeal by congress as legislation upon any other
subject”).
24 See U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States Parties
Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention, Third period ic reports o f
States parties due in 1999: United States o f America, n 170, U.N.
Doc. CERD/C/351/Add.l, 10 October 2000 (The non-self-exe
cuting “declaration has no effect on the international obligations
o f the United States or on its relations with States parties.”)
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/100306.pdf; U.N.
CCPR, Consideration o f Reports Submitted by States Parties
Under Article 40 of the Covenant, In itia l Reports o f States Par
ties Due in 1993 Addendum, United States o f America, 1)8, U.N.
Doc. CCPR/C/81/Add. 4 (24 August 1994). (The non-self-exe
cuting “declaration did not limit the international obligations o f
the United States under the Covenant.”) http://daccessdds.un.org/
doc/UNDOC/GEN/G94/187/90/PDF/G9418790.pdf?OpenElement;)
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/100306.pdf
http://daccessdds.un.org/
13
In fact, in each periodic report the United States
has filed and defended since ratifying both the
ICCPR and the ICERD, the Executive Branch has
reported that its treaty obligations to protect voting
rights are enforced through, in te r alia, the Voting
Rights Act o f 1965. The State Department, charged
with the duty to report to the appropriate committee
about domestic efforts to implement the ICCPR and
the ICERD, has contended that the Voting Rights Act
o f 1965 and the corresponding Fannie Lou Hamer,
Rosa Parks and Coretta Scott King Voting Rights
Reauthorization and Amendments Act of 2006 are
constitutionally valid measures that make enforce
able the voting rights provisions found in the ICERD
and the ICCPR. While reviewing the federal laws to
ensure compliance with its treaty obligations, the
State Department reported that: “In 1965, Congress
had passed the Voting Rights Act, which prohibited
discrimination by public officials in the voting pro
cess. [The Voting Rights Act] accelerated the par
ticipation of African-Americans in the political and
electoral process, particularly in the South.” U.N.
CERD, 59th Sess., 1474 mtg. at H 12, U.N. Doc.
CERD/C/SR.1474 (May 22, 2003). The State Depart
ment explained that Section 2 o f the Voting Rights
Act protects people from discrimination to the right
to vote since the right “may be enforced by a private
suit to vindicate denials of the Fifteenth Amendment
rights, i.e. intentional denials or limitations on the
right to vote or to exercise an effective vote.” U.N.
CCPR, Reports Submitted by State Parties Under
Article 40 o f the Covenant: F irst periodic reports,
H 98, U.N. Doc. CCPR /C/81/Add.4 (August 24, 1994).
Furthermore, in a 2008 report, the State Depart
ment specified that Section 5 o f the Voting Rights
Act protects its citizens from racial discrimination:
14
Section 5 o f the Voting Rights Act freezes
changes in election practices or procedures in
certain states until the new procedures have
been determined not to have a discriminatory
purpose or effect either by a special federal
court panel or the Attorney General of the
United States. This requires proof that the pro
posed voting change does not deny or abridge
the right to vote on account o f race, color, or
membership in a language minority group. If the
jurisdiction is unable to prove that the proposed
change is free o f a discriminatory purpose or
effect, the federal court will deny the requested
judgment, or in the case o f administrative sub
missions, the Attorney General will object to the
change, and it remains legally unenforceable.
See U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights,
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimi
nation, Written Replies to the Questions Put By the
Rapporteur in Connection with the Consideration
of the Combined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Periodic
Reports o f the United States o f America, Answer to
Question 4, p. 16, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (March
7, 2008). In sum, according to our own State Depart
ment, which represents the views of the President,
the pre-clearance requirement of Section 5 functions
to enforce the United States’ obligation to secure
the right to vote under both the ICERD and the
ICCPR.
The United Nations views the United States’
implementation of the Voting Rights Act as fulfilling
its treaty obligations and giving force to the ICERD
and the ICCPR. During its first appearance before
the Human Rights Committee to assess United
States compliance with the ICCPR, the Human
15
Rights Committee remarked on the importance of
the Voting Rights Act within the United States.
According to the Committee,
[t]he right to vote, enshrined in articles 25 and
27 of the [ICCPR], was at the core of American
democracy. The Fifteenth Amendment to the
Constitution prohibited the denial o f voting
rights on account o f race, colour or previous
condition of servitude and the Voting Rights Act
of 1965 and its amendments authorized the Civil
Rights Division and private parties to file law
suits in cases of violation. The Act also banned
literacy tests and other devices used to dis
qualify minority voters. The Civil Rights Divi
sion accorded top priority to ensuring that all
Americans enjoyed the right to vote.
See U.N. CCPR, 53th Sess., 1401 mtg. at H 21, U.N.
Doc. CCPR/C/SR.1401 (April 17, 1994). Recently, in
a 2007 report to the United Nations, the Executive
Branch announced that, in July 2006, Congress reau
thorized the Voting Rights Act for 25 years, which
includes an extension of the pre-clearance require
ment in Section 5. See U.N. CERD, Reports Sub
mitted by State Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the
Convention: Sixth periodic reports, H 199, U.N. Doc.
CERD/C/USA/6 (May 1, 2007); see also U.N. CERD,
Consideration o f Reports Submitted by Sta tes Par
ties Under Article 9 of the Convention: Concluding
observations o f the CERD Committee, H 2, U.N. Doc.
CERD/C/USA/CO/6 (May 8, 2008).
16
II
THE POLITICAL INTERPRETATION THAT
OUR ICCPR AND ICERD OBLIGATIONS
ARE FULFILLED IN PART BY THE
VOTING RIGHTS ACT IS A LEGITIMATE
BASIS UPON WHICH TO UPHOLD
SECTION 5 BECAUSE THE COURT HAS
TRADITIONALLY ACCORDED GREAT
DEFERENCE TO CONGRESS AND THE
PRESIDENT ACTING INDEPENDENTLY
OR IN CONCERT TO MAKE, IMPLEMENT,
INTERPRET, OR ENFORCE TREATIES
Because treaties, like constitutional provisions
and federal statutes, stand as supreme federal law,
their interpretation ultimately rests with the Court.
See United States v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. 103, 109
(1801). Over two hundred years ago, Justice Mar
shall made it clear that the judicial power vested in
the United States Supreme Court “extends to. . .
treaties. . . .” Id. As recently as three years ago, the
current Court maintained “if treaties are to be given
effect as federal law under our legal system, deter
mining their meaning as a matter of federal law ‘is
emphatically the province and duty of the judicial
department,’ headed by the ‘one supreme Court.’ ”
Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331, 353-54
(2006) (quoting Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 177
(1803)); Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362, 378-79
(2000) (opinion of Stevens, J.) ( “At the core o f [the
judicial] power is the federal courts’ independent
responsibility— independent from its coequal
branches in the Federal Government, and indepen
dent from the separate authority of the several
States—to interpret federal law”); Hoffmann-
17
La Roche Inc. v. Sperling, 493 U.S. 165, 175 (1989),
citing Osborn v. Bank o f the United, States,
9 Wheat. 738, 819 (1824) (where a “case or contro
versy” exists, ( “ [Art. Ill, § 2, cl. 1] enables the judi
cial department to receive jurisdiction to the full
extent of the constitution, laws, and treaties of the
United States, when any question respecting them
shall assume such a form that the judicial power is
capable of acting on it.”).
However, the fact that juridical power extends
over treaties does not mean that courts may “go
behind [a properly executed and ratified treaty] for
the purpose of annulling its effect and operation,
than they can behind an act of Congress.” Fellows v.
Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366, 372 (1856); see also United
States v. Old Settlers, 148 U.S. 427, 466 (1893) (hold
ing that the Court may not declare a treaty inoper
ative on grounds of fraud or duress because
partaking in such deliberations goes behind a treaty
and is “not within the province of a court.”). Rather,
when exercising its power to determine the inter
pretation of treaties, the Court has traditionally
accorded great deference to the political branches,
explaining that “ [w]hile courts interpret treaties for
themselves, the meaning given them by the depart
ments of government particularly charged with their
negotiation and enforcement is given great weight.”
Kolovrat v. Oregon, 366 U.S. 187, 194 (1961).25
25 See also Sullivan v. Kidd, 254 U.S. 433, 442 (1921) ( “While
the question of the construction o f treaties is judicial in its nature,
and courts when called upon to act should be careful to see that
international engagements are faithfully kept and observed, the
construction placed upon the treaty before us and consistently
adhered to by the Executive Department o f the Government,
charged with the supervision o f our foreign relations, should be
given much weight.”); United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export
18
This deferential stance toward political adminis
tration of treaties is grounded in the Court’s recog
nition that it is in the country’s best interest to have
the government speak with one voice in dealing with
other nations, as well as the Court’s respect for the
particular expertise of those government agencies
charged with treaty negotiation, ratification, imple
mentation and enforcement. See Sullivan v. Kidd,
254 U.S. 433, 442 (1920); United States v. Curtiss-
Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 320 (1936); Sum
itomo Shoji Am erica, Inc. v. Avagliano , 457 U.S.
176, 184 (1982); El A l Israel A irlines, Ltd. v. Tsui
Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155, 167 (1999).26 Thus, judicial
Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 321 (1936) ( “The marked difference between
foreign affairs and domestic affairs in this respect is recognized by
both houses o f Congress in the very form o f their requisitions for
information from the executive departments. In the case o f every
department except the Department o f State, the resolution directs
the official to furnish the information. In the case o f the State
Department, dealing with foreign affairs, the President is requested
to furnish the information ‘if not incompatible with the public inter
est.’ A statement that to furnish the information is not compatible
with the public interest rarely, if ever, is questioned.”); Sumitomo
Shoji Am v. Avgliano, 457 U.S. 176, 184-85 (1982) ( “Although not
conclusive, the meaning attributed to treaty provisions by the Gov
ernment agencies charged with their negotiation and enforcement
is entitled to great weight”); O’Connor v. United States, 479 U.S.
27, 32-33(1986) ( “In determining the proper construction o f an
agreement implementing an article o f a treaty, the consistent appli
cation o f the agreement by the executive branch o f the Federal
Government is a factor that is entitled to great weight.” ); Johnson
v. Eisentrager., 339 U.S. 763, 789 n. 14 (1993); El Al 1st. Airlines v.
Tsui Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155,167 (1999) ( “Respect is ordinarily
due the reasonable views o f the Executive Branch concerning the
meaning o f an international treaty.” ).
26 For a comprehensive study o f the historical deference
this and other federal courts have accorded to political imple
mentation, interpretation, and enforcement (or non-enforcement)
o f treaties, see Tim Wu, Treaties’ Domains, 93 Va. L. R. 571 (2007).
19
deference to the political branches in the imple
mentation and administration of treaties operates on
at least three levels: deference when the executive
branch acts to make or interpret a treaty; deference
when the legislative branch acts to implement and
interpret a treaty; and deference when both political
branches act in concert to administer a treaty.
A. The Court Has Traditionally Deferred To
the President’s Power to Make and Inter
pret Treaties
The Court has long acknowledged that, consistent
with the power vested in the President under Article
II o f the Constitution, the executive enjoys broad
discretion to make treaties. See Curtiss-Wright, 299
U.S. at 320 (stating that in the arena of foreign pol
icy the executive branch has a “better opportunity of
knowing the conditions which prevail in foreign
countries.”) As “the sole organ of the nation in its
external relations, and its sole representative with
foreign nations,” the President enjoys “a degree of
discretion and freedom from statutory restriction
which would not be admissible were domestic
affairs alone involved.” Id. This “degree of discre
tion” extends to the President’s power to both make
and to interpret treaties, such that when ruling upon
the meaning of treaties, the Court has always given
great weight to the executive branch’s interpreta
tions of our treaty obligations. See Charlton v.
Kelly, 229 U.S. 447,468 (1913); see also Factor v.
Laubenheimer, 290 U.S. 276, 294-95 (1933) (stating
that the negotiations and diplomatic correspon
dence of the contracting parties to a treaty, while
not conclusive, should be given great weight.) The
Court put it best in Kidd when it explained:
20
While the question of the construction of
treaties is judicial in its nature, and courts when
called upon to act should be careful to see that
international engagements are faithfully kept
and observed, the construction placed upon the
treaty before us and consistently adhered to by
the Executive Department o f the Government,
charged with the supervision of our foreign rela
tions, should be given much weight.
254 U.S. at 442.27
Thus, in Sumitomo Shoji Am erica , Inc. v.
Avagliano, in ruling on a claim by a Japanese trad
ing company that pursuant to the Friendship, Com
merce, and Navigation treaty between the United
States and Japan, it was exempt from discrimination
suits brought under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act,
the Court relied on the Department of State’s inter
pretation of the treaty. 457 U.S. 176, 184 (1982). The
Court explained that “the meaning attributed to
treaty provisions by the Government agencies
charged with their negotiation and enforcement is
entitled to great weight,” id. at 184-85, and that
“ [w]hen the parties to a treaty both agree as to the
meaning of a treaty provision, and that interpreta-
27 See also Collins v. Weinberger, 707 F.2d 1518, 1522 (D.C.
Cir. 1983) ( “Courts should defer to such executive actions pro
vided they are not inconsistent with or outside the scope o f the
treaty.”); United States v. Noriega, 808 F. Supp. 791,796 (S.D. FI.
1992) ( “The Court acknowledges that conducting foreign policy
is generally the province o f the Executive branch.”); Iwonowa v.
Ford Motor Co., 67 F. Supp. 2d 424, 486 (N.J. 1999) ( “It is evident
that the executive branch, the department responsible for nego
tiating international agreements, considers claims arising out o f
World War II as falling within the ambit o f government-to-gov-
ernment negotiations. The interpretations of the parties to a
treaty, while not binding, are entitled to significant weight.”)
21
tion follows from the clear treaty language, [the
Court] must, absent extraordinarily strong contrary
evidence, defer to that interpretation.” Id. at 185.
Similarly, in Tsui Yuan Tseng, in finding, based on
the Warsaw Convention, that an airline passenger
was not entitled to recovery for an intrusive security
search, the Court reasoned that it “has traditionally
considered as aids to a treaty’s interpretation its
negotiating and drafting history. . .and the post-rat
ification understanding of the contracting parties.”
525 U.S. at 156. The court deferred to an amicus
curiae brief from the United States government,
holding that “the reasonable view of the Executive
Branch concerning the meaning of an international
treaty ordinarily merits respect.” Id.
B. The Court Has Similarly Shown Great Def
erence to Congress’ Power to Implement
and Interpret Treaties
Although the Court has traditionally looked to the
Executive Branch as the predominant actor in the
domain of treaties, it has also been respectful of and
deferential to the power of Congress to implement
treaties. See Foster v. Neilson , 27 U.S. 253, 314-15
(1829), overruled on other grounds by United States
v. Percheman, 32 U.S. 51 (1833), ( “when either of
the parties engages to perform a particular act, the
treaty addresses itself to the political, not the judi
cial department; and the legislature must execute
the contract before it can become a rule for the
Court.”)
Congressional treaty power primarily resides in
two areas. The first area is the advice and consent
provided by the Senate for treaty ratification. The
second area is congressional discretion to enact
22
appropriate legislation, thereby choosing how a par
ticular non-self-executing treaty obligation is to be
enforced in the United States. Once Congress
chooses to enact a statute for purposes o f imple
menting a treaty, the statutory text completely
supersedes the treaty regime as a basis for judicial
enforcement, such that “a court will not undertake
to construe a treaty in a manner inconsistent with a
subsequent federal statute.” Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
186, 212 (1962). But, even when Congress has cho
sen not to enact specific legislation implementing a
treaty, federal courts, again deferential to congres
sional authority, have always looked to the passage
of prior legislation as a sign of congressional intent
regarding the matter covered by the treaty in ques
tion. Certainly, we do not lack examples of courts
deferring to prior legislation as a basis for declining
to independently enforce subsequent non-self-exe
cuting treaty obligations for which Congress has not
passed implementing legislation.28 Indeed, even
when Congress appears to act in a manner incon-
28 See, e.g., Beazley v. Johnson, 242 F.3d 248, 266 (5th Cir.
2001); Igartua De La Rosa v. United States, 32 F.3d 8, 10 n.l (1st
Cir. 1994) (holding that a right to vote under Article 25 of ICCPR
is not an independently enforceable right under U.S. Law); Hein
rich v. Sweet, 49 F. Supp 2d 27, 43 (D. Mass. 1999) (finding that
plaintiffs have adequate domestic remedies for claims o f “crimes
against humanity”); Hawkins v. Comparet-Cassani, 33 F. Supp.
2d 1244, 1257 (C.D. Cal. 1999) (holding that the ICCPR does not
create a right o f private action under which the plaintiff can suc
cessfully state a claim); White v. Paulsen, 997 F. Supp. 1380,
1387 (E.D. Wash. 1998) (reasoning that “the United States Sen
ate expressly declared that the relevant provisions o f the ICCPR
were not self-executing when it addressed this issue in provid
ing advice and consent to the ratification”); In re Extradition of
Cheung, 968 F. Supp 791, 803 n.17 (D. Conn. 1997) (stating that
the ICCPR cannot support an extradition defense.).
23
sistent with a United States treaty obligation, federal
courts have nonetheless deferred to congressional
treaty prerogative by refusing to assume a separate
power on the part of the judiciary to independently
enforce treaties. See, e.g. Whitney v. Robertson, 124
U.S. 190, 194 (1888) ( “holding that if there be any
conflict between the stipulations of the treaty and
the requirements o f the law, the latter must con
trol”); United Shoe Machinery Co. v. Duplessis
Shoe Machinery Co., 155 F. 842, 843-45, 849 (1st Cir.
1907) (holding that if “Congress has legislated on
the topic since the treaty was ratified. . . that sub
sequent legislation, so far as it expresses any Con
gressional purpose inconsistent with any claimed
construction” of a treaty “that purpose controls”);
Rousseau v. Brown, 21 App. D.C. 73, 76-77 (1903)
(holding a patent treaty nonbinding absent an act of
Congress).
C. Deference to the Political Branches is Par
ticularly Apt When the President and
Congress Act in Concert
Above and beyond the deference this Court has
traditionally accorded to the executive and legisla
tive, acting pursuant to each branch’s independent
treaty powers, it has shown even greater deference
when the political branches act in concert to con
duct foreign affairs. More than fifty years ago, the
Court made it clear that no greater deference is
owed than when the President conducts foreign
affairs pursuant to an express or implied autho
rization of Congress. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube
Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952) (Jackson, J., con
curring). As Justice Jackson wrote,
When the President acts pursuant to an express
or implied authorization of Congress, his
24
authority is at its maximum, for it includes all
that he possesses in his own right plus all that
Congress can delegate. . . . [An action] exe
cuted by the president pursuant to an act of
Congress would be supported by the strongest
of presumptions and the widest latitude of judi
cial interpretation, and the burden of persuasion
would rest heavily upon any who might attack
it.
Id. at 635-36.
Thus, in Curtiss-Wright, upon which Justice Jack-
son relied in his Youngstown concurrence, the Court
declined to rule on the constitutionality of an exec
utive order, issued pursuant to a congressional res
olution, barring the sale of weapons by an American
company to a foreign company. 299 U.S. at 319. The
court reasoned that, in the arena of foreign affairs,
congressional delegation of power to the President
should be given great weight. Id. The Court came to
the same conclusion in Dames & Moore v. Regan,
when, relying on Justice Jackson’s Youngstown con
currence, it confirmed the President’s authority to
order the transfer o f Iranian assets, holding that
because the President, in conducting foreign affairs,
acted “pursuant to specific congressional autho
rization, [his actions were] supported by the
strongest of presumptions and the widest latitude of
judicial interpretation.” 453 U.S. 654, 674 (1981).29
But, even when Congress is less than explicit,
judicial deference still attaches to executive treaty
interpretation if Congress remains silent in the face
By contrast, the Court has shown less deference when
the political branches appear to be at odds in the area o f foreign
affairs. See Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006).
25
of actions by the President, committing the United
States to a particular treaty regime. See, e.g. Cook v.
United States, 288 U.S. 102 (1933) (holding that a
treaty is not abrogated by the subsequent re-enact
ment of a law that does not clearly express con
gressional intent to abrogate the treaty and any
doubt as to the construction of the law in relation to
the treaty should be deemed resolved by the con
sistent departmental practice existing before its
enactment); Nagle v. L o i Hoa, 275 U.S. 475, 481-82
(1928) (concluding that re-enactment o f section six
of the amended Exclusion Act, with no change, and
subject to the provisions of an expired treaty, “must
be accepted as a legislative approval of the practical
construction the section had received” by the
agency charged with regulating immigration.);
TransWorld A irlines, Inc. v. Franklin M int Corp.,
466 U.S. 243, 252 (1984) (stating that “ [legislative
silence is insufficient to abrogate a treaty.”);
McCaughn v. Hershey Chocolate Co., 283 U.S. 488,
492-93 (1931) (contending that “[t]he reenactment of
[a] statute by Congress, as well as the failure to
amend it in the face of the consistent administrative
construction, is at least persuasive evidence of a leg
islative recognition and approval o f the statute as
constructed.”); Brewster v. Gage, 280 U.S. 327, 337
(1930) (stating that “ [t]he subsequent reenactment
in later Acts of the provision theretofore construed
by the department is persuasive evidence of leg
islative approval of the regulation” and “ [t]he sub
sequent legislation confirmed and carried forward
the policy evidenced by the earlier enactments as
interpreted in the regulations promulgated under
them.”)
26
D. The Political Interpretation that the Vot
ing Rights Act Fulfills in part our ICCPR
and CERD Obligations Deserves the Same
Deference the Court has Traditionally
Accorded to Treaty Interpretation by the
Political Branches
Here, the Executive Branch has declared our obli
gations under both the ICERD and the ICCPR to have
been met by, inter alia, the Voting Rights Act of 1965
and the 2006 reauthorization of that Act which
includes an extension of Section 2 and the Section 5
preclearance provision. Congress has remained silent
in the face of these Executive Branch declarations.
Consequently, this Court should uphold Sections 2
and 5 of the Voting Rights Act as measures advanced
by the Executive Branch as enforcing the obligations
under the ICERD and the ICCPR, both of which the
United States has decided to treat as non-self-exe
cuting treaties. Any other conclusion runs the risk of
compromising United States’ compliance with these
treaty obligations and sending mixed messages to
those with whom we have entered into multilateral
agreements such as the ICERD and the ICCPR.
I l l
IT IS FITTING THAT THE VOTING
RIGHTS ACT SHOULD BE ONE OF THE
BASES FOR MEETING OUR ICCPR AND
CERD OBLIGATIONS BECAUSE OUR
HOMEGROWN NOTIONS OF EQUALITY
HAVE HISTORICALLY BEEN INSPIRED BY
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS
The genius of the American system of constitu
tional government is not that it emerged fully
27
mature at our founding, but that our homegrown
moral philosophy of civil and political rights has
always had a symbiotic relationship with interna
tional human rights norms.
Our constitutional government is at its core a real
ization of the European Enlightenment’s conception
of the relationship between the individual and the
state.30 Thomas Jefferson was directly channeling
John Locke,31 John Stuart Mill,32 Immanuel Kant33
and Jean-Jacques Rousseau34, among others, when
he wrote in the Declaration of Independence: “We
hold These truths to be self-evident, that all Men are
created equal, that they endowed by their creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these
are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.”35
This vision of the Enlightenment was embodied
not just in the Declaration of Independence but was
also reflected in both the structure o f government
30 See Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue 53-55 (2d ed., 1984);
Thomas C. Grey, Do We Have An Unwritten C onstitu tion?,
27 Stan. L. Rev. 703, 715-16 (1975).
31 See John Locke, Two Treatises o f Government 271 (P.
Laslett ed. Cambridge University Press 1988) (1690).
32 See John Stuart Mill, On Liberty 14 (John Gray ed.
Oxford Univ. Press 1991) (1859).
33 See Immanuel Kant, P o litica l Writings 61, 75 (Hans
Reiss ed. & H. B. Nisbet trans., Cambridge Univ. Press 1991)
(1793).
34 See Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur Ueconomie
politique, in 3 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Ouevres Completes 239,
263 (Bernard Gagnebin & Marcel Raymond eds., 1964) (1775).
For an examination o f Rousseau’s philosophy and its influence
on American constitutionalism, see Nelson Lund, Rousseau and
Direct Democracy, 13 J. Contemp. Legal Issues 459 (2004).
The Declaration o f Independence, H 1 (U.S. 1776).35
28
adopted by the Constitution and in its enumeration
of individual rights. From a structural perspective,
the Constitution embodied “a philosophy of gov
ernment that was highly protective of individual lib
erty and manifestly Lockean. Separation of powers
between the executive, legislative, and judiciary,
with checks and balances built into the system to
prevent overweening government or, in the worst
case, tyranny, is straight from the classical liberal,
Lockean playbook.” Ellen Frankel Paul, Freedom of
Contract and the “Politica l Economy” o f Lochner v.
New York, 1 N.Y.U. J. L. & Liberty 515, 535 (2005);
see also Thomas L. Pangle, The S p ir it o f Modern
Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American
Founders and the Philosophy o f Locke (1988). From
a rights perspective, the Bill of Rights, as a charter
o f “negative” liberties, protecting certain areas of
individual freedom from state interference, is at bot
tom a realization o f the Enlightenment’s idea of
placing individual liberty and autonomy at the cen
ter of the political universe.36
For two hundred years, the international pedigree
of our constitutional system was plainly reflected in
our jurisprudence. In 1783, Blackstone described the
law of nations as “a system of rules, deducible by
natural reason and established by universal consent
among the civilized inhabitants of the world . . .
adopted [in England] in its full extent by the com
mon law, and . . . held to be a part of the law of the
land.” 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries 66-67 (reprint
1978). Throughout the Nineteenth and much of the
Twentieth Century, this very Court would consis
tently preserve Blackstone’s account such that the
36 David P. Currie, Positive and Negative Constitutional
Rights, 53 U. CHI. L. REV. 864, 886 (1986).
29
use of international norms to shape and inform
domestic law was neither uncommon nor terribly con
troversial. See, e.g., Respublica v. De Longchamps,
1 U.S. (1 Dali.) I l l , 114 (1784) (held that assault by
U.S. citizen on French diplomat constituted a vio
lation of international law, which formed a part of
domestic law); Talbot v. Janson, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 133,
161 (1795) (held that international law creates a
domestic cause of action in seizure of foreign vessel
on international waters); Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. (3
Dali.) 199 (1796) (used law of nations to examine
Virginia statute to confiscate property o f British
subjects base); Talbot v. Seeman, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch)
1, 36 (1801) (held that international law authorized
U.S. salvage of Hamburg vessel recaptured from
French); Thirty Hogsheads o f Sugar v. Boyle, 13
U.S. (9 Cranch) 191, 198 (1815) (held that interna
tional law gave Danish plaintiff cause of action for
seizure of property by U.S. defendant); The Nereide,
13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 388, 423 (1815) (held that inter
national law bound U.S. court in contract action
between British and Argentine subjects); Bentzon v.
Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191, 198 (1815) (process
for determining the law of nations governing bel
ligerent and neutral rights); The Antelope, 23 U.S.
(10 Wheat) 66 (1825) (used international law to
examine illegality o f the slave trade); The Scotia,
81 U.S. (14 Wall.) 170, 187 (1871) (awarded damages
against a British vessel for the accidental sinking of
an American ship, noting that “no single nation can
change the law of the sea.”); United States v.
Arjona, 120 U.S. 479, 487 (1887) (stated that inter
national law imposed a positive obligation upon the
United States to punish the counterfeiting of foreign
notes.) But perhaps no formulation expressed it bet-
30
ter than Justice Gray’s well known statement in The
Paquete Habana:
International law is part of our law, and must be
ascertained and administered by the courts of
justice o f appropriate jurisdiction, as often as
questions of right depending upon it are duly
presented for their determination.
175 U.S. 677, 700 (1900).
In terms of our struggle for racial equality, almost
from the moment the first African slaves disem
barked in Virginia in 1669, there arose in the colonies
an anti-slavery movement grounded in European
Quaker philosophy. See Ruth A. Ketrin, Charles
Osborn in the Anti-Slavery Movement (1937). Thus,
in 1657, George Fox, a Quaker leader, published a
document titled “To Friends beyond the sea that
have Black and Indian Slaves,” in which he argued
that “all men of earth were of one blood.” See Her
bert Aptheker, The Quakers and Negro Slavery, 25
Journal of Negro History 332 (1940). As the aboli
tionist movement began to take root, northern blacks
argued for American citizenship by pointing out that
under international customary law, “the strongest
claim to citizenship is birth-pace” and that “in what
ever country or place you may be born . . .you are in
the first and highest sense a citizen.” This Country
Our Only Home, 1 Colored x American, May 9, 1840.
Frederick Douglas challenged the constitutional
compromise that denied people of African descent
their personhood and citizenship based on natural
law and other concepts that were advanced by
the philosophers of the European Enlightenment.37
David Brion Davis, The Emergence o f Immediatism in
B ritish and American Antislavery Thought, in Articles on
American Slavery 85, 85 (Paul Finkelman ed., 1989).
31
Northern and Southern abolitionists found and cited
as inspiration the 1803 slave revolution in Haiti led
by the former slave Toussaint L’Ouverture. See
Robert C. Morris, Reading, “R itin g ,” and Recon
struction: The Education of Freedmen in the South
1861-1870 199 (1981).
During the Jim Crow era, intellectuals and
activists such as W. E. B. DuBois examined parallels
between the struggle for Irish Independence from
the British and the African-American struggle for
equal rights. See Susan M. Glisson, The Human Tra
d ition in the C iv il Rights Movement 80 (2006).
These advocates used international mechanisms to
pressure the United States government by, in ter
alia, petitioning the United Nations for relief from
the laws that maintained the racial segregation of
Jim Crow as a matter of constitutional equality. See
Carol Anderson, Eyes o ff the Prize : The United
Nations and the A frican American Struggle fo r
Human Rights, 1944-1956 20 (2003). The first such
petition to the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights was submitted by the National Negro
Congress (NNC) on January of 1946. Id. In 1947, a
supplement to the original draft o f the NNC United
Nations petition was submitted, expanding the focus
from African Americans to all peoples of color in the
United States. Id. at 89. The supplement also stated
how Jim Crow Laws in the United States discrimi
nated against Third World U.N. delegates. Id. The
supplement concluded that the Negro problem in
America was more than an internal problem, but
rather had international implications that should be
addressed by the world. Id. In 1947, the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) filed a petition to the United Nations
titled, “An Appeal to the World: A Statement on the
32
Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of
Citizens o f Negro Descent in the United States of
America and an Appeal to the United States for
Redress.” Azza Salama Layton, International P o li
tics and, C iv il Rights Policies in the United States
1941-1960 51 (2000).
These petitions were rooted in notions o f free
dom, liberty, self-determination and natural rights
through international laws, such as the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, on which the United
States placed its imprimatur at the close o f World
War II.38 Leaders in the civil rights movement o f the
1950s and 1960s used human rights norms and stan
dards to state their claims in ways the Constitution
seemed unable to comprehend. Whether James
Nabrit’s use of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights to challenge the continuing constitutionality
of segregated public schools in the District of
Columbia, or Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s final
speech before his death in which he placed the labor
struggle of Memphis’ black garbage collectors in the
broader context of “the human rights revolution,” or
the statement, by Malcolm X that “the day the black
man turns from civil rights to human rights, he will
take his case into the halls of the United Nations in
38 Eleanor Roosevelt, On The Adoption o f the Universal
Declaration o f Human Rights (December 9, 1948) (noting that
“ [t]he long and meticulous study and debate o f which this Uni
versal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it
reflects the composite views o f the many men and governments
who have contributed to its formulation. . . . Taken as a whole
the Delegation o f the United States believes that this is a good
document— even a great document— and we propose to give it
our full support.”) http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/
eleanorrooseveltdeclarationhumanrights.htm; see also William
L. Patterson, We Charge Genocide: The Crime o f Government
Against the Negro People vii (1970).
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/
33
the same manner as the people in Angola, whose
human rights have been violated by the Portuguese
in South Africa,”39 human rights have been an impor
tant reference point for those struggling for full per-
sonhood and citizenship for all regardless o f race,
color or creed.40
These examples demonstrate the historical tradi
tion o f viewing racial justice in America as both a
domestic and an international imperative. This cus
tom is made more salient by our government’s agree
ment, by way of signature and ratification, to be
bound by treaties such as the ICERD and the ICCPR.
That this agreement is subject to conditions is
beyond question. What is crucial to the points made
in this brief is that assuming, arguendo, these con
ditions are legitimate, then the position advanced by
at least two presidents is one that recognizes the
Voting Rights Act as crucial to satisfying our treaty
obligations under both ICERD and ICCPR.
39 Malcolm X, The Leverett House Forum o f March 18,
1964, in Malcolm X: Speeches at Harvard 143-44(Archie Epps, ed.
1991)
40 See e.g. James Jennings, The International Convention
on the E lim in a tion o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination
(C ERD ): The Inernational Convention on the E lim ination of
A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination : Im plications fo r Chal
lenging Racial Hierarchy, 40 How. L.J. 597 (1997); Gay J.
McDougall, The International Convention on the E lim ination
of A ll Forms of Racial D iscrim ination (CERD): Introduction:
Toward a Meaningful International Regime: The Domestic Rel
evance o f International Efforts to Elim inate A ll Forms o f
Racial D iscrim ination , 40 How. L.J. 571 )(1997); Dorothy Q.
Thomas, Advancing Rights Protection in the United States: An
Internationalized Advocacy Strategy, 9 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 15,
18(1996).
34
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we pray the Court
uphold the decision of the United States District
Court for the District o f Columbia.
Respectfully submitted,
Aderson Bellegarde Franqois
Counsel of Record
Associate Professor of Law
& Supervising Attorney of
the Civil Rights Clinic
Lisa A. Crooms
Professor of Law
Howard University School of Law
2900 Van Ness Street N.W.
Washington D.C. 20008
(202) 806-8065