Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amicus Curiae Howard University Civil Rights Clinic
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January 1, 2009

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amicus Curiae Howard University Civil Rights Clinic, 2009. a017bef0-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/da4341d5-91a5-4d71-8272-410dbb6fde1d/northwest-austin-municipal-utility-distr-one-v-holder-brief-amicus-curiae-howard-university-civil-rights-clinic. Accessed July 06, 2025.
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No. 08-322 IN THE m p x z x m (Emxrt erf t\ \ t llrttiuit States Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District Number One, Appellant, -v.- Eric H. Holder, Jr., Attorney General of the United States of America, et al., Appellees. o n a p p e a l fro m th e u n ite d states d is tr ic t c o u r t FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BRIEF OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS CLINIC AT HOWARD UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW, AS AMICUS CURIAE, IN SUPPORT OF APPELLEES AND INTERVENOR-APPELLEES Aderson Bellegarde Franqois Counsel o f Record Associate Professor of Law & Supervising Attorney of the Civil Rights Clinic Lisa A. Crooms Professor of Law Howard University School of Law 2900 Van Ness Street N.W. Washington D.C. 20008 (202) 806-8065 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE TABLE OF AUTHORITIES............................. iv STATEMENT OF INTEREST......................... 1 SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT................... 1 ARGUMENT...... .................... 4 I. THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR) AND THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION (ICERD) ARE PART OF THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND, AND IMPOSE AN OBLIGATION UPON THE UNITED STATES TO PROTECT THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS TO VOTE FREE FROM RACIAL DISCRIMINATION............................ 4 A. Treaties are Part of the Supreme Law of the Land......... 4 B. ICCPR and ICERD are Part o f the Supreme Law of the Land And, as such, Impose an Obligation on the United States to Protect The Right of Citizens to Vote Free from Racial Discrimination................ 6 ii C. The Executive Branch Has Interpreted The Voting Rights Act, and its Pre-Clearance Provisions, as fulfilling in part our treaty obligations under ICCPR and ICERD......... II. THE POLITICAL INTERPRETATION THAT OUR ICCPR AND ICERD OBLIGATIONS ARE FULFILLED IN PART BY THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT IS A LEGITIMATE BASIS UPON WHICH TO UPHOLD SECTION 5 BECAUSE THE COURT HAS TRADITIONALLY ACCORDED GREAT DEFERENCE TO CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT ACTING INDEPENDENTLY OR IN CONCERT TO MAKE, IMPLEMENT, INTERPRET, OR ENFORCE TREATIES........ ............. A. The Court Has Traditionally Deferred to the President’s Power to Make and Interpret Treaties.................................... . B. The Court Has Similarly Shown Great Deference to Congress’ Power to Implement and Interpret Treaties............... PAGE 9 16 19 21 I l l C. Deference to the Political Branches is Particularly Apt When the President and Congress Act in Concert............ 23 D. The Political Interpretation that the Voting Rights Act Fulfills in part our ICCPR and CERD Obligations Deserves the Same Deference the Court has Traditionally Accorded to Treaty Interpretation by the Political Branches..................... 26 III. IT IS FITTING THAT THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT SHOULD BE ONE OF THE BASES FOR MEETING OUR ICCPR AND CERD OBLIGATIONS BECAUSE OUR HOMEGROWN NOTIONS OF EQUALITY HAVE HISTORICALLY BEEN INSPIRED BY INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS ........................ 26 PAGE CONCLUSION 34 IV TABLE OF AUTHORITIES PAGE Cases: B. Altman & Co. v. United States, 224 U.S. 583 (1912)............................ . 4 Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962)................ 22 Beazley v. Johnson, 242 F.3d 248 (5th Cir. 2001)............................. ............ 22 Bentzon v. Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191(1815)................................................ 29 Brewster v. Gage, 280 U.S. 327 (1930)......... 25 Charlton v. Kelly, 229 U.S. 447 (1913)......... 19 Collins v. Weinberger, 707 F.2d 1518 (D.C. Cir. 1983)........................................ 20 Cook v. United States, 288 U.S. 102 (1933)... 25 Dames & Moore v. Regan, 453 U.S. 654 (1981).................................... .................. 24 De Geofroy v. Riggs, 133 U.S. 258 (1890)....... 5 Edge v. Robertson, 112 U.S. 580 (1884).......... 4 El Al Israel A irlines, Ltd. v. Tsui Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155 (1999)................................................ ..5, 18, 21 Factor v. Laubenheimer, 290 U.S. 276 (1933)......................... ............................ 19 Fellow v. Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366 (1856)..... 5, 17 V Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S. 253 (1829)........5, 12, 21 Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006) ... 24 Hawkins v. Comparet-Cassani, 33 F. Supp. 2d 1244 (C.D. Cal. 1999) ...... 22 H einrich v. Street, 49 F. Supp 2d 27 (D. Mass. 1999)........................................ 22 Hoffmann-La Roche Inc. v. Sperling, 493 U.S. 165 (1989)................................. 17 Igartua De La Rosa v. United States, 32 F.3d 8 (1st Cir. 1994)..................... 22 In re E xtrad ition o f Cheung, 968 F. Supp 791 (D. Conn. 1997)............. 22 Iwonowa v. Ford M otor Co., 67 F. Supp. 2d 424 (N.J. 1999)................. 20 Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763 (1993)....................................................... 18 Kolovrat v. Oregon, 366 U.S. 187 (1961)...... 17 Maiorano v. Baltim ore & O. R. Co., 213 U.S. 268 (1909)................................. 5 Marburg v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803)......... 16 McCaughn v. Hershey Chocolate Co., 283 U.S. 488 (1931)................................. 25 Medellin v. Texas, 128 S. Ct. 1346 (2008)..... 4, 12 Nagle v. L o i Hoa, 275 U.S. 475 (1928)........... 25 O’Connor v. United States, 479 U.S. 27 (1986)....................................................... 18 PAGE VI Osborn v. Bank o f the United States, 9 Wheat. 738 (1824)................................. 17 Respublica v. De Longchamps, 1 U.S. (1 Dali.) I l l (1784).................... 29 Rousseau v. Brown, 21 App. D.C. 73 (1903).. 23 Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331 (2006)....................................................... 5, 16 Sullivan v. Kidd, 254 U.S. 433 (1920)..... 17, 18, 20 Sumitomo Shoji America, Inc. v. Avagliano, 457 U.S. 176 (1982)............... 18, 20 Talbot v. Janson, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 133 (1795)....................................................... 29 Talbot v. Seeman, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1 (1801)...................................................... 29 The Antelope, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat) 66 (1825) .. 29 The Nereide, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 388 (1815) .. 29 The Paquete Habana, 175 U.S. 677 (1900)__ 30 The Scotia, 81 U.S. (14 Wall.) 170 (1871)..... 29 Thirty Hogsheads o f Sugar v. Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191 (1815)................. 29 TransWorld A irlines, Inc. v. Franklin M in t Corp., 466 U.S. 243 (1984)...................................... 25 United Shoe Machinery Co. v. Duplessis Shoe Machinery Co., 155 F. 842 (1st Cir. 1907)......... 23 PAGE United, States v. Arjona, 120 U.S. 479 (1887)..................................................... 29 United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324 (1937)....................................................... 5 United States v. Curtiss-W right Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304 (1936)..... 18, 19, 24 United States v. Noriega, 808 F. Supp. 791 (S.D. FI. 1992).......................................... 20 United States v. Old Settlers, 148 U.S. 427 (1893).............. 17 United States v. Percheman, 32 U.S. 51 (1833)....................................................... 21 United States v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. 103 (1801)...................................... 5,16 Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 199 (1796)... 29 Weinberger v. Rossi, 456 U.S. 25 (1982 )...... 4 White v. Paulsen, 997 F. Supp. 1380 (E.D. Wash. 1998).................................... 22 Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U.S. 190 (1888)... 12, 23 Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362 (2000)....... 16 Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952).................................. 23 vii PAGE V lll PAGE Constitutional Provisions, Statutes and Treaties: U.S. Const, art. VI., cl. 2 ................................ 5 Voting Rights Act o f 1965, 42 U.S.C. §§ 1971, 1973-1973bb-l......................... passim International Convention on the Elimination o f All Forms of Racial Discrimination, September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 .... 6, 8 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171.................................... 6, 7 S. Res. 4783, 102d Cong., 2d Sess. (1992)..... 11 United Nations Documents: Core document forming part of the reports o f states parties: United States, U.N. Doc. HRI/Core/USA 2005 (2006)..... 10 Statement of Conrad Harper, Legal Advisor, United States Department o f State, to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, U.N. GAOR Hum. Rts. Comm., 53d Sess., 1405th mtg., U.N. Doc. HR/CT/404 (1995) ................... 12 U.N. CCPR, Consideration o f Reports Submitted by States Parties Under A rtic le 40 o f the Covenant, In it ia l Reports o f States Parties Due in 1993, United States of America, CCPR/C/81/Add. 4 (1994) 12, 13 IX U.N. CCPR, 53th Sess., 1401 mtg., U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/SR. 1401 (1994)......... 15 U.N. CCPR, General Comment No. 25: The right to 'participate in public affairs, voting rights and the right to equal access to public service, art. 25, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev.l/ Add.7 (1996)............................................ 7 U.N. CERD, Report o f the Committee on the E lim ina tion o f Racial D iscrim ina tion : 51st Session of the General Assembly, Supplement No. 18, U.N. Doc. A/51/18 (1996)............ 8 U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States PAGE Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention: Third period ic reports o f States parties due in 1999: United States of America, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/351/Add.l (2000 )..... 10, 12 U.N. CERD, 59th Sess., 1474 mtg., U.N. Doc. CERD/C/SR.1474 (2003)......... 13 U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by State Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention: Sixth period ic reports, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2007)............ 15 X U.N. CERD, Seventy-second session Geneva: Questions Put By the Rapporteur in Connection with the Consideration o f the Combined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Period ic Reports o f the United States o f Am erica, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2008)............................................ .......... U.N. CERD, Written Replies to the Questions Put By the Rapporteur in Connection with the Consideration o f the Combined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Period ic Reports o f the United States of America, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2008)....................................................... U.N. CERD, Consideration o f Reports Submitted by States Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention: Concluding observations o f the CERD Committee, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/ USA/CO/6 (2008)..................................... Electronic Sources: Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, In ternational Covenant on C iv il and P o litica l Rights - Legislative A ction s ................. Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, In ternational Covenant on C iv il and P o litica l Rights - Legislative H is to ry ................. PAGE 11 14 15 11 6 XI Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-18, International Convention on the E lim ina tion o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ina tion - Legislative H is to ry ................................ 6 Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-18, International Convention on the E lim ina tion o f All Forms of Racial D iscrim ina tion - Legislative A c tio n s ................................ 11 Legal Periodicals Authorities: PAGE William Blackstone, Review of W. Blackstone: Commentaries, 25 Am. Jour. Leg. Hist. 74 (1981)............ 28 David P. Currie, Positive and Negative Constitutional Rights, 53 U. Chi. L. Rev. 864 (1986)....................... 28 Thomas C. Grey, Do We Have An Unwritten Constitution?, 27 Stan. L. Rev. 703 (1975) ..................... 27 James Jennings, The International Convention on the E lim ina tion of All Forms of Racial D iscrim ina tion (CERD ): The International Convention on the E lim ina tion o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination : Im plications f o r Challeiiging Racial Hierarchy, 40 How. L.J. 597 (1997) ........................... 33 xii PAGE Nelson Lund, Rousseau and D irect Democracy, 13 J. Contemp. Legal Issues (2004)........ 27 Thurgood Marshall, Reflections on the B icentennial o f the United States Constitution, 101 Harvard L. Rev. 1 (1987)................... 2 Jenny S. Martinez, Antislavery Courts and the Dawn o f In ternational Human Rights Law 117 Yale L.J. 550 (2008)....................................... .............. 4 Gay J. McDougall, The In ternational Convention on the E lim in a tion o f All Forms o f Racial D iscrim in a tion (C ERD ): In troduction : Toward a Meaningful In ternational Regime: The Domestic Relevance o f In ternational Efforts to E lim ina te All Forms o f Racial D iscrim ina tion , 40 How. L.J. 571 (1997).......................... 33 Ellen Frankel Paul, Freedom o f Contract and the “P o litica l Econom y” of Lochner v. New York, 1 N.Y.U. J. L. & Liberty 515 (2005)................................ 28 Dorothy Q. Thomas, Advancing Rights Protection in the United States: An Internationalized Advocacy Strategy, 9 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 15 (1996)....................................................... 33 Tim Wu, Treaties' Domains, 93 Va. L.R. 571 (2007)....................................................... 18 X lll Books: Carol Anderson, Eyes o ff the Prize: the United Nations and the A frican Am erican Struggle fo r Human Rights, 1944-1956 (2003)....................... 31 David Brion Davis, The Emergence o f Im m ediatism in British and Am erican Antislavery Thought (1975)....................................................... 30 Susan M. Glisson, The Human Tradition in the C iv il Rights Movement ( Human Condition in America) (2006)....................................................... 31 Immanuel Kant, Po litica l Writings (Hans Reiss ed. & H. B. Nisbet trans., Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991) (1793)..... 27 Ruth A. Ketrin, Charles Osborn in the Anti-Slavery Movement (1937)............. 30 Azza Salama Layton, International Po litics and C iv il Rights Policies in the United States 1941-1960 (2000)....................................................... 32 John Locke, Two Treatises o f Government (P. Laslett ed. Cambridge University Press, 1988) (1690)................................. 27 Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (2d ed., 1984) PAGE 27 XIV John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (John Gray ed. Oxford Univ. Press, 1991) (1859)............................................ 27 Robert C. Morris, Reading, ‘R iting, and Reconstruction: The Education o f Freedmen in the South 1861-1870 (1981)....................................................... 31 Thomas L. Pangle, The S p ir it o f Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision o f the Am erican Founders and the Philosophy o f Locke (1988).................... 28 William L. Patterson, We Charge Genocide: The Crime o f Government Against the Negro People (1970).......................... 32 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur I ’economie politique in Ouevres Completes (Bernard Gagnebin & Marcel Raymond eds., 1964) (1775)....... 27 Miscellaneous: Herbert Aptheker, The Quakers and Negro Slavery in The Journal of Negro History, Volume 25, 1940 .............. 30 Thomas Jefferson, The Declaration o f Independence (1776)........................ 27 Eleanor Roosevelt, On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (December 9, 1948)...... 32 Malcolm X, The Leverett House Forum of March 18, 1964.................................... 33 PAGE XV Unknown, This Country Our Only Home (May 9, 1840) in The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919.......... PAGE 30 STATEMENT OF INTEREST A m ici curiae are faculty members at Howard Uni versity School o f Law and the Supervising Attorney and Student Attorneys of the Civil Rights Clinic at the Law School.1 We submit this brief in support of the Appellees and Intervenor-Appellees in order to respectfully urge this Honorable Court to uphold the decision of the LTnited States District Court for the District of Columbia. For one hundred and forty years, through the work of such former and current deans and profes sors as C. Clyde Ferguson, Jr., James M. Nabrit, Goler Teal Butcher, Lisa A. Crooms, Marsha A. Echols, and Ziyad Motala, among others, Howard University School o f Law has long placed the strug gle for racial equality in the United States in the broader context of international human rights norms. It is in the spirit of that tradition that A m ici respectfully submits that the District Court’s deci sion should be upheld because Section 5 of the Vot ing Rights Act represents a partial fulfillment of United States treaty obligations under the Interna tional Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT On September 28, 1966, and October 5, 1977, respectively, the United States signed the Interna- 1 Counsel o f record for all parties received notice at least 10 days prior to the due date o f Amicus Curiae's intention to file this brief. A ll parties have provided consent. No counsel for a party authored this brie f in whole or in part, and no counsel or party made a monetary contribution intended to fund the prepa ration o f the brief. 2 tional Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Nearly twenty years following our signature o f the ICERD, the Senate ratified both treaties, first the ICCPR in 1992, and then the ICERD in 1994. As a party to two of the most important human rights documents of the last century, we renewed before the community o f nations a promise we had origi nally made to ourselves at our constitutional found ing, and had tried to keep—often faithfully but sometimes only fitfully—through one civil war, sev eral constitutional amendments, and still ongoing social movements: that all human beings, regardless of race, sex, religion or national origin, are equal before the law and are entitled to certain funda mental civil and political rights. Signing and ratifying these two treaties was not a mere symbolic gesture to celebrate that which we had already achieved. Rather, it was both an implicit concession to the unfinished business of fixing what Justice Thurgood Marshall called “the Constitution’s inherent defects,”2 as well as a fitting acknowledg ment of the international roots o f the American con cept o f human equality. Thus, when Congress initially enacted the Voting Rights Act in 1965, and when it reauthorized the Act’s pre-clearance provi sions in 2006, those legislative actions fulfilled in part our treaty obligations under ICERD and ICCPR to protect the rights of all citizens to vote free from racial discrimination. Indeed, since legislative passage and reautho rization of the Act, the Executive Branch has 2 Thurgood Marshall, Reflections on the Bicentennial of the United States Constitution, 101 Harvard L. Rev. 1 (1987). 3 unequivocally held up the Voting Rights Act to the international community as evidence of our fulfill ment of ICERD and ICCPR obligations. This Court has a long tradition of according great deference to the interpretation of treaties by the political branches based on the Court’s recognition that it is in the coun try’s best interest to have the government speak with one voice when dealing with other nations, as well as the Court’s respect for the particular expertise of those government agencies charged with adminis tering treaties. The present political interpretation of the Voting Rights Act as the fulfillment of our treaty obligations deserves no less a degree of deference and no less a measure of respect. To submit that among the bases, upon which the Court ought to uphold Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, are our commitments to international treaties is not to engage in an academic meditation over the proper role of foreign sources o f law in domestic precedent. It is merely to make two points: first, ratified treaties such as ICERD and ICCPR are not foreign sources of law but rather the supreme law of the land, no different from and not inferior to con stitutional enactments and federal statutes; and sec ond, whether judged from the founders grounding our political philosophy in the works of European enlight enment thinkers, the abolitionists modeling their anti slavery appeals on the British abolition movement, or post World War II civil rights activists framing their challenge to Jim Crow segregation as part of the larger anti-colonial struggle of peoples of color in Africa, Asia, and the West Indies, our homegrown notions of liberty and equality have always been from the first and remain to this day deeply inspired by, inextricably intertwined with, and fundamentally inseparable from international norms of human freedom and justice. 4 ARGUMENT I. THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR ) AND THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION (ICERD) ARE PART OF THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND, AND IMPOSE AN OBLIGATION UPON THE UNITED STATES TO PROTECT THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS TO VOTE FREE FROM RACIAL DISCRIMINATION A. Treaties are Part of the Supreme Law of the Land A treaty is “a compact made between two or more independent nations, with a view to the public wel fare.” B. Altman & Co. v. United States, 224 U.S. 583, 600 (1912).3 As a solemn expression of national commitment, a treaty “depends for the enforcement of its provisions on the interest and the honor o f the governments which are parties to it.” Edye v. Robertson, 112 U.S. 580, 598 (1884). Though scholars have long advanced customary international law as a legitimate basis for abiding by treaty commit ments4, American treaty obligations are firmly 3 See also Medellin v. Texas, 128 S. Ct. 1346, 1357 (2008) ( “A treaty is, o f course, ‘primarily a compact between indepen dent nations.”); Edye v. Robertson, 112 U.S. 580, 598 (1884) ( “A treaty is primarily a compact between independent nations.”); Weinberger v. Rossi, 456 U.S. 25, 29 (1982) ( “Under principles o f international law, the word [treaty] ordinarily refers to an inter national agreement concluded between sovereigns.”) 4 Jenny S. Martinez, Antislavery Courts and the Dawn of International Human Rights Law 117 Yale L.J. 550 (2008). 5 rooted in our own constitutional text and jurispru dential precedent. Article VI, Clause 2 provides that, along with federal constitutional provisions and fed eral statutes, “all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land.” In terms of prece dent, since the jurisprudential version of time immemorial, this Court has recognized that treaties are not a lesser species of federal law,5 and that, “ [u]nder the Supremacy Clause [of the United States Constitution,] a treaty is ‘to be regarded in courts of justice as equivalent to an act of the legislature, whenever it operates of itself without the aid of any legislative provision.’ ” Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331, 373 (2006) (quoting Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S. 253 (1829)). 5 See Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. 199, 236 (1796) (holding that treaties made by the authority o f the United States are superior to the Constitution and laws o f individual States); United States v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. 103, 109 (1801) (holding that a treaty, affecting the rights o f parties litigating in court is to be regarded by the court as an act o f Congress); Fellow v. Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366, 372 (1857) (holding that courts are prohibited from using tactics that would work to annul a treaty’s effect and pur pose in the same manner as they are prohibited concerning acts o f Congress); De Geofroy v. Riggs, 133 U.S. 258, 266 (1890) (holding that the treaty power is unlimited except for those spe cific restrictions found within the Constitution); Maiorano v. Baltimore & O. R. Co., 213 U.S. 268, 272-73 (1909) (holding that courts are under an obligation to enforce treaties in litigation involving private rights); United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324, 330 (1937) (holding that governmental power over external affairs is vested exclusively in the national government and such powers should be exercised without regard to state laws or poli cies); El Al Israel A irlines, Ltd. v. Tseng, 525 U.S. 155, 181 (1999) (holding that state laws regarding tort liability are unen forceable if they undermine the purpose o f the treaty). 6 B. ICCPR and ICERD are Part of the Supreme Law of the Land And, as such, Impose an Obligation on the United States to Protect The Right of Citizens to Vote Free from Racial Discrimination The United Nations adopted the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in the 1960s.6 Approximately one year after the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the United States signed the ICERD. Eleven years later, the United States signed the ICCPR.7 The Senate provided the advice and consent for ratification of the ICCPR in 1992 and the ICERD in 1994. Since their ratification, the United States has filed periodic reports with and appeared before the Human Rights Committee and the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Dis crimination to elaborate on US compliance with its treaty obligations. The ICCPR envisions that a state party will respect individuals within its territory “without dis- ° International Convention on the Elimination o f All Forms o f Racial Discrimination, September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 [hereinafter ICERD or the Race Convention]; and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Decem ber 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171 [hereinafter ICCPR], ' Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-18, International Convention on the E lim in a tion o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination—Legislative History, avail able at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/ ~trtysnOKqw8:: (last visited Mar. 22, 2009); Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, International Covenant on C iv il and Politica l Rights—Legislative History, available at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys: 1:./ temp/~trtysMtlFkl:: (last visited Mar. 22, 2009). http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/ http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys 7 tinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, lan guage, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.” ICCPR, art. 2, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171. Specifically, the ICCPR states: Every citizen shall have the right and the oppor tunity, without any of the distinctions men tioned in article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions: [. . .] (b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expres sion of the will o f the electorsf.]8 ICCPR, art. 25, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171. The Human Rights Committee (HRC) is the body responsible for monitoring implementation of the ICCPR. According to the HRC, Article 25 of the ICCPR “lies at the core of democratic government based on the consent of the people and in confor mity with the principles of the Covenant.”9 This arti cle “requires States to adopt such legislative and other measures as may be necessary to ensure that 8 Article 2 requires that each State that is a party to the treaty must undertake “to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights rec ognized in the present Covenant, without distinction o f any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other sta tus.” ICCPR, art. 2, December 16, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171. 9 U.N. CCPR, General Comment No. 25: The right to par ticipate in public affairs, voting rights and the right to equal access to public service, art. 25, U.N.Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev. 1/Add. 4 1 1 (1994). available at http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/ doc.nsf/(Symbol)/d0b7f023e8d6d9898025651e004bc0eb?Open- document. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/ 8 citizens have an effective opportunity to enjoy the rights it protects,” which includes the right to vote.10 The right to vote cannot “be suspended or excluded except on grounds which are established by law and which are objective and reasonable.”11 The use of race to deprive citizens of their voting rights is nei ther objective nor reasonable. The ICERD is founded on the principle that “all human beings are equal before the law and are enti tled to equal protection of the law against any dis crimination” and that “the existence o f racial barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human society.” See Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195. Specifically, the ICERD requires that: State parties. . . prohibit and. . .eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guar antee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, color, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoy ment of [. . .] [political rights, in particular the right to participate in elections-to vote and to stand for election-on the basis of universal and equal suffrage[.] ICERD, art. 5(c), September 28, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 [hereinafter ICERD Article 5]. Article 5 o f the ICERD “obligates. . .States Par ties to guarantee the enjoyment of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and freedoms without racial discrimination.”12 As the Committee 10 Id. 11 Id. at H 4. 12 U.N. CERD, Report o f the Committee on the E lim in a tion o f Racial D iscrim ina tion : 51st Session o f the General 9 on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has noted, “ [a]t the head of these rights and freedoms are those deriving from the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” most o f which “have been elaborated in the International Covenants on Human Rights,”13 such as the ICCPR. While “ [a]ll States Parties are. . .obliged to acknowledge and protect the enjoyment of human rights, . . .the manner in which these obligations are translated into the legal orders of States Parties may differ.”14 The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination further notes that “Article 5. . .apart from requiring a guarantee that the exercise of human rights shall be free from racial discrimina tion, does not of itself create civil, political, eco nomic, social or cultural rights, but assumes the existence and recognition of these rights. The Con vention obliges States to prohibit and eliminate racial discrimination in the enjoyment of such human rights.”15 C The Executive Branch Has Interpreted The Voting Rights Act, and its Pre-Clearance Provisions, As fulfilling in part our treaty obligations under ICCPR and ICERD In light of the fact that the United States has signed and ratified both the ICCPR and the ICERD, it has an obligation to protect all citizens’ right to vote, especially those whose rights might be irnper- Assembly, Supplement No. 18, U.N. Doc. A/51/18, p. 124 1) 1 (1996), see http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N96/257/ 38/PDF/N9625738.pdf?OpenElement. 13 Id. 14 Id. 15 Id. http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N96/257/ 10 iled because of racial discrimination. The Executive Branch has admitted as much in both the documents it has filed with the United Nations Committees overseeing implementation status o f ICCPR and ICCPR, Human Rights Committee and the Commit tee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, and its testimony before these two treaty-bodies. The core document filed with the United Nations by the Executive Branch identified the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as supplementing “the constitutional protection afforded by the Equal Protection Clause of the Four teenth Amendment against discrimination by the state governments on the basis o f race, color, or national origin.”16 The initial periodic report filed with the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination described the Voting Rights Act as including “specialized mechanisms that apply to areas of the country with the most severe history of discrimination against Blacks.”17 The report con tinued, “ [t]his part o f the Act requires federal pre approval for any proposed changes in voting laws and practices to prevent the implementation of new discriminatory laws.”18 In addition, as part o f the February 2008 hearing before the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, high-level members of the Executive Branch characterized the Voting Rights Act as “one of the most effective civil 16 Core document forming part o f the reports o f states par ties: United States, U.N. Doc. HRI/Core/USA 200-5 (16 January 2006) at H 133. U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States Parties Under A rticle 9 o f the Convention: Third period ic reports o f States parties due in 1999: Addendum: United States o f America, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/351/Add. 1 (10 October 2000) at <n 95. 18 Id. 11 rights statutes ever enacted by Congress,”19 further contending that United States’ treaty obligations have been met by, in ter alia, the Voting Rights Act o f 1965 and its subsequent reauthorizations. Admittedly, when the United States initially signed and subsequently ratified the ICERD and the ICCPR, we did so subject to the declaration that neither treaty was self executing.20 Thus, the ICERD decla ration specifically states “that the provisions of the Convention are not self-executing.”21 Id. Likewise, Senate consent to the ICCPR was accompanied by a declaration “that the provisions of Articles 1 through 27 are not self executing.” Id. S. Res. 4783, 102d Cong., 2d Sess. (1992).22 19 U.N. CERD, Seventy-second session Geneva, 18 Febru ary-? March 2008, Questions Pu t By the Rapporteur in Con nection with the Consideration o f the Com bined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Period ic Reports o f the United States of Am erica, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (2008) at p. 14. 20 Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-18, International Convention on the E lim ination o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination—Legislative Actions, avail able at http://thomas.loc.gOv/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/ -trtysowwrRK:: (last visited Mar. 10, 2009); Library o f Congress, Thomas, Treaties, Treaty Number: 95-20, International Covenant on C iv il and Po litica l Rights—Legislative Actions, available at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys: 1:./ temp/~trtys7StCnV:: (last visited Mar. 10, 2009). 21 The specific declaration adopted by the Senate at the time it ratified the ICERD reads as follows: “the United States declares that the provisions o f the Convention are not self executing.” http://treaties.un. org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src= TREATY&id=319&chapter=4&lang=en#EndDec (last visited March 2, 2009). 22 These declarations were among the Reservations, Dec larations and Understandings filed with the appropriate treaty- http://thomas.loc.gOv/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys:l:./temp/ http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ntquery/D7trtys http://treaties.un 12 As interpreted by the Executive Branch, these declarations prohibit “only a private and indepen dent cause of action,” unless Congress enacts leg islation that grants individuals a justiciable cause of action as a matter o f U.S. law.” See Statement of Conrad Harper, Legal Advisor, United States Depart ment o f State, to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, U.N. GAOR Hum. Rts. Comm., 53d Sess., 1405th mtg., U.N. Doc. HR/CT/404 (1995).23 These declarations, however, do not affect the obligations of the United States under either the ICERD or the ICCPR. See Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S. 253, 314-15 (182 9).24 body when the ICCPR and the ICERD were finally ratified in 1992 and 1994, respectively. Id. 23 This Court recently reiterated this principle, stating that “a ‘non-self executing’ treaty does not by itself give rise to domestically enforceable federal law.” Medellin v. Texas, 128 S.Ct. 1346, 1356 (2008); see also Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U.S. 190, 194 (1888) ( “When the [treaty] stipulations are not self-exe cuting, they can only be enforced pursuant to legislation to carry them into effect, and such legislation is as much subject to mod ification and repeal by congress as legislation upon any other subject”). 24 See U.N. CERD, Reports Submitted by States Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention, Third period ic reports o f States parties due in 1999: United States o f America, n 170, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/351/Add.l, 10 October 2000 (The non-self-exe cuting “declaration has no effect on the international obligations o f the United States or on its relations with States parties.”) http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/100306.pdf; U.N. CCPR, Consideration o f Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 40 of the Covenant, In itia l Reports o f States Par ties Due in 1993 Addendum, United States o f America, 1)8, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/81/Add. 4 (24 August 1994). (The non-self-exe cuting “declaration did not limit the international obligations o f the United States under the Covenant.”) http://daccessdds.un.org/ doc/UNDOC/GEN/G94/187/90/PDF/G9418790.pdf?OpenElement;) http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/100306.pdf http://daccessdds.un.org/ 13 In fact, in each periodic report the United States has filed and defended since ratifying both the ICCPR and the ICERD, the Executive Branch has reported that its treaty obligations to protect voting rights are enforced through, in te r alia, the Voting Rights Act o f 1965. The State Department, charged with the duty to report to the appropriate committee about domestic efforts to implement the ICCPR and the ICERD, has contended that the Voting Rights Act o f 1965 and the corresponding Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks and Coretta Scott King Voting Rights Reauthorization and Amendments Act of 2006 are constitutionally valid measures that make enforce able the voting rights provisions found in the ICERD and the ICCPR. While reviewing the federal laws to ensure compliance with its treaty obligations, the State Department reported that: “In 1965, Congress had passed the Voting Rights Act, which prohibited discrimination by public officials in the voting pro cess. [The Voting Rights Act] accelerated the par ticipation of African-Americans in the political and electoral process, particularly in the South.” U.N. CERD, 59th Sess., 1474 mtg. at H 12, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/SR.1474 (May 22, 2003). The State Depart ment explained that Section 2 o f the Voting Rights Act protects people from discrimination to the right to vote since the right “may be enforced by a private suit to vindicate denials of the Fifteenth Amendment rights, i.e. intentional denials or limitations on the right to vote or to exercise an effective vote.” U.N. CCPR, Reports Submitted by State Parties Under Article 40 o f the Covenant: F irst periodic reports, H 98, U.N. Doc. CCPR /C/81/Add.4 (August 24, 1994). Furthermore, in a 2008 report, the State Depart ment specified that Section 5 o f the Voting Rights Act protects its citizens from racial discrimination: 14 Section 5 o f the Voting Rights Act freezes changes in election practices or procedures in certain states until the new procedures have been determined not to have a discriminatory purpose or effect either by a special federal court panel or the Attorney General of the United States. This requires proof that the pro posed voting change does not deny or abridge the right to vote on account o f race, color, or membership in a language minority group. If the jurisdiction is unable to prove that the proposed change is free o f a discriminatory purpose or effect, the federal court will deny the requested judgment, or in the case o f administrative sub missions, the Attorney General will object to the change, and it remains legally unenforceable. See U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimi nation, Written Replies to the Questions Put By the Rapporteur in Connection with the Consideration of the Combined Fourth, F ifth and Sixth Periodic Reports o f the United States o f America, Answer to Question 4, p. 16, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (March 7, 2008). In sum, according to our own State Depart ment, which represents the views of the President, the pre-clearance requirement of Section 5 functions to enforce the United States’ obligation to secure the right to vote under both the ICERD and the ICCPR. The United Nations views the United States’ implementation of the Voting Rights Act as fulfilling its treaty obligations and giving force to the ICERD and the ICCPR. During its first appearance before the Human Rights Committee to assess United States compliance with the ICCPR, the Human 15 Rights Committee remarked on the importance of the Voting Rights Act within the United States. According to the Committee, [t]he right to vote, enshrined in articles 25 and 27 of the [ICCPR], was at the core of American democracy. The Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution prohibited the denial o f voting rights on account o f race, colour or previous condition of servitude and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its amendments authorized the Civil Rights Division and private parties to file law suits in cases of violation. The Act also banned literacy tests and other devices used to dis qualify minority voters. The Civil Rights Divi sion accorded top priority to ensuring that all Americans enjoyed the right to vote. See U.N. CCPR, 53th Sess., 1401 mtg. at H 21, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/SR.1401 (April 17, 1994). Recently, in a 2007 report to the United Nations, the Executive Branch announced that, in July 2006, Congress reau thorized the Voting Rights Act for 25 years, which includes an extension of the pre-clearance require ment in Section 5. See U.N. CERD, Reports Sub mitted by State Parties Under A rtic le 9 o f the Convention: Sixth periodic reports, H 199, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/6 (May 1, 2007); see also U.N. CERD, Consideration o f Reports Submitted by Sta tes Par ties Under Article 9 of the Convention: Concluding observations o f the CERD Committee, H 2, U.N. Doc. CERD/C/USA/CO/6 (May 8, 2008). 16 II THE POLITICAL INTERPRETATION THAT OUR ICCPR AND ICERD OBLIGATIONS ARE FULFILLED IN PART BY THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT IS A LEGITIMATE BASIS UPON WHICH TO UPHOLD SECTION 5 BECAUSE THE COURT HAS TRADITIONALLY ACCORDED GREAT DEFERENCE TO CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT ACTING INDEPENDENTLY OR IN CONCERT TO MAKE, IMPLEMENT, INTERPRET, OR ENFORCE TREATIES Because treaties, like constitutional provisions and federal statutes, stand as supreme federal law, their interpretation ultimately rests with the Court. See United States v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. 103, 109 (1801). Over two hundred years ago, Justice Mar shall made it clear that the judicial power vested in the United States Supreme Court “extends to. . . treaties. . . .” Id. As recently as three years ago, the current Court maintained “if treaties are to be given effect as federal law under our legal system, deter mining their meaning as a matter of federal law ‘is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department,’ headed by the ‘one supreme Court.’ ” Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331, 353-54 (2006) (quoting Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 177 (1803)); Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362, 378-79 (2000) (opinion of Stevens, J.) ( “At the core o f [the judicial] power is the federal courts’ independent responsibility— independent from its coequal branches in the Federal Government, and indepen dent from the separate authority of the several States—to interpret federal law”); Hoffmann- 17 La Roche Inc. v. Sperling, 493 U.S. 165, 175 (1989), citing Osborn v. Bank o f the United, States, 9 Wheat. 738, 819 (1824) (where a “case or contro versy” exists, ( “ [Art. Ill, § 2, cl. 1] enables the judi cial department to receive jurisdiction to the full extent of the constitution, laws, and treaties of the United States, when any question respecting them shall assume such a form that the judicial power is capable of acting on it.”). However, the fact that juridical power extends over treaties does not mean that courts may “go behind [a properly executed and ratified treaty] for the purpose of annulling its effect and operation, than they can behind an act of Congress.” Fellows v. Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366, 372 (1856); see also United States v. Old Settlers, 148 U.S. 427, 466 (1893) (hold ing that the Court may not declare a treaty inoper ative on grounds of fraud or duress because partaking in such deliberations goes behind a treaty and is “not within the province of a court.”). Rather, when exercising its power to determine the inter pretation of treaties, the Court has traditionally accorded great deference to the political branches, explaining that “ [w]hile courts interpret treaties for themselves, the meaning given them by the depart ments of government particularly charged with their negotiation and enforcement is given great weight.” Kolovrat v. Oregon, 366 U.S. 187, 194 (1961).25 25 See also Sullivan v. Kidd, 254 U.S. 433, 442 (1921) ( “While the question of the construction o f treaties is judicial in its nature, and courts when called upon to act should be careful to see that international engagements are faithfully kept and observed, the construction placed upon the treaty before us and consistently adhered to by the Executive Department o f the Government, charged with the supervision o f our foreign relations, should be given much weight.”); United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export 18 This deferential stance toward political adminis tration of treaties is grounded in the Court’s recog nition that it is in the country’s best interest to have the government speak with one voice in dealing with other nations, as well as the Court’s respect for the particular expertise of those government agencies charged with treaty negotiation, ratification, imple mentation and enforcement. See Sullivan v. Kidd, 254 U.S. 433, 442 (1920); United States v. Curtiss- Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 320 (1936); Sum itomo Shoji Am erica, Inc. v. Avagliano , 457 U.S. 176, 184 (1982); El A l Israel A irlines, Ltd. v. Tsui Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155, 167 (1999).26 Thus, judicial Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 321 (1936) ( “The marked difference between foreign affairs and domestic affairs in this respect is recognized by both houses o f Congress in the very form o f their requisitions for information from the executive departments. In the case o f every department except the Department o f State, the resolution directs the official to furnish the information. In the case o f the State Department, dealing with foreign affairs, the President is requested to furnish the information ‘if not incompatible with the public inter est.’ A statement that to furnish the information is not compatible with the public interest rarely, if ever, is questioned.”); Sumitomo Shoji Am v. Avgliano, 457 U.S. 176, 184-85 (1982) ( “Although not conclusive, the meaning attributed to treaty provisions by the Gov ernment agencies charged with their negotiation and enforcement is entitled to great weight”); O’Connor v. United States, 479 U.S. 27, 32-33(1986) ( “In determining the proper construction o f an agreement implementing an article o f a treaty, the consistent appli cation o f the agreement by the executive branch o f the Federal Government is a factor that is entitled to great weight.” ); Johnson v. Eisentrager., 339 U.S. 763, 789 n. 14 (1993); El Al 1st. Airlines v. Tsui Yuan Tseng, 525 U.S. 155,167 (1999) ( “Respect is ordinarily due the reasonable views o f the Executive Branch concerning the meaning o f an international treaty.” ). 26 For a comprehensive study o f the historical deference this and other federal courts have accorded to political imple mentation, interpretation, and enforcement (or non-enforcement) o f treaties, see Tim Wu, Treaties’ Domains, 93 Va. L. R. 571 (2007). 19 deference to the political branches in the imple mentation and administration of treaties operates on at least three levels: deference when the executive branch acts to make or interpret a treaty; deference when the legislative branch acts to implement and interpret a treaty; and deference when both political branches act in concert to administer a treaty. A. The Court Has Traditionally Deferred To the President’s Power to Make and Inter pret Treaties The Court has long acknowledged that, consistent with the power vested in the President under Article II o f the Constitution, the executive enjoys broad discretion to make treaties. See Curtiss-Wright, 299 U.S. at 320 (stating that in the arena of foreign pol icy the executive branch has a “better opportunity of knowing the conditions which prevail in foreign countries.”) As “the sole organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole representative with foreign nations,” the President enjoys “a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were domestic affairs alone involved.” Id. This “degree of discre tion” extends to the President’s power to both make and to interpret treaties, such that when ruling upon the meaning of treaties, the Court has always given great weight to the executive branch’s interpreta tions of our treaty obligations. See Charlton v. Kelly, 229 U.S. 447,468 (1913); see also Factor v. Laubenheimer, 290 U.S. 276, 294-95 (1933) (stating that the negotiations and diplomatic correspon dence of the contracting parties to a treaty, while not conclusive, should be given great weight.) The Court put it best in Kidd when it explained: 20 While the question of the construction of treaties is judicial in its nature, and courts when called upon to act should be careful to see that international engagements are faithfully kept and observed, the construction placed upon the treaty before us and consistently adhered to by the Executive Department o f the Government, charged with the supervision of our foreign rela tions, should be given much weight. 254 U.S. at 442.27 Thus, in Sumitomo Shoji Am erica , Inc. v. Avagliano, in ruling on a claim by a Japanese trad ing company that pursuant to the Friendship, Com merce, and Navigation treaty between the United States and Japan, it was exempt from discrimination suits brought under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, the Court relied on the Department of State’s inter pretation of the treaty. 457 U.S. 176, 184 (1982). The Court explained that “the meaning attributed to treaty provisions by the Government agencies charged with their negotiation and enforcement is entitled to great weight,” id. at 184-85, and that “ [w]hen the parties to a treaty both agree as to the meaning of a treaty provision, and that interpreta- 27 See also Collins v. Weinberger, 707 F.2d 1518, 1522 (D.C. Cir. 1983) ( “Courts should defer to such executive actions pro vided they are not inconsistent with or outside the scope o f the treaty.”); United States v. Noriega, 808 F. Supp. 791,796 (S.D. FI. 1992) ( “The Court acknowledges that conducting foreign policy is generally the province o f the Executive branch.”); Iwonowa v. Ford Motor Co., 67 F. Supp. 2d 424, 486 (N.J. 1999) ( “It is evident that the executive branch, the department responsible for nego tiating international agreements, considers claims arising out o f World War II as falling within the ambit o f government-to-gov- ernment negotiations. The interpretations of the parties to a treaty, while not binding, are entitled to significant weight.”) 21 tion follows from the clear treaty language, [the Court] must, absent extraordinarily strong contrary evidence, defer to that interpretation.” Id. at 185. Similarly, in Tsui Yuan Tseng, in finding, based on the Warsaw Convention, that an airline passenger was not entitled to recovery for an intrusive security search, the Court reasoned that it “has traditionally considered as aids to a treaty’s interpretation its negotiating and drafting history. . .and the post-rat ification understanding of the contracting parties.” 525 U.S. at 156. The court deferred to an amicus curiae brief from the United States government, holding that “the reasonable view of the Executive Branch concerning the meaning of an international treaty ordinarily merits respect.” Id. B. The Court Has Similarly Shown Great Def erence to Congress’ Power to Implement and Interpret Treaties Although the Court has traditionally looked to the Executive Branch as the predominant actor in the domain of treaties, it has also been respectful of and deferential to the power of Congress to implement treaties. See Foster v. Neilson , 27 U.S. 253, 314-15 (1829), overruled on other grounds by United States v. Percheman, 32 U.S. 51 (1833), ( “when either of the parties engages to perform a particular act, the treaty addresses itself to the political, not the judi cial department; and the legislature must execute the contract before it can become a rule for the Court.”) Congressional treaty power primarily resides in two areas. The first area is the advice and consent provided by the Senate for treaty ratification. The second area is congressional discretion to enact 22 appropriate legislation, thereby choosing how a par ticular non-self-executing treaty obligation is to be enforced in the United States. Once Congress chooses to enact a statute for purposes o f imple menting a treaty, the statutory text completely supersedes the treaty regime as a basis for judicial enforcement, such that “a court will not undertake to construe a treaty in a manner inconsistent with a subsequent federal statute.” Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 212 (1962). But, even when Congress has cho sen not to enact specific legislation implementing a treaty, federal courts, again deferential to congres sional authority, have always looked to the passage of prior legislation as a sign of congressional intent regarding the matter covered by the treaty in ques tion. Certainly, we do not lack examples of courts deferring to prior legislation as a basis for declining to independently enforce subsequent non-self-exe cuting treaty obligations for which Congress has not passed implementing legislation.28 Indeed, even when Congress appears to act in a manner incon- 28 See, e.g., Beazley v. Johnson, 242 F.3d 248, 266 (5th Cir. 2001); Igartua De La Rosa v. United States, 32 F.3d 8, 10 n.l (1st Cir. 1994) (holding that a right to vote under Article 25 of ICCPR is not an independently enforceable right under U.S. Law); Hein rich v. Sweet, 49 F. Supp 2d 27, 43 (D. Mass. 1999) (finding that plaintiffs have adequate domestic remedies for claims o f “crimes against humanity”); Hawkins v. Comparet-Cassani, 33 F. Supp. 2d 1244, 1257 (C.D. Cal. 1999) (holding that the ICCPR does not create a right o f private action under which the plaintiff can suc cessfully state a claim); White v. Paulsen, 997 F. Supp. 1380, 1387 (E.D. Wash. 1998) (reasoning that “the United States Sen ate expressly declared that the relevant provisions o f the ICCPR were not self-executing when it addressed this issue in provid ing advice and consent to the ratification”); In re Extradition of Cheung, 968 F. Supp 791, 803 n.17 (D. Conn. 1997) (stating that the ICCPR cannot support an extradition defense.). 23 sistent with a United States treaty obligation, federal courts have nonetheless deferred to congressional treaty prerogative by refusing to assume a separate power on the part of the judiciary to independently enforce treaties. See, e.g. Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U.S. 190, 194 (1888) ( “holding that if there be any conflict between the stipulations of the treaty and the requirements o f the law, the latter must con trol”); United Shoe Machinery Co. v. Duplessis Shoe Machinery Co., 155 F. 842, 843-45, 849 (1st Cir. 1907) (holding that if “Congress has legislated on the topic since the treaty was ratified. . . that sub sequent legislation, so far as it expresses any Con gressional purpose inconsistent with any claimed construction” of a treaty “that purpose controls”); Rousseau v. Brown, 21 App. D.C. 73, 76-77 (1903) (holding a patent treaty nonbinding absent an act of Congress). C. Deference to the Political Branches is Par ticularly Apt When the President and Congress Act in Concert Above and beyond the deference this Court has traditionally accorded to the executive and legisla tive, acting pursuant to each branch’s independent treaty powers, it has shown even greater deference when the political branches act in concert to con duct foreign affairs. More than fifty years ago, the Court made it clear that no greater deference is owed than when the President conducts foreign affairs pursuant to an express or implied autho rization of Congress. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952) (Jackson, J., con curring). As Justice Jackson wrote, When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress, his 24 authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his own right plus all that Congress can delegate. . . . [An action] exe cuted by the president pursuant to an act of Congress would be supported by the strongest of presumptions and the widest latitude of judi cial interpretation, and the burden of persuasion would rest heavily upon any who might attack it. Id. at 635-36. Thus, in Curtiss-Wright, upon which Justice Jack- son relied in his Youngstown concurrence, the Court declined to rule on the constitutionality of an exec utive order, issued pursuant to a congressional res olution, barring the sale of weapons by an American company to a foreign company. 299 U.S. at 319. The court reasoned that, in the arena of foreign affairs, congressional delegation of power to the President should be given great weight. Id. The Court came to the same conclusion in Dames & Moore v. Regan, when, relying on Justice Jackson’s Youngstown con currence, it confirmed the President’s authority to order the transfer o f Iranian assets, holding that because the President, in conducting foreign affairs, acted “pursuant to specific congressional autho rization, [his actions were] supported by the strongest of presumptions and the widest latitude of judicial interpretation.” 453 U.S. 654, 674 (1981).29 But, even when Congress is less than explicit, judicial deference still attaches to executive treaty interpretation if Congress remains silent in the face By contrast, the Court has shown less deference when the political branches appear to be at odds in the area o f foreign affairs. See Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006). 25 of actions by the President, committing the United States to a particular treaty regime. See, e.g. Cook v. United States, 288 U.S. 102 (1933) (holding that a treaty is not abrogated by the subsequent re-enact ment of a law that does not clearly express con gressional intent to abrogate the treaty and any doubt as to the construction of the law in relation to the treaty should be deemed resolved by the con sistent departmental practice existing before its enactment); Nagle v. L o i Hoa, 275 U.S. 475, 481-82 (1928) (concluding that re-enactment o f section six of the amended Exclusion Act, with no change, and subject to the provisions of an expired treaty, “must be accepted as a legislative approval of the practical construction the section had received” by the agency charged with regulating immigration.); TransWorld A irlines, Inc. v. Franklin M int Corp., 466 U.S. 243, 252 (1984) (stating that “ [legislative silence is insufficient to abrogate a treaty.”); McCaughn v. Hershey Chocolate Co., 283 U.S. 488, 492-93 (1931) (contending that “[t]he reenactment of [a] statute by Congress, as well as the failure to amend it in the face of the consistent administrative construction, is at least persuasive evidence of a leg islative recognition and approval o f the statute as constructed.”); Brewster v. Gage, 280 U.S. 327, 337 (1930) (stating that “ [t]he subsequent reenactment in later Acts of the provision theretofore construed by the department is persuasive evidence of leg islative approval of the regulation” and “ [t]he sub sequent legislation confirmed and carried forward the policy evidenced by the earlier enactments as interpreted in the regulations promulgated under them.”) 26 D. The Political Interpretation that the Vot ing Rights Act Fulfills in part our ICCPR and CERD Obligations Deserves the Same Deference the Court has Traditionally Accorded to Treaty Interpretation by the Political Branches Here, the Executive Branch has declared our obli gations under both the ICERD and the ICCPR to have been met by, inter alia, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the 2006 reauthorization of that Act which includes an extension of Section 2 and the Section 5 preclearance provision. Congress has remained silent in the face of these Executive Branch declarations. Consequently, this Court should uphold Sections 2 and 5 of the Voting Rights Act as measures advanced by the Executive Branch as enforcing the obligations under the ICERD and the ICCPR, both of which the United States has decided to treat as non-self-exe cuting treaties. Any other conclusion runs the risk of compromising United States’ compliance with these treaty obligations and sending mixed messages to those with whom we have entered into multilateral agreements such as the ICERD and the ICCPR. I l l IT IS FITTING THAT THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT SHOULD BE ONE OF THE BASES FOR MEETING OUR ICCPR AND CERD OBLIGATIONS BECAUSE OUR HOMEGROWN NOTIONS OF EQUALITY HAVE HISTORICALLY BEEN INSPIRED BY INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS The genius of the American system of constitu tional government is not that it emerged fully 27 mature at our founding, but that our homegrown moral philosophy of civil and political rights has always had a symbiotic relationship with interna tional human rights norms. Our constitutional government is at its core a real ization of the European Enlightenment’s conception of the relationship between the individual and the state.30 Thomas Jefferson was directly channeling John Locke,31 John Stuart Mill,32 Immanuel Kant33 and Jean-Jacques Rousseau34, among others, when he wrote in the Declaration of Independence: “We hold These truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they endowed by their creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.”35 This vision of the Enlightenment was embodied not just in the Declaration of Independence but was also reflected in both the structure o f government 30 See Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue 53-55 (2d ed., 1984); Thomas C. Grey, Do We Have An Unwritten C onstitu tion?, 27 Stan. L. Rev. 703, 715-16 (1975). 31 See John Locke, Two Treatises o f Government 271 (P. Laslett ed. Cambridge University Press 1988) (1690). 32 See John Stuart Mill, On Liberty 14 (John Gray ed. Oxford Univ. Press 1991) (1859). 33 See Immanuel Kant, P o litica l Writings 61, 75 (Hans Reiss ed. & H. B. Nisbet trans., Cambridge Univ. Press 1991) (1793). 34 See Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur Ueconomie politique, in 3 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Ouevres Completes 239, 263 (Bernard Gagnebin & Marcel Raymond eds., 1964) (1775). For an examination o f Rousseau’s philosophy and its influence on American constitutionalism, see Nelson Lund, Rousseau and Direct Democracy, 13 J. Contemp. Legal Issues 459 (2004). The Declaration o f Independence, H 1 (U.S. 1776).35 28 adopted by the Constitution and in its enumeration of individual rights. From a structural perspective, the Constitution embodied “a philosophy of gov ernment that was highly protective of individual lib erty and manifestly Lockean. Separation of powers between the executive, legislative, and judiciary, with checks and balances built into the system to prevent overweening government or, in the worst case, tyranny, is straight from the classical liberal, Lockean playbook.” Ellen Frankel Paul, Freedom of Contract and the “Politica l Economy” o f Lochner v. New York, 1 N.Y.U. J. L. & Liberty 515, 535 (2005); see also Thomas L. Pangle, The S p ir it o f Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy o f Locke (1988). From a rights perspective, the Bill of Rights, as a charter o f “negative” liberties, protecting certain areas of individual freedom from state interference, is at bot tom a realization o f the Enlightenment’s idea of placing individual liberty and autonomy at the cen ter of the political universe.36 For two hundred years, the international pedigree of our constitutional system was plainly reflected in our jurisprudence. In 1783, Blackstone described the law of nations as “a system of rules, deducible by natural reason and established by universal consent among the civilized inhabitants of the world . . . adopted [in England] in its full extent by the com mon law, and . . . held to be a part of the law of the land.” 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries 66-67 (reprint 1978). Throughout the Nineteenth and much of the Twentieth Century, this very Court would consis tently preserve Blackstone’s account such that the 36 David P. Currie, Positive and Negative Constitutional Rights, 53 U. CHI. L. REV. 864, 886 (1986). 29 use of international norms to shape and inform domestic law was neither uncommon nor terribly con troversial. See, e.g., Respublica v. De Longchamps, 1 U.S. (1 Dali.) I l l , 114 (1784) (held that assault by U.S. citizen on French diplomat constituted a vio lation of international law, which formed a part of domestic law); Talbot v. Janson, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 133, 161 (1795) (held that international law creates a domestic cause of action in seizure of foreign vessel on international waters); Ware v. Hylton, 3 U.S. (3 Dali.) 199 (1796) (used law of nations to examine Virginia statute to confiscate property o f British subjects base); Talbot v. Seeman, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1, 36 (1801) (held that international law authorized U.S. salvage of Hamburg vessel recaptured from French); Thirty Hogsheads o f Sugar v. Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191, 198 (1815) (held that interna tional law gave Danish plaintiff cause of action for seizure of property by U.S. defendant); The Nereide, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 388, 423 (1815) (held that inter national law bound U.S. court in contract action between British and Argentine subjects); Bentzon v. Boyle, 13 U.S. (9 Cranch) 191, 198 (1815) (process for determining the law of nations governing bel ligerent and neutral rights); The Antelope, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat) 66 (1825) (used international law to examine illegality o f the slave trade); The Scotia, 81 U.S. (14 Wall.) 170, 187 (1871) (awarded damages against a British vessel for the accidental sinking of an American ship, noting that “no single nation can change the law of the sea.”); United States v. Arjona, 120 U.S. 479, 487 (1887) (stated that inter national law imposed a positive obligation upon the United States to punish the counterfeiting of foreign notes.) But perhaps no formulation expressed it bet- 30 ter than Justice Gray’s well known statement in The Paquete Habana: International law is part of our law, and must be ascertained and administered by the courts of justice o f appropriate jurisdiction, as often as questions of right depending upon it are duly presented for their determination. 175 U.S. 677, 700 (1900). In terms of our struggle for racial equality, almost from the moment the first African slaves disem barked in Virginia in 1669, there arose in the colonies an anti-slavery movement grounded in European Quaker philosophy. See Ruth A. Ketrin, Charles Osborn in the Anti-Slavery Movement (1937). Thus, in 1657, George Fox, a Quaker leader, published a document titled “To Friends beyond the sea that have Black and Indian Slaves,” in which he argued that “all men of earth were of one blood.” See Her bert Aptheker, The Quakers and Negro Slavery, 25 Journal of Negro History 332 (1940). As the aboli tionist movement began to take root, northern blacks argued for American citizenship by pointing out that under international customary law, “the strongest claim to citizenship is birth-pace” and that “in what ever country or place you may be born . . .you are in the first and highest sense a citizen.” This Country Our Only Home, 1 Colored x American, May 9, 1840. Frederick Douglas challenged the constitutional compromise that denied people of African descent their personhood and citizenship based on natural law and other concepts that were advanced by the philosophers of the European Enlightenment.37 David Brion Davis, The Emergence o f Immediatism in B ritish and American Antislavery Thought, in Articles on American Slavery 85, 85 (Paul Finkelman ed., 1989). 31 Northern and Southern abolitionists found and cited as inspiration the 1803 slave revolution in Haiti led by the former slave Toussaint L’Ouverture. See Robert C. Morris, Reading, “R itin g ,” and Recon struction: The Education of Freedmen in the South 1861-1870 199 (1981). During the Jim Crow era, intellectuals and activists such as W. E. B. DuBois examined parallels between the struggle for Irish Independence from the British and the African-American struggle for equal rights. See Susan M. Glisson, The Human Tra d ition in the C iv il Rights Movement 80 (2006). These advocates used international mechanisms to pressure the United States government by, in ter alia, petitioning the United Nations for relief from the laws that maintained the racial segregation of Jim Crow as a matter of constitutional equality. See Carol Anderson, Eyes o ff the Prize : The United Nations and the A frican American Struggle fo r Human Rights, 1944-1956 20 (2003). The first such petition to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights was submitted by the National Negro Congress (NNC) on January of 1946. Id. In 1947, a supplement to the original draft o f the NNC United Nations petition was submitted, expanding the focus from African Americans to all peoples of color in the United States. Id. at 89. The supplement also stated how Jim Crow Laws in the United States discrimi nated against Third World U.N. delegates. Id. The supplement concluded that the Negro problem in America was more than an internal problem, but rather had international implications that should be addressed by the world. Id. In 1947, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) filed a petition to the United Nations titled, “An Appeal to the World: A Statement on the 32 Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens o f Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United States for Redress.” Azza Salama Layton, International P o li tics and, C iv il Rights Policies in the United States 1941-1960 51 (2000). These petitions were rooted in notions o f free dom, liberty, self-determination and natural rights through international laws, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, on which the United States placed its imprimatur at the close o f World War II.38 Leaders in the civil rights movement o f the 1950s and 1960s used human rights norms and stan dards to state their claims in ways the Constitution seemed unable to comprehend. Whether James Nabrit’s use of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to challenge the continuing constitutionality of segregated public schools in the District of Columbia, or Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s final speech before his death in which he placed the labor struggle of Memphis’ black garbage collectors in the broader context of “the human rights revolution,” or the statement, by Malcolm X that “the day the black man turns from civil rights to human rights, he will take his case into the halls of the United Nations in 38 Eleanor Roosevelt, On The Adoption o f the Universal Declaration o f Human Rights (December 9, 1948) (noting that “ [t]he long and meticulous study and debate o f which this Uni versal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views o f the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. . . . Taken as a whole the Delegation o f the United States believes that this is a good document— even a great document— and we propose to give it our full support.”) http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ eleanorrooseveltdeclarationhumanrights.htm; see also William L. Patterson, We Charge Genocide: The Crime o f Government Against the Negro People vii (1970). http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ 33 the same manner as the people in Angola, whose human rights have been violated by the Portuguese in South Africa,”39 human rights have been an impor tant reference point for those struggling for full per- sonhood and citizenship for all regardless o f race, color or creed.40 These examples demonstrate the historical tradi tion o f viewing racial justice in America as both a domestic and an international imperative. This cus tom is made more salient by our government’s agree ment, by way of signature and ratification, to be bound by treaties such as the ICERD and the ICCPR. That this agreement is subject to conditions is beyond question. What is crucial to the points made in this brief is that assuming, arguendo, these con ditions are legitimate, then the position advanced by at least two presidents is one that recognizes the Voting Rights Act as crucial to satisfying our treaty obligations under both ICERD and ICCPR. 39 Malcolm X, The Leverett House Forum o f March 18, 1964, in Malcolm X: Speeches at Harvard 143-44(Archie Epps, ed. 1991) 40 See e.g. James Jennings, The International Convention on the E lim in a tion o f A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination (C ERD ): The Inernational Convention on the E lim ination of A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination : Im plications fo r Chal lenging Racial Hierarchy, 40 How. L.J. 597 (1997); Gay J. McDougall, The International Convention on the E lim ination of A ll Forms of Racial D iscrim ination (CERD): Introduction: Toward a Meaningful International Regime: The Domestic Rel evance o f International Efforts to Elim inate A ll Forms o f Racial D iscrim ination , 40 How. L.J. 571 )(1997); Dorothy Q. Thomas, Advancing Rights Protection in the United States: An Internationalized Advocacy Strategy, 9 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 15, 18(1996). 34 CONCLUSION For the foregoing reasons, we pray the Court uphold the decision of the United States District Court for the District o f Columbia. Respectfully submitted, Aderson Bellegarde Franqois Counsel of Record Associate Professor of Law & Supervising Attorney of the Civil Rights Clinic Lisa A. Crooms Professor of Law Howard University School of Law 2900 Van Ness Street N.W. Washington D.C. 20008 (202) 806-8065