Duckworth v. Moore Brief of Appellees
Public Court Documents
June 20, 1977

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. City of Birmingham v. Monk Brief and Argument of Horace C. Wilkinson, 1950. ba4ad4ea-c69a-ee11-be37-000d3a574715. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/82c91c80-4cfa-4123-bb85-83887224d084/city-of-birmingham-v-monk-brief-and-argument-of-horace-c-wilkinson. Accessed August 27, 2025.
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mJu j l I O, / is o IN THE UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 13,158 CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, ET AL., Appellants, vs. MARY MEANS MONK, ET AL, Appellees. BRIEF AND ARGUMENT OF H orace C. W ilk in so n Attorney for Appellants SUBJECT INDEX Page Staetment of the Case____________________________________ I The Facts _____________________________________________ 7 Proposition of Law_____________________________________ 29 Assignment of Error_____________________________________ 34 ARGUMENT Proposition I a. The court erred in holding that this case is ruled by Buchanan v. Warley________________________________ 42 b. The zoning ordinances do not “take” property without due process _______________________________________ 50 c. A non-absolute right may be restricted by legislation----- 52 d. The City Commission believes that its zoning ordinance does not conflict with the 14th Amendment----------------- 56 e. Long and repeated recognition of validity of ordinance— 57 Proposition II a. Social and economic data admissible and material-------- 60 b. Constitutional interpretation is more than a rule of thumb ___________________________________________ 66 c. Segregation is not forbidden by U. S. Constitution-------- 69 Proposition III a. Residential segregation socially desirable----------------- — 73 b. Residential segregation discourages debasement of bloods 77 c. Residential segregation is advantageous to the Negro----- 93 d. Residential segregation lessens racial antipathies----------- 94 e. Residential segregation makes each race more at ease----- 96 f. Equitable segregation ______________________________ 98 Proposition IV Residential segregation is essential to peace and order----------102 Proposition V Equitable segregation is economically desirable-------------- 114 Proposition VI a. Residential segregation the most practical solution----- 137 b. The nature of race conflict__________________________ 143 c. The city’s right to preserve racial integrity-------------------145 SUBJECT INDEX (Cont.) Page Proposition VII The use of property may be regulated under the Police pow er--------------------------------------------------------1________149 Proposition VIII The difference between the races affords a sound basis for the exercise of the police power______________________ a. The marked differences_____________________________ 156 b. Science of Government_____________________________ 160 c. Military Value ____________________________________162 Proposition IX An impracticable construction of the Constitution will be avoided ___________________________________________ 164 Conclusion __________________________________________ 165 CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS City Code of Birmingham (1944) Sections 1604 and 1605 (Supp. Ord. No. 709-F) Chapter 57 Section 1645 Code of Alabama (1940) Title 62-Sec. 719 ” 62-Sec. 711 ” 14-Sec. 360-361 ” 16-Sec. 7 ” 27-Sec. 11 ACTS OF ALABAMA Acts 1909—Page 392 Acts 1915—Page 294—Sec. 6 Alabama Constitution (1901) Sec. 102 Sec. 256 Sec. 182 Text Books Cooley’s Constitutional Limitations Vol. II—Page 1317 BIBLIOGRAPHY THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL-January 1944 PRINCIPLES OF CITY LAND VALUES (Hurd) 77-78 21 ILLINOIS LAW REVIEW-716 APPRAISAL JOURNAL, February, 1940 (A Source of Property Value) THE STATE (Woodrow Wilson) Page 592 EBONY (May, 1949) Page 18 SELECTED ESSAYS ON CONSTITUTIONAL LA W - Vol. 2, Pages 1175-1176 and 1193, 1179, 1180, 1194. HARVARD LAW REVIEW, Vol. 38, Page 6 MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW-Vol. 24, Page 17 MILTON R. KNOVITZ (Irene Morgan case) PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW-Vol. 79, Page 665 ILLINOIS LAW REVIEW, Vol. 21, Pages 704-716 THE NATION (August, 1947) Page 123 NEW YORK COMMISSION REPORT-Page 74 PENNSYLVANIA COM. REPORT, Page 131 COLLIER’S WEEKLY (November 3, 1946) NEGRO GHETTO, Pages 167-170 W HAT THE NEGRO WANTS (R. W. Logan), Pages 7, 28 THE NEGRO IN CHICAGO NEGRO DIGEST (December, 1944) Page 31 WHAT THE NEGRO WANTS (DuBois), Pages 65, 66 AMERICAN JOURNAL ON SOCIOLOGY, Vol. 50-Page 351 DEUTERONOMY, Chapter 23, V-2 HEBREWS, Chapter 12-V6-8 AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS AND TH EIR PRESERVATION (Cook) BALFOUR, SIR ARTHUR JAMES MY THREE YEARS IN MOSCOW (Smith), 285, 268 WHERE I WAS BORN AND RAISED (Cohn, 1949), Page 156 DOWD, Professor RACE AND NATIONALITY (Fairchild, Professor), Page 88 THE CRADLE OF TH E CONFEDERACY (Hodgson) NEGRO HOUSING, Page 213 THE NEGRO IN AMERICAN LIFE, Pages 474, 476 TOOMBS, SENATOR ROBERT THE AMERICAN RACE PROBLEM (1927) PLANNING FOR THE SOUTH (Sickle) BISHOP, Reporter BIBLIOGRAPHY (Cont.) PRICE, BEN PEOPLE v. PROPERTY ROCKY MOUNTAIN LAW REVIEW (Vol. 18) NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS CODE HOUSING FOR THE MACHINE AGE THE REVIEW OF THE SOCIETY OF RESIDENTIAL APPRAISERS UNDERWRITING MANUAL (FHA) (1935) TH E INSURED MORTGAGE PORTFOLIO PUNISHMENT W ITHOU T CRIME TH IRD NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW (July, 1914) ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF LAND VALUES IN CHICAGO (Hoyt) THE NEGRO PROBLEM (1914) TABLE OF CASES Page Borden’s Co. v. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194___________________ 32, 67 Boyer v. Garrett, MMS U. S. Dist. Ct., Maryland, Dec. 30, 1949 ______________________________________________ 31, 54 Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60----------------------- 29, 41, 50, 52, 56 Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200__________________________30, 46, 75 Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296------------------------ 29, 33, 44 Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753-----------------------------33 Cumming v. Richmond County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528 _________________________________________ 32, 71 Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 87 N. E. (2d) 241----------------32 Eldridge v. Trezevant, 160 U. S. 452------------------------------------ 58 Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182--------- -—31, 57 Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365____________ 29, 30, 45 Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337------------------------------------------32, 72 Gompers v. U. S. 233 U. S. 604____________________________ 32, 66 Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78___________________________ 32, 71 Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U. S. 394-------------------------------- 29, 44 Henderson v. U. S., 80 Fed. Supp. 32-----------------------------------31, 54 Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366------------------------------------------- 33 Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81-----------------------------------30, 45 Jackman v. Rosenbaum, 260 U. S. 22------------------------------------ 58 Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11------------------ 30, 46, 64, 74 TABLE OF CASES (Cont.) Page Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214_________________________31, 57 Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214_________________ 30, 45 Laurel Hill Cemetery v. San Francisco, 216 U. S. 358 (1910)___ 58 Miller vs. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272____________________________33 Miller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412___________________ 30, 46, 65, 76 Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113______________________________29 Nectow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183______________ 32, 33 Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104__________________ 33 Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381______________________ 30, 47 Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633_____________________ 29, 45 Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231_______________________________30, 53 People v. Gallagher, 45 Amer. Report 232___________________ 70 People v. School Board, 161 N. Y. 598___________________ 32, 72 Pierce Oil Company v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498_______________ 29, 44 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537_______________ 30, 31, 53, 58, 97 Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek, 259 U. S. 530_________ 31, 55 Roberts v. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198______________________71 Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171___________________ 29, 44 Sipuel v. Board of Regents, 332 U. S. 631 (1948)_____________ 72 St. Anthony Falls Water Power Co. v. Board of Water Com mission, 168 U. S. 349 (1897)____________________________58 State v. Board of School Comm., 226 Ala. 62_____________ 31, 54 State v. Board of Trustees, 126 Ohio St. 290_________________ 32 State ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148, 196 N. W. 451 ------------------------------------------------------------------30, 47, 77 State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92____________________________ 33 Story v. State, 178 Ala. 98______________________________30, 81 Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 NJL 139_________________________ 33 Texas & N. O. R. R. v. Brotherhood R. & S. Clerks, 281 U. S. 548 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 33 Traux v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312___________________________66 U. S. v. Caroline Products Co., 304 U. S. 144___________ 32, 67, 68 Vidalia v. McNelly, 274 U. S. 676 (1927)______________________58 Weaver v. Board of Trustees of Ohio State Univ., 126 Ohio St. 290 ______________________________________________ 73 West Chester R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 (1867)-.4, 31, 54, 89 West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379_________ 30, 33, 47 Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212_______________ 31, 57 IN THE UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 13,158 CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, ET AL., Appellants, vs. MARY MEANS MONK, ET AL, Appellees. STATEMENT OF THE CASE This is an appeal from a final judgment rendered by the United States District Court in Birmingham, Alabama, in favor of Mary Means Monk and fourteen other Negroes against the City of Birmingham, a municipal corporation, H. E. Hagood, its Building Inspector, and Commissioner James W. Morgan, in whose department the zoning law is administered. The court declared Sections 1604 and 1605 of the City Code of Birmingham (1944) and a supplementary ordi nance No. 709-F, unconstitutional and ordered an injunc tion against their enforcement. (R. p. 263) . The ordi nances are set out in the appendix. Sections 1604 and 1605 are a part of the basic zoning law of Birmingham. They make it unlawful for a Negro, with some minor exceptions, to occupy property for resi dential purposes in an area zoned A-l or white residential and for a white person to occupy property for residential purposes in an area zoned B-l or negro residential. 2 The plaintiffs filed a complaint in the District Court (R. p. 1) in which they claimed that Sections 1604 and 1605 and supplementary ordinance No. 709-F were un constitutional because they prevented the plaintiffs from constructing and occupying residences upon certain real estate in the Graymont-College Hills section of Birming ham which has been zoned white residential since 1926. The plaintiffs claimed that they were negroes and that they were excluded from that area, by the zoning ordinance, solely because of their race or color. They averred that Mary Means Monk had applied for and had been denied a permit to build and occupy a house as a residence in said area and that all other negroes will be denied a permit to build and occupy a residence on any lots they own in said area because said lots are in a white residential zone. They asked the court to injoin the enforcement of Sections 1604 and 1605 of the City Code of Birmingham and said Ordi nance No. 709-F and to render a judgment declaring said ordinances unconstitutional, null and void. The defendants filed an answer (R. p. 19) in which they denied that the plaintiffs are prevented from living on the property they claim to own solely because of their race and color. The defendants set up that the classifi cation of certain areas in the City of Birmingham in its zoning ordinances as white residential sections and negro residential sections is based... in part, upon the difference between the white and negro races and not solely upon race or color. The defendants denied that the zoning ordi nances are unconstitutional. With respect to the origin and operation of the basic zoning ordinances in Birmingham the defendants averred (R. p. 22) : “. . . . The zoning ordinances of the City of Birming ham were adopted more than twenty years ago after pro tracted public hearings in which each class of citizen ship in Birmingham was represented and heard, that it 3 embraced a comprehensive plan for zoning in line with the best thought in the Nation on the subject of zoning and that said plan embodied in said zoning ordinances has been highly successful in its operation for twenty years or more and has contributed by stabilizing property values in the respective zones to the material prosperity and progress of the City of Birmingham, that it has alle viated racial friction and race tension and has contributed to the public peace and the public welfare to a marked degree. Defendants aver that said ordinance is a valid and legal exercise of the police power of the City of Bir mingham which by specific statutory enactment is com mensurate with the police power of the State of Alabama and is a power that is inalienable and cannot be sur rendered by the City of Birmingham, Alabama, or by the State of Alabama.” The defendants set up in their answer that the most exceptional circumstances not only justify but require the classification made by the zoning ordinances and that the enforcement of the zoning ordinances is imperative. The defendants averred that, “ There has been dynamiting, rioting, violence, dis order and damage to property in the areas in which the plaintiffs claim to own property on recent previous oc casions when negroes attempted to occupy property in said area zoned white residential. . . The defendants further averred: • ■ • • That should the plaintiffs undertake to occupy the property they claim to own, there is a clear, grave and present danger of a race riot, violence and loss of life and tremendous property damage, all of which will likely or probably follow such action and which cannot be prevented by any amount of police protection that the City of Birmingham or the State of Alabama is able to afford. . . .” (R. p. 20). 4 The defendants further averred that if the plaintiffs undertook to occupy the property they claim to own that, “• • • • The lives of a large number of citizens, white and negro, in Birmingham would be jeopardized and the public peace and order disturbed to a marked degree.. . The defendants further averred that an overwhelming majority of white and colored citizens in Birmingham favor residential segregation as the same is established by the zoning ordinances referred to in the complaint and that said white and negro citizens recognize that said residential segregation is advantageous to both races and in the in terest of both races and in the public interest for the fol lowing reasons: (a) Racial antipathies would be lessened. Because of differences between the races, resulting from different cultural backgrounds and different physical make-ups, a natural prejudice prevents harmony. By keeping one sepa rated from the other it follows that the prejudice will mani fest itself less frequently. (b) Each race would be more at ease—the white be cause it has a distaste for the colored, and the colored be cause it would feel less imposed upon and more inde pendent. This, no doubt, is one of the important elements prompting various legislatures to enact laws separating the races in trains, schools and cities. (c) Because of this feeling of independence the negro, as a race, would be more progressive. There would be greater incentive for him to move forward in that he would feel he was improving his own castle rather than that of the white man. Mr. Shannon says that with segregation “all would have better opportunity to develop along normal lines toward racial self-sufficiency, racial self-respect, and racial self-reliance.” (d) There would be less miscegenation. West Chester R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 (1867), states that co- U /JU . 5 yMJd IV ?;\ ■ ' J j® * s mingling of the races even on street cars was pernicious fori the very reason that “the tendency of intimate social inter mixture is to amalgamation contrary to the law of races ” I (R. p. 21). The defendants further set up that: “The white and colored citizens in Birmingham have abided by the zoning ordinances referred to in the com plaint for more than twenty years prior to the filing of the complaint and that by unanimous consent up to the filing of the complaint abided by and respected the classifications established by the zoning board and ap proved by the Commission of the City of Birmingham, Alabama, as provided in said zoning law and as a result there has been developed in the City of Birmingham a well established and well recognized custom which has crystalized into a contract between the whites and negro citizens in Birmingham to the effect that the members of each race will abide by and respect the classifications established by the zoning board and that the members of one race will not undertake to occupy property for residential purposes that is located in an area zoned for residential purposes for the members of the other race. Based on that agreement and the aforesaid recognition of the said classifications for more than twenty years, thousands of white citizens have built their homes in areas zoned white residential and thousands of colored citizens have built their homes in areas zoned negro residential area relying upon the aforesaid agreement and custom and its observances for a period of twenty years fully confident that the area zoned white residential would not be invaded by negroes and that the area zoned negro residential would not be invaded by members of the white race until the respective zoning classifications were changed by the zoning board in the way and man ner provided by said zoning ordinances.” (R. p. 28) . In addition to the calamity in the form of a race war which will result from the plaintiffs being allowed to live in a white residential section, the defendants averred that 6 residential property in Birmingham, white and colored alike, would immediately depreciate in value from twenty- five to fifty percent if the Birmingham zoning law is nulli fied and as a result, . . . . The municipal revenue would be so greatly diminished as a result of the depreciation in property values that the City of Birmingham would be unable to render the necessary fire, police, health, street and light service to white and black that is necessary and essential that the education of white and black in Birmingham would be greatly impaired as a result of the diminution in municipal revenue and that the comfort, peace and progress of both races would be disturbed and arrested and all municipal services to both races materially im paired as a result of the diminution in revenue resulting from the decrease in property values. . . (R. p. 29). In addition to injuries suffered by the City of Birming ham in its corporate capacity, the defendants averred that: “. . . . Thousands of property owners in Birmingham, white and colored alike will suffer irreparable injury and damage if the plaintiffs are allowed or permitted to upset or overturn the arrangement that has prevailed in the City of Birmingham for more than twenty years, and that it would be inequitable to allow the plaintiffs to disturb the aforesaid arrangement which is essential to peace and order and the preservation of life and property values in the City of Birmingham.” (R. p. 30) . The defendants also averred that the human rights of the citizens of Birmingham to freedom from disorder is superior to any property rights asserted by the plaintiffs. That claim was made in the following language: “Defendants aver that the human right of hundreds of thousands of negroes and whites in the City of Birm ingham to peace and order and freedom from race war and race riots, that their right to life, liberty and the 7 pursuit of happiness is superior to any alleged right of the plaintiffs to occupy property they claim to own which they admit they purchased with full knowledge of the restrictions placed on its occupancy by the City of Birm- ham, Alabama, which have been acquiesed in, accepted and abided by the citizens of both races for more than twenty years. The defendants aver that the aforesaid human rights are paramount to any property rights as serted by the plaintiffs.” The defendants also set up that plaintiffs could take an appeal to the Board of Adjustment from the refusal of the administrative officer, H. E. Hagood, to issue the building permit and that Mary Means Monk had not availed her self of the right of appeal provided for in Section 719, Title 62, Alabama Code of 1940. (R. p. 27). THE FACTS The City of Birmingham is an Alabama municipal cor poration. It lies mostly in Jones Valley between two moun tains. One on the North and one on the South and has a population of about four hundred thousand people. More than forty percent of its population are negroes. Prior to 1910 the territory now within the corporate limits of the City of Birmingham consisted of the City of Birmingham and eleven other municipalities lying East, West and North of Birmingham. There were one or more white and one or more colored residential districts in each of these outlying communities. In 1909 the boundary lines of the City of Birmingham were altered or rearranged so as to include within the cor porate limits of the City of Birmingham the territory then included within the eleven municipalities, effective Jan uary 1, 1910. Acts 1909, page 392. In 1915 the legislature of Alabama conferred upon the City of Birmingham express authority to prevent conflict and ill feeling between the races and delegated to Birming- 8 ham full, complete and unlimited police power possessed by the State of Alabama in so far as it is possible for the legislature of Alabama under the Constitution of Alabama and of the United States to delegate such powers. Acts 1915, page 294, Section 6. In 1923 the legislature of Alabama expressly empowered the legislative body of the City to establish a zoning com mission and to classify inhabitants by regulations, which will not discriminate in favor of or against any class of in habitants. Alabama Code 1940, Title 62, Section 711. The City employed the well known engineering firm of Morris Knowles of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, to prepare a comprehensive zoning plan for the City of Birmingham. After several years study and innumerable public hearings in which all races, classes and interests were heard at length, the City was zoned by a basic zoning ordinance which is now Chapter 57 of the General City Code of Birmingham of 1944, Generally speaking, the City was divided by this ordinance into five districts, white residential, negro resi dential, commercial, light industrial and heavy industrial. The white and negro residential districts were in turn sub divided in A-l residential for white, B-l residential for negroes, A-2 residential for whites, and B-2 residential for negroes. In the white residential districts no building or part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the j negro race, with minor and unimportant exceptions. In L the negro residential districts, no building or any part j thereof shall be occupied or used by any person of the white race, with certain minor and unimportant exceptions. It is made the duty of the Chief Building Inspector of the City to administer and enforce the zoning law and a right of appeal from the decision of the administrative offi cer may be taken to the Board of Adjustment by any per son aggrieved under Section 1645, Birmingham Code, 1944. In the basic zoning map which was introduced in evidence as defendants Exhibit 2, it appears that there are thirty- seven negro residence areas in Birmingham plus a thirty acre tract known as Taylors Hill in a white residential zone which has not been disturbed because it was occupied by negroes at the time the City was zoned in 1926. It is en tirely surrounded by a white residence area. George R. Byrum, Jr., Chairman of the Board of Ad justment testified (R. p. 78) that the percentage of the vacancies in the different residence areas was substantially uniform throughout and that all of the negro areas are from 90 to 92 percent improved and that about 8 or 10 percent of each respective area is vacant and available for improvement. This was based on an actual inspection of the property made the week before the trial in the District Court. A map of the area in which the lots owned by the plain tiff are located was introduced in evidence as defendants Exhibit 1. This map shows that the streets in that dis trict run north and south and the Avenues east and west. All of the property west of Center Street between 9th Avenue and 11th Avenue, a distance of four blocks, is zoned white except six lots on the east side of block 36. Blocks 40 and 46 between 11th Avenue and 11th Court West on Center Street are also zoned white. West of Center Street between 9th Avenue and 11th Avenue for more than a mile is zoned white. Lots owned by the plain tiffs are located in Blocks 37, 38, 39, 40 and 47, all of which are exclusively white blocks. The evidence is to the effect that Mary Means Monk applied for a building permit to erect a dwelling or a house on a lot in Block 37 which she proposed to occupy as a residence. (R. p. 54) . The building inspector examined I the plans and specifications for the dwelling and found they were in compliance with the structural requirements of the building code of the City of Birmingham, but the issuance of the building permit applied for was refused because the purpose for which the property was to be used 10 would violate Sections 1604 and 1605 and Ordinance 709-F above referred to. Commissioner James W. Morgan testified (R. p. 91) that the building inspector was in his department and under his immediate supervision and that he refused to have Mr. Hagood issue the permit on the grounds that Mary Means Monk’s property was in a white district and that it is his policy that no permits are issued to negroes who propose to build homes and occupy them in a white residential section. Mr. Morgan testified that this policy was based on the custom that had been observed throughout the years, that he thought it best for white people to have their own area to live in and their own places of worship to attend and their own schools. Mr. Morgan testified that during the 12 years he had been on the City Commission, the white and colored areas of Birmingham had been well ob served by members of both races until recently. This ques tion was propounded to Mr. Morgan: “Q. In your opinion, I wish you would tell the court whether or not the zoning ordinance as drafted, approved and enforced and applied and construed and administered has been conducive to public peace and order.” The plaintiff’s objection was sustained on the ground that under Buchanan versus Warley that is most certainly not in issue. (R. p. 94) . The defendants offered to show that the ordinance had been conducive to public peace and order. This question was propounded to Mr. Morgan: “Q. Mr. Morgan, if the custom that has been observed here with respect to the residential sections, white and colored, by both races since you have been on the Com mission is upset or overturned, what in your judgment will be the effect on property values, residential property values, in the City of Birmingham? The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend ants offered to show that it would result in a very sub stantial decrease in ad valorem residential value. (R. p. 95) . This question as propounded to Commissioner Morgan: “O. I would be glad if you would state to the court what in your judgment and opinion as a member of the Commission of the City of Birmingham would be the re sult on the City finances and its ability to render municipal services such as fire, police, health, street improvements, education, and matters of that kind, if a substantial de crease in municipal revenue is brought about by a disre gard of the custom that has prevailed for 12 years with respect to the residential zoning? The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend ants offered to show that it would impair the City’s ability to the extent that it would probably not be able to render those essential services to the extent required and necessary and essential for the comfort and convenience of the citi zens. (R. p. 96) . Commissioner Morgan further testified that the zoning ordinance was enacted to preserve peace and order in the community and for the best interest of all concerned and that the zoning ordinance was the reason why the building permit was denied. The defendants offered to show that in the immediate territory of plaintiff’s lots six bombings had occurred with in the last few months as a result of the attempt of the negroes to invade that territory. The court refused to allow evidence of that character to be introduced. (R. p. 98). Commissioner Morgan further testified that in his judg ment and opinion and belief that there is a clear and grave and present danger to the peace and public welfare in Bir mingham from the upsetting of the custom that has grown up under the zoning laws. Commissioner Morgan testified (R. p. 102) that he ap pointed a committee to work out the situation and that as 12 a compromise the City Commission re-zoned thirty-five acres for negro residential property and that when the committee for the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) came before the Com mission with such forceful demands, namely, that they would not accept any compromise on this proposition, but that segregation had to be abandoned in Birmingham, he believed it had a strong bearing on the discontinuance of any effort to be helpful. It certainly had that effect on him. He further testified that he thought the action of the NAACP made further action on the part of the Com mittee futile at this time and that the demands of the Graymont Civic Association which rejected the recommen dation of the Zoning Board and the Committee did not have anything to do with the Committee resigning. He testified that the Graymont Civic Association is a civic club of about one hundred residents of that area out there. N. L. Thompson, Manager of the Western Union Tele graph Company in Birmingham in response to a subpoena duces tecum (R. p. ] 06) produced a number of telegrams on file with the Western Union office in Birmingham for transmission and delivery to President Truman, Attorney General Tom C. Clark, A. A. Carmichael, Attorney Gen eral of Alabama, Commissioner Eugene Connor, Walter White, Chief of Police Floyd Eddins, which he testified were transmitted and delivered by the Western Union Tele graph Company. The first telegram dated August 13, 1949, informed Attorney General Carmichael that, “Racial tensions made acute by Friday night bomb ings of two ministers home. Situation demand swift and sure attention. NAACP pleads for your office to conduct a thorough investigation of every worth aspect of the problem. Not one of six bombings of Negro homes solved. Had it been the other way it is doubtful outcome would be same. NAACP will not relax its fight against racial zoning laws.” (R. p. 108) . 13 Telegram to President Truman on the same date in formed him that: “Violent unsolved bombings of negro homes rose to six Friday night, August 12, in short span. Racial ten sions sharp enough for unhappy possibilities. . . .” (R. p. 109). Telegram to Commissioner Eugene Connor on the same date informed him that: “Just three days after you allegedly warned that quote we’re going to have bloodshed in this town unquote unless white citizens have their way about racial zoning homes of two negro ministers were bombed. These two become the sixth negro homes to be bombed. Not one arrest has been made. . . .” R. p. 110) . Telegram to Attorney General Tom Clark on the same date informed him that: “. . . . Six negro homes bombed over short period without single arrest. Racial tensions inflamed by un fortunate utterances by one public official. Three days after Commissioner Connor allegedly said quote we’re going to have more bloodshed in this town unquote in connection with the racial zoning question violence came.” (R. p. 111). Telegram to Commissioner Jimmy Morgan on the same date informed him that: “. • . . The NAACP will fight without let up all forms of racial zoning because such is unlawful. We shall continue to support and encourage negro citizens to stand firm at all cost and sacrifices for the precious right to own and live where one can buy or rent. NAACP urges round the clock protection for negro citizens in Smithfield area. Not one of six bombings of negro homes have been cleared up. . . .” (R. p. 112) . 14 Telegram to the President of the City Commission, Cooper Green, on the same date said: . We urge day and night police protection for the negro homedwellers in Smithfield area. . . (R. p. 113). Telegram to the Sheriff of Jefferson County, Holt Mc Dowell, said: “With two bombings Friday night, August 13, in Birmingham the number has risen to six unsolved bombings of negro homes. The community has been inflamed by unfortunate statements attributed to at least one city public official. . . .” (R. p. 114) . All of these telegrams were signed by the Chairman, Exe cutive Committee, Birmingham Branch NAACP. In a telegram to Chief of Police Floyd Eddins dated June 2, 1949, it was said: “A situation exists growing out of controversy over racial residential zoning which demands hourly police protection for Reverend Milton Curry of 1100 Center Street North and Reverend E. B. Deyampert of 1104 Cen ter Street North.” This telegram was signed by the President of the Birming ham Branch, NAACP. On May 23, 1949, a telegram was sent to Attorney Gen eral Tom Clark, saying: “Urge conspiracy prosecution in case where Willie Ger man of 1100 North 11th Avenue denied occupancy of his home by threats and acts of Birmingham public offi cials May 21, 1949.” (R. p. 117) . President Truman was advised by telegram dated June 2, 1949, that: 15 “Because of fear that local police protection is break ing down in Smithfield area where racial zoning contest has provided controversy, the Birmingham Branch of NAACP voted Thursday night to bring this to your at tention. We urge that the prestige of the White House be thrown behind efforts of negro citizens to have pro tection here where their civil liberties are being threat ened.” These telegrams were sent by the Birmingham Branch of the NAACP. After the telegrams had been read in evidence without objection, the court said: “THE COURT: Those telegrams are in, but I don’t see where they have any bearing on any issue in this case.” (R. p. 118) . E. A. Camp, Jr., testified (R. p. 120) that he was Vice- President and Treasurer of the Liberty Life Insurance Company and handled investments for that company. That he was familiar with its policy with reference to mak ing loans on white and colored property in Birmingham and elsewhere. That his company makes loans on white residential property and colored residential property where in his opinion it is properly located and is good security for a loan. He was asked this question: “Q. What is the policy of the Liberty National Life Insurance Company with reference to making loans on white and colored residential property?” Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants offered to show by this witness and other witnesses that the policy of the Liberty National and other life insurance companies is that they loan on white residential property where it is zoned white and loan on colored residential property where it is zoned colored. They do not loan on property that is in a mixed zone or in a twilight zone or in the path of being 16 changed from one classification to the other. That sta bilized conditions is one of the main factors taken into con sideration in making loans on property.” (R. p. 122) . The defendants also offered to show that the building and loan associations, the mortgage companies, trust com panies, banks and other financial people have followed that same policy in Birmingham and elsewhere for many years. (R. P. 122). The court declined to admit the evidence. Mr. Camp was then asked this question: Q. Mr. Camp, in your opinion, I wish you would tell the court what effect the invasion of a white resi dential zone by negro citizens has on the appraised value and fair market value of property in Birmingham?” The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend ants offered to show that it varies, causing depreciation from 25 to 50 percent, according to locality. (R. p. 123) . W. Cooper Green, President of the City Commission of Birmingham testified (R. p. 124) that the Commission of Birmingham is the governing body of the City and is com posed of three members. He has special supervision over the financial department, the parks and playgrounds, the stadium and dog pound. There is a mixture of miscel laneous departments. He testified that he had lived in Birmingham forty-five years. He is familiar with the ter ritory in the controversial area in the North Smith field portion of Birmingham. He testified that he lived in the Graymont-College Hills area from 1922 to 1936. He re members a controversy arising between the white and colored people in 1922 or 1923 about whether Center Street would be the dividing line between the white and colored settlements out there. He attended the meeting. There was a committee representing the Graymont Civic Association, a colored committee representing the negro citizens. These committees met with the City Commission, 17 worked out a compromise and agreed on Center Street as the dividing line, except one little strip down at the 8th Avenue end of Center Street which was zoned colored later by the zoning board in 1926. The territory west of Center Street was to be white and the territory east of Center Street was to be colored. (R. p. 125) . That settlement has been observed and abided by gen erally from that time until this controversy arose. President Green identified a document which was pre pared under his supervision giving certain facts and figures about the City of Birmingham in 1946. It was in the nature of a report to the people of Birmingham of the con dition of affairs at that time. The document contains statements about population, owner occupied property, finance, schools, salaries, public health, libraries, municipal auditorium, parks and playgrounds, department of public welfare, housing, police and fire department, streets and highways, garbage collection, street lighting, showing the amount expended for the various services and the percent age of the revenue that was particularly expended for the negro citizens in Birmingham. Exhibit 16. The defendants claimed that the information was rel evant to show the amount of money that is needed for the services rendered and that the facts stated therein showed that there was no discrimination against the negro race in Birmingham. (R. p. 127) . The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and the defend ants then offered in evidence a document entitled “The 1948 Municipal Tax Dollar, Condensed Statistical and Operational Data”, published and distributed to the citi zens of Birmingham by the City Commission. This was defendants’ Exhibit No. 17. The court sustained the plain tiff’s objection to the introduction of the document in evi dence. 18 Mr. Green testified that when the Graymont area was basically zoned in 1926, the zoning lines followed the lines of the agreement that the white and colored citizens reached in respect to said area in 1923. Mr. Green testi fied that after the whites and negroes reached the agree ment in 1923, and the property was zoned in 1926 there had been no challenge of the arrangement in any way, shape, form or fashion in the ten years he had been on the Commission until the recent controversy involving the in vasion of the area West of Center Street by some negroes arose. Mr. Green testified that there had been no change in the zoning west of Center Street since 1926, but that on the north end about thirty acres was rezoned from white to colored and that the area rezoned was about ninety-five percent vacant. President Green was asked this question: “Q. I will ask you to tell his Honor what in your opinion would be the result of upsetting the custom that was translated into the zoning laws by the ordinance, zoning ordinance in 1926, with respect to white and colored areas in the Graymont section?” Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and Mr. Green was then asked this question: “Q. Mr. Green, I will ask you whether or not in your opinion there is a clear and present grave danger of jeopardy to life and property if the white section out there that we have been talking about is invaded by negroes?” The plaintiffs objected and the witness answered. “Yes, sir.” The court sustained the objection. The defendants offered to show by this witness that in his opinion grave disorder and damage to property and jeopardy to life and limb would result from that situation. (R. p. 155). The witness testified that the City of Birmingham was up to its tax limit. After he had so testified the court sus- 19 tained an objection whereupon the defendants offered to show that Birmingham is up to its tax limit and that it has no new sources of revenue that it could tap under the law, and if there is any substantial diminution in the ad valorem tax from residential property sources, the city’s ability to furnish necessary municipal services would be materially impaired. (R. p. 156) . The witness testified that the zoning ordinance was being enforced to the best of his ability and that for the good of racial harmony, law and order the Commission upholds the ordinance and observes the principle that a negro can own land in one area that is zoned for white occupancy, but he is not allowed to occupy the land. Mr. Green testified: “I believe this matter goes beyond the written law, in j the interest of peace and harmony and good will and racial happiness.” “I think this thing creates bloodshed. Under the police powers to keep law and order, we have that au thority. There are some things that law cannot cover, and j I think this is one of them.” (R. p. 158) . He testified that nothing except the zoning ordinance and its enforcement that he knewT of prevents the plaintiffs in this case in continuing to build their home on the land they bought. Mr. Green was asked this question: “Q. Mr. Green, in your opinion does the City Com mission of the City of Birmingham or the State of Alabama, both of them combined, have enough police force to pre vent race riots, violence and damage to property if the in vasion of white sections by negroes becomes general in Bir mingham?” The plaintiff’s objection was sustained. Mr. A. Key Foster testified (R. p. 162) that he was Vice- President of the First National Bank of Birmingham and had about twenty-five years experience in the banking busi ness which included the appraisal of mortgage loans on resi- 20 dential property in Birmingham. He testified that there has been observed in Birmingham a custom in substance that the white people remained in the white residential areas as zoned by the City and the negroes did the same thing with respect to areas zoned for negroes. “Q. Was that fact taken into consideration in making mortgage loans and appraising property?” Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants offered to show that that was a very important question in the making of loans and the appraising of property and fixing values on it. Mr. Foster testified that in the appraisal of property by financial institutions such as banks, insurance companies, mortgage loan companies, building and loan associations, and institutions of that kind, the location of the property and its stability of its classification is a very important factor. (R. p. 164) . It was then asked: "Q. I will ask you, Mr. Foster, if property is in the path of a contemplated change from white to colored classi fication, or from colored to white classification, if that is a factor that is taken into consideration in the appraisal of property?” Plaintiff’s objection was sustained. The court ruled that the elements that enter into the appraisal of property for the purpose of making mortgage loans was immaterial in the issuance of the case. (R. p. 164) . The defendants offered to show all of the elements that enter into a property appraisal of property by a man ex perienced in that line of business for the purpose of show ing just how they do arrive at values. That the location and stability of classification is highly important. That there are other such things, such as the type of tenant who is going to occupy it, the type of occupant, whether white 21 or colored, whether professional or an artist, a laborer or merchant, or what not. (R. p. 165) . Mr. Foster testified that he was a member of the com mittee of five appointed in 1949 by Commissioner Morgan to work out a solution of the controversy that arose be tween the negroes and whites over the Center Street zoning in the Graymont territory. That committee conferred with the negro committee several times. Mr. Foster stated that the whole contention was that the colored people wanted some more room to build high class residential homes and the committee recommended that a line be drawn down the center of Center Street, that the territory east of Center Street be zoned colored, and west zoned white, and that the line be drawn east and west down 11th Avenue, that south of the line be white and north of the line over the hill, down the other side, wfhich is largely vacant, be zoned colored. Mr. Foster testified that the two committees discussed the advisability of residential zoning as a social matter in Birmingham and that his committee explained to the negro committee that they felt for the sake of peace and harmony that there ought to be a segregation of races, regardless of whether there was any ordinance to that effect or not and it was generally agreed by them that that was the desire- able thing to do. The negro committee wanted to keep their people on their side of the established line if the white people would see that the white people stayed on their side. There were two blocks between 11th Court and 11th Avenue which the committee recommended to be made into a park so that there would be sort of a zone be tween white and negroes. The matter was finally com promised by drawing a line down 11th Court instead of 11th Avenue. V. L. Adams testified (R. p. 171) that he was engaged in the coal business in Birmingham and lived in the Gray mont section for about twenty-six years on 9th Court. Mr. 22 Adams testified that he was a member of the Graymont Civic Association in 1923 when a controversy came up about Center Street being the dividing line between the white and colored races and that it was agreed that Center Street was to be the dividing line up to a certain point, and then it went back to the right some 180 or 200 feet, and then went diagonally across the hill there to about that bridge over the Frisco Railroad which is shown at the top of the map which is identified as defendants’ exhibit 1. Mr. Adams testified that agreement was generally re spected by both white and negroes in that territory until three or four years ago when some negroes tried to break the white zone set up out there. Air. Adams testified that he knew the sentiment out in the Graymont section and he was asked: “Q. I will ask you if in your opinion and judgment, if there is a clear and present grave danger to public peace and order, and to property values out there if the white section that is in force here is invaded by the negroes?” Witness testified, “Very great.” The court sustained the objection made after the wit ness answered and the defendants offered to show that there was such clear, present and grave danger to the public peace and order and to property value. Mr. Walter E. Henley testified (R. p. 178) that he was born in Birmingham in 1877 and as a young man became connected with banking. He later left banking and under took the development and operation of some large coal properties and in 1925 returned to active banking since that time. He was President of the Birmingham Trust & Savings Company which is now the Birmingham Trust National Bank for twelve years and is now Chairman of its Board of Directors and actively engaged in the banking business. In his industrial experience he employed a great many negro citizens and in his banking business he has had a great many dealings with negroes, financing the construe- 23 tion and loans on their houses. Mr. Henley testified that his bank makes loans on white and negro residential prop erty, that he is familiar with residential property values in Birmingham generally and has been familiar with those values over a period of years. That the Trust Department of his bank under his supervision and direction has made large numbers of loans which were scattered all over the City of Birmingham, that he is familiar with the district known as the Graymont-College Hills section, North Smith- field. Mr. Henley was asked: “Q. I will ask you whether or not, if the restrictions in the zoning of Birmingham are removed from that territory and from residential property in Birmingham in general with respect to the areas that are classified white residential and colored residential, and the difference between them is blotted out or ignored or disregarded, whether or not as a matter of fact property values in the residential areas would decrease?” Plaintiff’s objection was sustained, whereupon counsel for the defense stated to the court: “MR. WILKINSON: We reserve an exception. It may be that we can save the time of calling a number of wit nesses to the stand. I wanted to elaborate on that con siderably, if your Honor please, and get them to explain why the property values would decrease, and to explain to the court that that is a fact. There is nothing speculative about that, it is just as certain to take place as the sun rises and sets, because there are certain well recognized stand ards in the financial world, and I thought the court would be entitled to that information for what it might be worth in this case. (R. p. 180) . THE COURT: Well, I want you to make a full offer to show all the facts necessary. Under the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States I don’t think it is ad missible in evidence, unless they change their rules. 24 MR. WILKINSON: Well, I beg to differ with the court about that, but I am not going to stop to argue it at this point. I will take that up in my argument. I want to be sure that I get the full factual picture before the court, or at least an effort to get it before the court. THE COURT: I want you to have the full benefit of that opportunity too, for purposes of appeal in the case. Q. Mr. Henley, I will ask you whether or not you know whether or not there is anything speculative about the effect upon property values, residential values in Birming ham if the provisions of the zoning law are no longer ap plicable and enforceable— MR. MARSHALL: Objection. Q—with respect to white and colored areas? MR. MARSHALL: Objection. THE COURT: Read me that question, Mr. Reporter. (The question was read.) THE COURT: I sustain the objection. MR. WILKINSON: We reserve an exception. We offer to show if your Honor please by this witness that the effect upon residential property values in Birmingham, if the provisions of the zoning law with respect to white and colored areas is not enforceable is not a matter of specula tion, but that this witness can and will testify as a matter of fact that over a period of years this district, this City, and particularly this Graymont-College Hills area, has been built up, the residences have been built by white and colored alike, and financed by his institution and by other financial institutions in Birmingham, all of whom relied upon the stability which it was believed that the zoning laws afforded' that property, to colored and white alike. And if those provisions are no longer enforceable, that the protection it was believed that the property enjoyed, both white and negro, is removed, the stabilizing effect is des troyed, and that when that is recognized, that as a matter of fact the property thus affected very materially depreciates 25 in value from 25 per cent on up, according to its location and character. (R. p. 182) . I don’t like to put a long string of questions if your Honor understands just what I am trying to show. THE COURT: That’s all right. I think I understand it, and I want you to have that showing, but I don’t think the evidence is admissible.” The defendants offered to, but were not allowed to show by Mr. Henley that out of the vast number of contacts that he has had with members of the negro race that they have been outspoken in their approval of residential segregation, and outspoken in their recognition of its value to their race as well as to the white race. Mr. Henley testified that a great many houses had been built in the Graymont-College Hills section both east and west of Center Street since 1926. He was then asked this question: “Q. Mr. Henley, I would like to ask you whether or not in view of your long residence and experience in Birm ingham you know of any better way for society in Birm ingham to protect itself against the result of the feeling of race hostility that has been manifested here than by the zoning laws of the City which we claim were in force and effect?” (R. p. 184) . The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants offered to show the witness did not know of any better method. Defendants offered in evidence (R. p. 185) a portion of the transcript of the proceedings of a negro mass meeting in Birmingham on August 17, 1949 in which the nature and extent of the violence in the Smithfield area was des cribed and in which the speaker said: “We will not cease calling on you until the flag of victory shall not only wave over the battle field of Center Street, but the flag of victory will be waving all over Birmingham.” The plaintiff’s objection was sustained. 26 Mr. H. B. Hanson, Jr., testified (R. p. 188) that he is the immediate past President of the Graymont Civic Asso ciation, was President from July, 1947 to July, 1949. He moved into that community after returning from the war in 1946. He had no knowledge of any agitation going on in reference to negro citizens crossing to Center Street at the time he moved out there. That agitation came to his knowledge after he purchased his home in that area. Mr. Hanson testified that he made a careful study of each block to see what the situation was, trying to be completely fair. That the negro population is fairly dense up to Second Street and then thins out in the last two blocks. There are quite a few vacant lots east of Center Street on top of the hill, going along Center Street. Mr. Hanson testified that he commanded five thousand negroes during the war and that the ill will between the races in that area had reached a point that when he woke up in the night and heard a noise, he feared that it was a bombing or something was happening. It was getting desperate, so he went to work to get a fair solution of the problem. He testified that he worked to get the thirty-five acres zoned for residential purposes and that north of 11th Court and West of Center Street the area is ninety-eight percent vacant. (R. p. 192) . The witness testified that he located in that area because it was close to Birmingham-Southern College and he wanted to send his children to that Methodist College. Commissioner Eugene Connor, the Commissioner of Public Safety in Birmingham testified (R. p. 203) he was a member of the legislature of Alabama for three sessions, a railroad man, farmer, traveling salesman before he be came Commissioner of Public Safety. Commissioner Connor testified that the zoning laws had been generally and universally observed by both races so far as the residential areas are concerned during the twelve years he has been a member of the City Commission until 27 this controversy arose. He was not allowed to testify that during the time he had been on the Commission the zoning law has as a matter of fact protected the citizens, both white and colored. He was then asked this question: “Q. I will ask you as an experienced legislator and as an experienced member of the City Commission, whether or not you know of any better way of the City of Birming ham protecting its citizens against the consequences arising from the feeling of race hostility than the present zoning ordinance of the City of Birmingham?” The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and the defend ants offered to show that the zoning law does represent the best judgment. Mr. Connor testified that practically seventy-five per cent of the houses in the territory west of Center Street have been built since 1926 when the city was zoned and that about seventy-five percent of the negro houses east of Cen ter Street had been built since the city was zoned. Mr. Connor testified that Birmingham does not have an adequate police department and has not had an adequate police department since he has been Police Commissioner. All available money has been used to provide an adequate police department. He asked for fifty additional police last September, was turned down for the reason that the city did not have the money. (R. p. 209) . Chief of Police Floyd Eddins testified (R. p. 210) that he has been with the Police Department of the City of Bir mingham since November, 1919. He has served as patrol man, sergeant, captain, assistant chief and chief and has been chief for seven years. There was introduced in evi dence a statement prepared by Chief Eddins showing the number of policemen by square miles patrolled and the yearly budget of cities in the Birmingham class. Accord ing to this statement, Atlanta, Georgia has 464 policemen to patrol 34 miles of territory with a yearly budget of $1,823,125.12. Birmingham has 333 policemen to patrol 28 52 square miles of territory with a yearly budget of $1,179- 960.00. Indianapolis, Indiana, has 653 policemen to patrol 55 square miles of territory with a yearly budget of $2,524,- 468.81. This table showed that because of lack of money Birm ingham is handicapped in the matter of police protection. Chief Eddins testified that racial tension has been high in Birmingham particularly in that part of Birmingham known as the Graymont-College Hills area. He was not allowed to testify about the number of bombings and other disorders in that area that have occurred since the contro versy arose, but which the defendants offered to show. The court ruled that they were not material. Chief Eddins testified that up until 1947 the zoning law adopted in 1926, together with such ordinances as have been adopted from time to time since that time have been generally and universally observed by the white and colored population in Birmingham. (R. p. 215) . Commissioner Connor was recalled as a witness and testi fied that Mary Means Monk never took any appeal from the action of Mr. Hagood, the administrative officer, to the Zoning Board or to the City Commission. (R. p. 217) . The defendants undertook to show that in a mandamus proceeding which Mary Means Monk filed against the building inspector, that when the point was raised that she had not taken an appeal from Mr. Hagood’s refusal to issue the building permit that she dismissed the petition. The court stated that has already shown in this case and sustained plaintiff’s objection. Defendants offered to show those facts. Commissioner Morgan was recalled as a witness and under question by the court stated that it is the policy of the City Commission to enforce Sections 1604 and 1605 of the City Code and Ordinance 709-F. (R. p. 244) . The District Court ruled that the defendants’ conten tions “both factual and doctrinal” were not material “to 29 the issue of the constitutionality of such ordinances” and on authority of Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S., 60, ad judged the aforesaid provisions in the zoning ordinances unconstitutional as in violation of the Fourteenth Amend ment and ordered an injunction against, their further en forcement. The defendants in the court below appealed from that final judgment. (R. p. 246). PROPOSITIONS OF LAW I. The Fourteenth Amendment embraces two concepts of liberty absolute and non-absolute rights. Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296, 60 Sup. Ct. 900; 84 L. Ed. 1213. II. The right to occupy a particular piece of real estate for a particular purpose is not an absolute right. Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171; 35 Sup. Ct. 511; 59 L. Ed. 900. Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U. S. 394; 36 Sup. Ct. 143; 60 L. Ed, 348. Pierce Oil Co. v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498; 39 Sup. Ct. 172; / 63 L. Ed. 381. *7 Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365; 47 Sup. Ct. 114; 71 L. Ed. 303. Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113; 24 L. Ed. 77. III. Exceptional circumstances will justify discrimination on the basis of the racial descent of a citizen. Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633; 68 Sup. Ct. 269; 92 L. Ed. 249. 30 Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81; Sup. Ct. 1375; 87 L. Ed. 1774. Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 214; 65 Sup. Ct. 193; 89 L. Ed. 194. IV. Reasonable restraints upon the use to which property may be devoted are not unconstitutional. Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., Supra. Muller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412; 28 Sup. Ct. 324; 52 L. Ed. 551. Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11; 25 Sup. Ct. 358; 49 L. Ed. 643. Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200; 47 Sup. Ct. 584; 71 L. Ed. 1000. West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379; 57 Sup. Ct. 578; 81 L. Ed. 703. State ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148; 196 NW 451; 33 ALR 269. Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381; 58 So. 283; 40 LRA (NS) 129—Am. Cas. 1915 A 714. V. A state may prohibit intermarriage between whites and negroes. Alabama Constitution (1901), Section 102. Plessy v. Furguson, 163 U. S. 537. Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231; 44 A Rep. 513; Affd 106 U. S. 583. Story v. State, 178 Ala. 98; 59 So. 481. VI. A state may require separation of the races in schools. Alabama Constitution (1901), Section 256. Plessy v. Furguson, Supra. 31 State v. Board of School Commissioners, 226 Ala. 62; 145 So. 575. VII. A state may require the separation of the races on intra state carriers. Henderson v. U. S.;J30 Fed. Supp. 32. Plessy v. Furguson, Supra. West Chester Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 VIII. The state may separate the races in parks, playgrounds, swimming pools and golf courses. Boyer v. Garrett, (MMS) U. S. District Court, Mary land, Dec. 30, 1949. IX. The privileges and immunities protected by the Four teenth Amendment are only those privileges and immuni ties which owe their existence to the federal government. Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek, 259 U. S. 530; 42 Sup. Ct. 516; 66 L. Ed. 1044. X. The enforcement of a statute over a long period of years, without its constitutionality being challenged may be con sidered a virtual recognition of its constitutionality. Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212; 442 Pac. 230; Am. Cus. 1916 E 1097. Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182; 128 So. 158. Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214; 102 P. 158. 32 XI. A policy of racial exclusion may be essential to the safety of invested funds. Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 87 NE (2d) 241. XII. Supporting facts essential to a decision of constitutional questions of novel and far reaching importance should be definitely found by the lower court upon adequate evi dence. Ne'ctow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183; 72 L. Ed. 842; 48 Sup. Ct. 447. Bordens Co. v. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194; 55 Sup. Ct. 187; 79 L. Ed. 281. U. S. v. Caroline Products Co., 304 U. S. 144; 58 Sup. Ct. 778; 82 L. Ed. 1234. Gompers v. U. S., 233 U. S. 604; 34 Sup. Ct. 693; 58 L. Ed. 115. XIII. Segregation per se is not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States. Camming v. Richmond County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528; 20 Sup. Ct. 197; 44 L. Ed. 262. Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78; 48 Sup. Ct. 91; 72 L. Ed. 172. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337; 59 Sup. Ct. 232; 83 L. Ed. 208. People v. School Board, 161 N. Y. 598; 56 NE 81. State v. Board of Trustees, 126 Ohio St. 290; 185 NE 196. XIV. A restriction on one form of liberty may be justified on 33 the very ground that it removes an impediment to another liberty. Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366; 18 Sup. Ct. 383; 42 L. Ed. 780. Texas & N. O. RR v. Brotherhood R & S Clerks, 281 U. S. 548; 50 Sup. Ct. 427; 74 L. Ed. 1034. West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379; 57 Sup. Ct. 578; 81 L. Ed. 703. Miller v. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272; 48 Sup. Ct. 246; 72 L. Ed. 568. XV. Zoning regulations may result to some extent in the taking of property and yet not be deemed confiscatory or unreasonable. State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92; 157 Atl. 294. Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 NJL 139; 58 A (2d) 788; Affd 62 A (2d) 686. Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753; 14 NW (2d) 600. Cantwell v. Connecticut, Supra. Nectoic v. City of Cambridge, Supra. XVI. The police power may be put forth in aid of what is sanctioned by usage or held by the prevailing morality or strong and preponderant opinion to be greatly and imme diately necessary to the public welfare. Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104; 55 L. Ed. 112; 31 Sup. Ct. 186. S4 FIRST ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor gan: “Q. In your opinion, I wish you would tell the court whether or not the zoning ordinance as drafted, approved and enforced and applied and construed and adminis tered has been conducive to public peace and order.” (R. p. 94) . SECOND ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that the zoning ordinances had been conducive to public peace and order. (R. p. 94) . THIRD ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor gan: “Q. Mr. Morgan, if the custom that has been ob served here with respect to the residential sections, white and colored, by both races since you have been on the Commission is upset or overturned, what in your judg ment will be the effect on property values, residential property values in the City of Birmingham.” (R. p. 94) . FOURTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor gan: “Q. I would be glad if you would state to the court what in your judgment and opinion as a member of the Commission of the City of Birmingham would be the 35 result on the City finances and its ability to render mu nicipal services such as fire, police, health, street im provements, education, and matters of that kind, if a substantial decrease in municipal revenue is brought about by a disregard of the custom that has prevailed for 12 years with respect to the residential zoning?” (R. p. 95). FIFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that it would impair the City’s ability to the extent that it would probably not be able to render those essential services to the extent required and necessary and essential for the comfort and convenience of the citizens. (R. p. 96) . SIXTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that in the immediate territory of plaintiff s lots six bombings had occurred within the last few months as a result of the attempt of the negroes to invade that territory. (R. p. 98) . SEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs objection to the following question propounded to Mr. E. A. Camp, Jr.: “Q. What is the policy of the Liberty National Life Insurance Company with reference to making loans on white and colored residential property?” (R. p. 121) . EIGHTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that the policy of the Liberty National and other life insurance companies is that they loan on white residential property where it is zoned white and loan on colored resi dential property where it is zoned colored and that they 36 do not loan on property that is in a mixed zone or in a twilight zone or in the path of being changed from one classification to the other and that stabilized conditions is one of the main factors taken into consideration in making loans on property. (R. p. 22). NINTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that the; building and loan associations, the mortgage companies, trust companies, banks and other financial people have followed that same policy in Birmingham and elsewhere for many years. (R. p. 22) . TENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiff’s objection to the following question propounded to Mr. E. A. Camp, Jr.: “O. Mr. Camp, in your opinion, I wish you would tell the court what effect the invasion of a white resi dential zone by negro citizens has on the appraised value and fair market value of property in Birmingham?” (R. p. 123). ELEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to introduce in evidence Exhibit 16 which document gives certain facts and figures about the City of Birmingham in 1946. (R. p. 127). TWELFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the introduction of Exhibit No. 17 entitled “The 1948 Municipal Tax Dollar, Condensed Statistical and Opera tional Data.” (R. p. 139) . 37 THIRTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to President Green: “Q. I will ask you to tell his Honor what in your opinion would be the result of upsetting the custom that was translated into the zoning laws by the ordinance, zoning ordinance in 1926, with respect to white and colored areas in the Graymont section?” (R. p. 154) . FOURTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to President Green: “Q. Mr. Green, I will ask you whether or not in your opinion there is a clear and present grave danger of jeopardy to life and property if the white section out there that we have been talking about is invaded by negroes.” (R. p. 155). FIFTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to President Green: “Q. Mr. Green, in your opinion does the City Com mission of the City of Birmingham or the State of Ala bama, both of them combined, have enough police force to prevent race riots, violence and damage to property if the invasion of white sections by negroes becomes general in Birmingham?” (R. p. 160) . SIXTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. A. Key Foster: 38 “Q, Was that fact taken into consideration in making mortgage loans and appraising property?” (R. p. 163) . SEVENTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. A. Key Koster: “Q. I will ask you, Mr. Foster, if property is in the path of a contemplated change from white to colored classification, or from colored to white classification, if that is a factor that is taken into consideration in the appraisal of property?” (R. p. 164) . EIGHTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in ruling that the elements that enter into the appraisal of property for the purpose of making mortgage loans was immaterial in the issuance of the case. (R. p. 164) . NINETEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show all of the elements that enter into a property appraisal of property by a man experienced in that line of business for the purpose of showing just how they do arrive at values. That the location and stability of classification is highly important. (R. p. 165) . TWENTIETH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. V. L. Adams: “Q. I will ask you if in your opinion and judgment, if there is a clear and present grave danger to public peace and order, and to property values out there if the white section that is in force here is invaded by the negroes?” (R. p. 174) . 39 TWENTY-FIRST ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that there was such clear, present and grave danger to the public peace and order and to property values. (R. p. 175). TWENTY-SECOND ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen ley: ‘Q. I will ask you whether or not, if the restrictions in the zoning of Birmingham are removed from that ter ritory and from residential property in Birmingham in general with, respect to the areas that are classified white residential and colored residential, and the difference between them is blotted out or ignored or disregarded, whether or not as a matter of fact property values in the residential areas would decrease? (R. p. 180) . TWENTY-THIRD ASSIGNMENT OR ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen ley: “Q. Mr. Henley, I will ask you whether or not you know whether or not there is anything speculative about the effect upon property values, residential values in Birmingham if the provisions of the zoning law are no longer applicable and enforceable—” (R. p. 181) . TWENTY-FOURTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that out of the past number of contacts that he has had with members of the negro race that they have been outspoken in their approval of residential segregation, and 40 outspoken in their recognition of its value to their race as well as to the white race. (R. p. 183) . TWENTY-FIFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen ley: “Q. Mr. Henley, I would like to ask you whether or not in view of your long residence and experience in Birmingham you know of any better way for society in Birmingham to protect itself against the result of the feeling of race hostility that has been manifested here than by the zoning laws of the City which we claim were in force and effect?” (R. p. 184) . TWENTY-SIXTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show a portion of the transcript of the proceedings of a negro mass meeting in Birmingham on August 17, 1949 in which the nature and extent of the violence in the Smith- field area was described. (R. p. 188). TWENTY-SEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to the following question propounded to Commissioner Con nor: “Q. I will ask you as an experienced legislator and as an experienced member of the City Commission, whether or not you know of any better way of the City of Birmingham protecting its citizens against the conse quences arising from the feeling of race hostility than the present zoning ordinance of the City of Birmingham?” (R. p. 206). 41 TWENTY-EIGHTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show the number of bombings and other disorders in the Graymont-College Hills area that have occurred since the controversy arose. (R. p. 214) . TWENTY-NINTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to show that grave disorder and damage to property and jeopardy to life and limb would result if the white section in the Graymont area is invaded by negroes. THIRTIETH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR The court erred in rendering the final judgment that was rendered in this cause. (R. p. 249). 42 ARGUMENT May It Please The Court— PROPOSITION I. The Court erred in holding that Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60, required a declaration that the Birming ham Zoning Law is unconstitutional. Inasmuch as the action of the trial court was based on Buchanan v. Warley, supra, and some similar cases cited by the District Judge, we think it proper to point out that Buchanan v. Warley was not a zoning law case. The ques tion involved in that case was clearly stated by the court in the following language: “The concrete question here is: May the occupancy, and, necessarily, the purchase and sale of property of which occupancy is an incident, be inhibited by the states, or by one of its municipalities, solely, because of the color of the proposed occupancy of the premises? M. -Sf. M.-7f- "7\- "ft- "A* “In the face of these constitutional and statutory pro visions, can a white man be denied, consistently with due process of law, the right to dispose of his property to a 43 purchaser by prohibiting the occupation of it for the sole reason that the purchaser is a person of color in tending to occupy the premises as a place of residence? (emphasis supplied) . * -4u ■&£. 41.*7v' -7S- *7V “The case presented does not deal with an attempt to prohibit the amalgamation of the races. The right which the ordinance annulled was the civil right of a white man to dispose of his property if he saw fit to do so to a per son of color and of a colored person to make such dis position to a white person. Jit. At- -it- «M.W Vi" -A* VT “We think this attempt to prevent the alienation of the property in question to a person of color was not a legitimate exercise of the police power of the state, and is in direct violation of the fundamental law enacted in the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution prevent ing state interference with property rights except by due process of law. That being the case, the ordinance can not stand.” We have quoted liberally from the opinion in order that it will clearly appear that the ordinance was construed as an attempt to prevent a white man from alienating his property, from selling and conveying it to a negro, and as thus construed, only the attempt to prevent the white man’s right to alienate, to convey to a negro was involved, and only that point was decided. An inhibition on the right of occupancy is not an inhibi tion on the right to dispose of property in the light of later decisions of the United States Supreme Court and the de cisions of the courts of last resort of various states in dealing with zoning laws. 44 In the case at bar, the right to alienate, to sell and con vey to a negro is not involved. The right the court is ask ed to protect in this case, is the alleged right of the plain tiff, Mary Means Monk, and the other negro plaintiffs, to occupy a particular piece of property, in a white neighbor hood, as a place of residence; the right to devote a particu lar piece of property to a particular use. The Fourteenth Amendment embraces two concepts of liberty, one absolute, the other not absolute. Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296; 60 Sup. Ct. 900. The right to think, the right to believe, the right to buy, ^ to sell and to convey real estate, are illustrations of phases of liberty which are absolute. They are not subject to regulation under the police power, because under no con- ceiveable set of circumstances can the exercise of those phases of liberty injure the public. / On the other hand, the right to occupy a particular piece io f real estate, for a particular purpose, is not an absolute ( right under the constitution. The exercise of that right may be regulated or prohibited, if necessary, in the public interest. Thus in Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171, 35 Sup. Ct. 511, 59 L. ed. 900, an ordinance was sustained that prohibited the operation of a livery stable in a certain area in Little Rock; Hadacheck v. Sebastain, 239 U. S. 394, 36 Sup. Ct. 143, sustained an ordinance prohibiting the ope ration of a brick yard in a certain area, and Pierce Oil Co. v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498, 39 Sup. Ct. 172, 63 L. ed. 381, sus tained a law prohibiting the storage of petroleum within 300 feet of a dwelling. The Supreme Court of the United States has recognized that most exceptional circumstances will justify discrimina tion on the basis of the racial descent of a citizen. 45 Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633; 68 S. Ct, 269, 92 L. Ed. 249. Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81, 63 S. Ct. 1375, 87 L. Ed. 1774. Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 215; 65 Sup. Ct. 193, 89 L. Ed. 194. While we most earnestly contend that a negro is not ex cluded from a residential area zoned for white by the Bir mingham ordinance solely because he is a Negro, but solely because of the extraordinary and most exceptional injury \ to the public that will result from his exercising the right \ *•"' to live in a white residential area, we mention the cases cited for the purpose of showing that even if the court should disagree with us about that, and decide that the j exclusion is based on color solely, then color under the circumstances is a sound basis for the ordinance. The Constitution does not speak of the right to occupy a particular piece of property as a residence. It speaks of liberty and property and prohibits the deprivation of liber ty or property without due process of law. As we have shown, the right to occupy a particular piece of real estate for residential purposes is not an absolute right, but a right whose exercise may be prohibited, in the public interest if there is adequate basis for it. If the exercise of that right will injure society to the extent set forth in the answer, then its exercise may be prohibited, if that be rea sonably necessary to avert the threatened disaster. This, as we understand it is the doctrine of Euclid v. I Ambler Realty Company, 272 U. S. 365; 47 S. Ct. 114; 71 ' L. ed. 303. In that case, in explaining the basis for its decision that the right to occupy a particular piece of property for a particular purpose is not absolute and uncontrollable, the Supreme Court of the United States said: 46 “Until recent years, urban life was comparatively sim- ple.” # # # # “Regulations, the wisdom, necessity, and validity of which, as applied to existing conditions, are so apparent that they are now uniformly sustained, a century ago, or even a half century ago, probably would have been re jected as arbitrary and oppressive.” The court then pointed out that the scope of the appli cation of constitutional guarantees must expand or contract to meet new and different conditions which are constantly coming within their field of operation, and that now, there is no serious difference of opinion in respect of the validity of laws excluding from residential sections offensive trades, industries and structures likely to destroy the desireability of the district as a residential section. Thus has the Supreme Court of the United States put at rest any possible controversy in respect of the qualified character of the right to occupy a particular piece of prop erty for a particular purpose. Thus has the Supreme Court of the United States definitely decided that the right to occupy a particular piece of real estate for a particular pur pose is not an absolute, uncontrollable right, but is an aspect of liberty, subject to regulation in the public in terest. The power under the Constitution to restrict the exer cise of certain aspects of liberty has had many illustrations. Statutes have been sustained limiting the number of hours a woman might work in any one day in a factory, Muller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 28 S. Ct. 324, 52 L. ed. 551; re quiring compulsory vaccination, Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11, 25 S. Ct. 358, 49 L. ed. 643; authorizing the sterilization of the “probable potential parent of socially inadequate offspring”, Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200, 47 S. Ct. 584, 71 L. ed. 1000, providing a minimum wage for woman, 47 West Coast Hotel Company v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379, 57 S. Ct. 578; 81 L. ed. 703. Other illustrations might be added. The courts have long since recognized and declared that, “Although one owns property, he may not do with it as he pleases, any more than he may act in accordance with his personal desires. As the interest of society justi fies restraints upon individual conduct, so, also, does it justify restraints upon the use to which property may be devoted.” State, ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148; 196 N.W. 451; 33 A.L.R. 269. That doctrine is illustrated in Alabama by the rule that a “spite fence” may be abated. Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381, 58 So. 283, 40 L.R.A. (NS) 129; Ann. Cas. 1915A, 714. These authorities make it clear, we think, that the plain tiffs right to occupy the property described in the com plaint is not an absolute, uncontrollable right, but a right which may be regulated or prohibited according to the circumstances and conditions. Let’s examine some of the immediate dangers to the public from a decision that a Negro has a right to live in a white residential district in Birmingham. (1) All residential property values are lowered from 25% to 40%, even if the Negro never exercises the right. “Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a red flag to the appraiser. . . . No one thing can so quickly depress values as the beginning of a race movement.” THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, January, 1944. If a Negro never set foot in a white residential area in Birmingham, but it is decreed that he may do so if he sees 48 fit, down go property values, because all residential sec tions in Birmingham immediately become “mixed” areas, deprived of the protection they have enjoyed under the zoning law, and under established custom for more than a quarter of a century. It is little short of a calamity for thousands of white and black to have from 25% to 40% of the value of their homes wiped out over night. When no one knows what minute a Negro or a white person as the case may be will move in next door, a state of unrest is created, many are ready to sacrifice property, panic grips the people, and the social, political, and economic life of the entire city is tremendously disturbed. (2) The decrease in ad valorem taxes resulting from the decrease in values of all residential property, would require a drastic curtailment of all municipal functions. White and black alike would have to get along without adequate police and fire protection; without health service, garbage collection would be practically abandoned and the poor would suffer worse than the rich because the poor are not situated to dispose of their own garbage. Little children would be deprived of even the present inadequate educa tional facilities. We want this court to visualize what will happen when j a situation like that comes to pass in Birmingham. ONCE j THE HEAD OF THE HOUSE CONCLUDES THAT THE NEGRO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE COL- j \ LAPSE OF THESE MUNICIPAL FUNCTIONS IT RE QUIRES NO IMAGINATION TO VISUALIZE A TEMPTATION TO EXTERMINATE THE NEGRO. I All of the power on earth could not keep blood from flow- i ing and it would continue to flow until the cause is re moved. The federal judiciary precipitated a bloody civil war by an ill advised decision in the Dred Scott case. We beg this court, in God’s name, not to plunge our people into a race war by an ill advised decision in this case. 49 What we have outlined will happen if it is declared that a Negro has the right to live in a white residential district, even if he never attempts to do so. The economic effect of such a decision will create a situation that will never be tolerated in Birmingham. Suppose the Negro actually undertakes to live in a white residential area. What then? The law making body of the City of Birmingham, tells the court under oath, the same oath to support the Constitution of the United States that a judge takes, that “ (b) When attempts have been made by members of one race to enter for the purposes of a permanent residence into an area commonly recognized as set aside for members of the other race, VIOLENCE, DISTURB ANCES OF THE RACE, DESTRUCTION OF PROP ERTY AND LIFE has resulted almost without ex ception.” “ (c) This Commission further finds. . . . that in the event attempts shall now or in forseeable future be made by members of one race to establish residence in areas heretofore regarded as set apart for the residence of mem bers of the other race, BREACHES OF THE PEACE, RIOTS, DESTRUCTION OF LIFE AND PROP ERTY will follow.” This court can disregard that solemn warning; it can say that the City Commission doesn’t know what it is talking about; but the average Birmingham citizen will continue to believe that every policeman in Birmingham knows more about what will happen here, if zoning restrictions are nullified, than all the judges in Christendom. To say that the Birmingham public must be exposed every day to a race riot, that it must suffer depreciation in all residential property values ̂submit to astronomical prop erty damage from time to time, lose essential municipal services and sustain the loss of lots of lives of white and 50 blacks, all because the Fourteenth Amendment is supposed to be in the way of the City preventing such a tragedy by separating the races in residential districts is to put a low estimate on the mental alertness of this court. Buchanan v. Warley, supra, has no application to this case. What these plaintiffs ask for is judicial authority to wreck Birmingham, because they are black. That is what would happen, if Negroes invade the white residential sections in that City. b. The zoning ordinances of Birmingham do not “take” plaintiffs property without due process of law. The claim that by depriving plaintiffs of the right to live on the lots they own, the zoning law takes their prop erty without due process of law, is not well founded. If the zoning law prohibited them from selling their property, Buchanan v. Warley, supra, would be apt authority for the claim that their property was taken without due process. That question, however, is not present in this case. It seems to be well settled that a zoning law which pro hibits certain uses to which real property might be devoted, compensates for the deprivation of that use, by the en hanced and stabilized value of the property resulting from regulation and restrictions. It is generally recognized that real property in a city, protected by restrictions, is worth more than unprotected property. The basis of residence values is social and not economic. Business property is selected by the man from an economic standpoint. Residence property by the woman from a social standpoint. Principles of City Land Values (Hurd) 77-78. Restrictions, aid rather than restrict, free alienation of residenital property. 51 21 Illinois Law Review, 716. As applied to the case at bar, it is obvious that the num ber of potential purchasers for residential property in a white zone or a negro zone, is much larger than the number of potential purchasers of the same kind of property in a mixed zone or in a zone which is open to all. The number of whites and the number of Negroes who prefer to live among their kind, far exceeds the number who prefer to isolate themselves in a zone open to all. Appraisers, banks, lending institutions insist that, for maximum loans, the property upon which the loan to be made must have every prospect of being desirable property over a long period of time. They seek definite standards upon which to base their estimates of values. “In seeking these standards they find that deed restric tions, city planning, and zoning are the fundamental considerations in the evaluation of all types of property.” * # * * “In the building and owning of a house, land is the first item of cost; environment is the final source of value.” THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, February, 1940. A SOURCE OF PROPERTY VALUE. It would seem that a law which guarantees a good en vironment to residential property is of substantial benefit to the property. “Property owners today are really becoming zoning- minded. They realize that, while zoning limits their in dividual property rights, at the same time it places the same limits on their neighbors and, through strict en forcement, zoning actually increases and stabilizes the value of the properties over which it has control.” THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, supra. If as a matter of fact, as we proposed to show in the Dis trict Court, the plaintiffs property is reasonably worth at 52 least 25% more zoned white residential than it would be worth if the area in which it is located is open to both races and therefore classed as a mixed area, the plaintiffs cannot support the claim that the zoning law takes their property. To the contrary the plaintiffs must be regarded as under taking to decrease the value of their property and all other residential property in Birmingham. To that extent they are taking property values others have accumulated over a period of years “without due process of law.” It is an axiom that “the value of thy home dependeth upon thy neighbor.” This being true the exclusion of an undesirable class from a neighborhood is fulfillment of a high social duty. Certainly the Fourteenth Amendment is not to be construed in a way that will make it a road block to progress. c. While a citizen may not be deprived of an absolute right, he may be restricted in the exercise of a right that is not absolute, under the Constitution. In the District Court it was emphasized, and the District Judge was greatly influenced, by the following statement in Buchanan v. Warley, supra: “That there exists a serious and difficult problem arising from a feeling of race hostility which the law is powerless to control, and to which it must give a measure of consideration, may be freely admitted. But its solu tion cannot be promoted by depriving citizens of their constitutional rights and privileges.” We have no quarrel with that statement, if it is borne in mind that the constitutional right and privilege the court was dealing with and had in mind when that gen erality was announced, was THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO SELL REAL ESTATE,-an absolute, uncon trollable constitutional right. 53 The court was not undertaking to deal with the use to which property might be devoted. It recognized in the opinion that the use of property may be controlled in the exercise of the police power in the public interest. The District Judge seems to have been of the opinion that color or race can not be made the basis of restrictions on the right to occupy a particular piece of property for residential purposes. As has been pointed out, the restric tion is not on account of color, but on account of the injury suffered by society from a Negro living in a white district. 1. The State may prohibit intermarriage between mem bers of the two races, not because one party to the marriage is white and the other black, but because of the injury done society by such a union. Alabama Constitution (1901) Sec. 102. Title 14, Sec. 360, 361, Alabama Code (1940). Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537. 2. The State may prohibit adulterous relations between Negroes and whites and prescribe more severe punishment for fornication between a white person and a Negro than when the offense is committed by two members of the same race without violating the Fourteenth Amendment. Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231, 44 Am. Rep. 513, affirmed 106 U. S. 583. 3. The State may require white and negro children to i attend separate schools, and prohibit any child of one race attending a school of the other race, not because one is white and the other black, but because of the harm to society from mixing children in school. Alabama Constitution (1901) Sec. 256. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537. 54 State v. Board of School Commissioners, 226 Ala. 62, 145 So. 575. 4. The State may require the separation of the two races on street cars and intra-state carriers. West Chester Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209. Plessy v. Ferguson, supra. ________ _ Henderson v. U. S., 80 Fed. Supp. 32p 5. The State may separate the races in parks, play grounds, swimming pools, tennis courts and golf courses. Boyer v. Garrett, MMS, U.S.D.C. Maryland. December 30th, 1949. Judge Chestnutt. If the state can separate the whites and blacks in schools, on street cars and busses and in other public places, pro hibit their intermarriage and biological integration out side the marriage relation, solely because of the harmful effect of such conduct on society, what prevents the same state from requiring whites and blacks to live in separate, but equal, residential areas in Birmingham, solely because of the tremendously harmful effect on society of their living side by side? If the owner of a piece of property may be prohibited from using it for a legitimate, desirable, business, because such use will injure the public and its exclusion is a part of the general plan for the development of the city as a whole, in the interest of all, the owner may be excluded from using it as a residence, if its use for that purpose by the owner will have the same injurious effect on the public, and the exclusion of that use by that owner is a part of the general plan for the development of the city as a whole in the interest of all. The right of a citizen to use property for a residence is not to be held superior to the right of a citizen to use prop- 55 erty for highly desirable business purposes, educational purposes, or religious purposes. If a municipality may protect residential property from blight, deterioration, and disorder, any use of property which results in blight, deterioration and disorder may be prohibited. The desirability of a neighborhood as a place of resi dence may be more completely destroyed by a negro living in it (or by a white person living in it if, it is a negro neighborhood) than by the use of the same property for the operation of a knitting mill or a sausage factory. We submit that if the city is empowered to preserve the desirability of a district as a place of residence, for whites or blacks, as the case may be, it is entitled to do all things necessary in that regard, so long as its action does not violate a liberty expressly and absolutely protected by the Constitution of the United States. The Supreme Court of the United States has repeatedly pointed out that “The privileges or immunities of citizens, protected by the Fourteenth Amendment against abridgment by state laws, are not those fundamental privileges and immuni ties inherent in state citizenship, but only those which owe their existence to the federal government, its na tional character, its Constitution, or its laws.” Prudential Insurance Company of America v. Cheek, 259 U. S. 530, 42 Sup. Ct. 516, 66 L. Ed. 1044. The right to occupy property does not owe its existence to the federal government, its national character, its Con stitution or its laws. People were asserting and exercising the right of occupancy long before a federal government was dreamed of, its Constitution contemplated or its laws enacted. It would, therefore, appear that when a state says in effect to its citizens; you may not use property in a district for a 56 home where your presence in that district is a menace to public peace and order, the comfort and convenience of the people in that district, as well as a distinct disadvantage to all of the people in the city,—it has not violated any federal right of any citizen of the United States. Whether property is misused or not depends on the ef fect of its use on the general welfare. A circus might be a nuisance in a residential section but not a nuisance on the outskirts of the city. d. The Birmingham zoning ordinances represent the ma ture judgment and opinion of the legislative branch of the City of Birmingham that they do not violate the Fourteenth Amendment nor do they conflict with Buchanan v. Warley, supra. The Commission of the City of Birmingham, about eleven years after Buchanan v. Warley was decided, after years of study, investigation and consideration, reached the conclusion that a comprehensive, equitable, zoning law, would not conflict with Buchanan v. Warley or the Four teenth Amendment. That conclusion and opinion is entitled to great respect in all the courts in the United States. The men composing the legislative body that enacted the Birmingham zoning law, acted under oath, the same oath to support the Constitution of the United States that a Judge takes, before he can sit in judgment. It is not to be presumed that the members of the legislative body of Birmingham disregarded their oath to support the Con stitution of the United States or that they undertook to violate it. Every Commission of the City of Birmingham since the adoption of the zoning law in 1926 has decided under its oath that the zoning law does not conflict with Buchanan v. Warley or violate the Fourteenth Amendment. 57 In arriving at such conclusion, each Commission has been guided by principles long established by the Supreme Court of the United States. Each Commission has refused to believe that the decision in Buchanan v. Warley is a bar to a comprehensive, equitable, zoning law, designed to avert injury to the public, that inevitably follows an in vasion of a white area by negroes. e. While age alone will not impart validity to an invalid statute, it is never the less true, that where a statute has for a long period of years been enforced by the courts of the state, without its constitutionality being challenged, THAT FACT MAY BE CONSIDERED AS A VIRTUAL RECOGNITION OF ITS CONSTITUTIONALITY. Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212, 142 Pac. 230, Ann. Cas. 1916 E, 1097. Courts seldom entertain questions of the constitution ality of a statute so long and repeatedly recognized as valid in the adjudication of the most important relations and rights, and when the interpretation of the statute WOULD LEAD TO CONSEQUENCES MOST SERIOUS. Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182; 128 So. 158. Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214; 102 Pac. 158. For more than twenty years, the constitutionality of the Birmingham zoning law, establishing white and negro dis tricts, was never called in question. To now wipe out all the advantages that whites and negroes obtained over a period of years, from the enforcement of that law,—ad vantages they now enjoy,—would be taking from the great majority of white and negro citizens, property values, 58 earned and acquired by the sweat of their brow, “without due process of law.” Tradition and habits of the community count for more than logic in determining the constitutionality of laws enacted for the public welfare under the police power. Laurel Hill Cemetery v. San Francisco, 216 U. S. 358 (1910). See also Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 437 (1896). The fact that a practice is of ancient standing in a State is a reason for holding it unaffected by the Fourteenth Amendment. Jackman v. Rosenbaum Co., 260 U. S. 22 (1922) . The amendment does not override public rights, existing in the form of servitudes or easements which are held by the courts of a State to be valid under its constitution and laws. Eldridge v. Trezevant, 160 U. S. 452, 468 (1896) ; Vida- lia v. McNeely, 274 U. S. 676 (1927). See also St. Anthony Falls Water Power Co. v. Board of Water Commissioners, 168 U. S. 349 (1897) . With respect to custom, Woodrow Wilson said: “Custom, too, never ceases to build up practices legal in their character and yet wholly outside formal law, constructing even, in its action on Congresses and Parlia ments, great parts of great constitutions. It constantly maintains the great forces of precedent and opinion which daily work their will, under every form of gov ernment, upon both the contents and the administration of law. Custom is habit under another name; and habit in its growth, while it continually adjusts itself to the standard fixed in formal law, also slowly compels formal law to conform to its abiding influences. Habit may be said to be the great Law within which laws spring up. 59 Laws can extend but a very little way beyond its limits. They may help it to gradual extensions of its sphere and to slow modifications of its practices, but they cannot force it abruptly or disregard it at all with impunity.” “The State,” by Woodrow Wilson, Page 592. Segregation, more especially residential segregation, has prevailed in Alabama since long before the Civil War. Residential segregation has prevailed in Birmingham since its incorporation after the Civil War. Section 256 of the Alabama Constitution of 1901, requir ing separate schools for white and colored children, spe cifically provides: “No children of either race shall be permitted to at tend the school of the other race.” Every official in Alabama is sworn to uphold that pro vision of the Constitution of the State. As we have pointed out, the validity of these requirements have been sustained by the Supreme Court of the United States. Starting with childhood and ending with old age, white and colored alike in Alabama, understand and believe and accept the doctrine that the two races must remain separate. The Birmingham Zoning Ordinance is but a translation of that basic rule affecting residential areas. The Commission of the City of Birmingham carefully weighed the public needs against private desires of a few individuals and then weighed the relative social values of residential segrega tion. What, at any particular time, is the paramount public need is necessarily, largely a matter of judgment, and while the judgment of a legislative body is entitled to a great respect in every court in the land, it is not final and con clusive. It may be strengthened and supported by evidence showing what the facts actually are. In the May, 1949, issue of “Ebony,” one of the most popular Negro magazines, there is a denunciation of seg regation in the District of Columbia. It is there pointed 60 out on Page 18 that Negroes are segregated in Arlington Cemetery in two plots, Numbers 23 and 25, and that solely for economic reasons the proprietor of a Pet Cemetery will not allow a Negro to bury a dog in that cemetery— “A few miles north of Washington is the Aspine Hill Pet Cemetery which pridefully calls itself The Coun try’s largest Pet Burial Place. To enter a Negro’s dog, the manager explained to Ebony, would greatly damage the ‘Cemetery’s excellent reputation’.” Consequently the cemetery has refused burial to twelve Negro owned dogs in seven years solely on the ground of color of the owner. The appellants are not seeking to vindicate the pro prietor’s idea. The incident is referred to solely for the pur pose of demonstrating that business proprietors in the na tional capital go much further in their demand for segre gation than the City of Birmingham has ever dreamed of going. We respectfully submit that if these and other tremend ously significant facts had been introduced in evidence and considered by the Trial Court and a proper finding of fact made by the District Judge it could not be plausibly con tended that the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitu tion of the United States should be construed in a way that would bring it into collision with the unbending will of the American People on the question of residential segregation. PROPOSITION II The Court erred in holding that social and economic data showing that the Birmingham zoning law does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment was inadmissible and immaterial. Under this heading we will discuss assignments of error 61 one to thirty, inclusive, separately and severally, inasmuch as the argument in support of one relates to all. The appellants introduced some evidence, and offered other evidence in the District Court, of the extraordinary conditions in Birmingham, and particularly evidence show ing: (1) There is a clear and present danger of a race war and other forms of violence in Birmingham, and, (2) There is a clear and present danger of an immediate decrease in residential property values in Birmingham of from twenty-five to thirty-three and one-third per cent, and, (3) There is a clear and present danger that the City will be unable to render essential municipal services—if negroes cannot be excluded from white residential sections in Birmingham. The District Judge ruled that these matters “factual and doctrinal” were not material to the issue of the constitu tionality of the zoning ordinances. It is our position that evidence showing that we are literally sitting on a powder keg in Birmingham, with a slow burning fuse getting shorter every day, and that our zoning law is the most feasible way of preventing an explo sion, is not only relevant and material, but is of the very highest importance to a proper decision of this case. The appellants and this court are entitled to a finding of fact by the trial court on these important issues. If the community in particular, and society as a whole, are to suffer irreparable injury and damage as a result of giving the right, the plaintiffs sought to protect, preference and priority over all other rights protected by the Constitution, we embark upon strange procedure. Residential segregation is a social problem. Courts, scholars and others are in accord that satisfactory conclu sions on social problems cannot be reached solely through a process of deduction from abstract legal documents. 62 In an article entitled, “Segregating Residences of Ne groes” in Volume 2 of Selected Essays on Constitutional Law, Page 1175, 32 Michigan Law Review 721, Professor Arthur T. Martin of Ohio State University, and later Dean of the law department of that Institution, gave cogent rea sons for the admissibility of social and economic data in a case of this kind: “Satisfactory conclusions on social problems cannot be reached solely through a process of deduction from ab stract legal doctrines.” Page 1193. .V- .y , *«• -7T -TS* “In considering the validity of these segregation de vices the courts have not ordinarily purported to take into account the social desirability of the end sought.” Page 1175. Jfe -Sfe"A* “In cases of Negro segregation it would seem that this controlling factor should be an appraisal of the social desirability of the device in question.” Pages 1175, 1176. Professor Martin points out in the article referred to that race prejudice is common to most white people of this country and that the presence of the Negro neighbor would limit the number of white persons who would be interested in the purchase of any particular owner’s property. “This in turn would tend to diminish the market value of the property and so add the financial to the racial ground of objection.” Page 1179. In commenting upon the inadequacy of traditional legal standards, Professor Martin said: “The social advantage or inevitability of race dif fusion as against segregation has not been weighed. Tra ditional legal standards such as the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and the Rule Against Re straints on Alienation together with the usual supporting data are apparently all the material which a court uses to determine the validity of a segregation device. Legal 63 rules of this type do not furnish a definitive basis for the disposition of controversies.” Page 1175. In speaking of residential segregation and its advantages, the Professor said: “Through governmental control it would be possible to have a planned expansion of Negro areas with pro visions for sections in which better homes for Negroes could be constructed, and at the same time avoid the vio lent disturbances which result from unregulated attempts at expansion. As the problem is essentially urban, and its physical aspects vary from city to city, each municipal government could be permitted to enact the legislation best adapted to its peculiar needs. With this approach zoning ordinances seem to afford the most suitable means of adjusting the problem.” Page 1180. * * * “A court’s estimate of the social propriety of residence segregation should be more than a guess; it should be a judgment reached through a study of the social facts in cident to these segregation problems.” Page 1194. If residential segregation is a social problem, and “social forces laugh at laws,” then it is respectfully submitted that this case requires an appraisal of the desirability of the un discriminating residential segregation established by the Birmingham Zoning Law. In speaking of the influence and importance of questions of fact in a case of this kind, we take the following from Harvard Law Review, Volume 38, beginning at Page 6, where it is said: “Moreover, these underlying questions of facts, which condition the constitutionality of the legislation, are at times questions on which the layman feels justified in forming his own opinion and in declining to yield it to that of the Judge, at least when the Judge bases his de termination, not on evidence produced in the case before him, but on his general information the same foundation 64 upon which the layman builds his conclusion. As an ex ample, the layman may be quite ready to defer to the opinion of the court when the decision requires a defi nition of the legal significance of the phrase ‘ex post fac to law,’ but when the court decides that a law limiting the hours that people may work in bakeshops has no sub stantial relation to the promotion of the public health, he is inclined to doubt the finality of this finding, since he knows of no particular reason for supposing that the Judges are better able to decide such a question than other intelligent persons, unless their determination is based upon evidence produced before them in the usual way, carefully weighed and considered.” In pointing out that the famous bank case, McCullough vs. Maryland, and the Legal Tender Cases turned on ques tions of fact, the author said: “But the important point to be observed is that the decision turned on a question of fact, and on a question upon which a layman felt justified in forming his own opinion, and with respect to which he could find noth ing to make him believe that the training and experience of the Supreme Court Justices qualified them to form an exceptionally trustworthy opinion in the absence of evi dence bearing directly upon the point in dispute.” The point is further illustrated by this reference to the Massachusetts vaccination statute— “The validity of the Massachusetts vaccination statute turned essentially on the question whether such a re quirement was an arbitrary interference with personal liberty and therefore a violation of the due process clause of the Constitution; and, as in the bakeshop case, this question could only be resolved by an intelligent consid eration of the efficiency of vaccination.” In this connection it is interesting to note that in the Massachusetts vaccination case, Jacobson vs. Massachusetts, supra, the Supreme Court of the United States said: 65 “While we do not decide, and cannot decide, that vac cination is a preventive of smallpox, we take judicial no tice of the fact that this is the common belief of the peo ple of the State, and with this fact as a foundation we hold that the Statute in question is a health law, enacted in a reasonable and proper exercise of the police power.” While this Court will not decide and cannot decide that residential segregation in Birmingham will prevent all of the evils that flow from the intense feeling of race hostility in Birmingham, it should take judicial notice of the fact that this is the common belief of the people of the state and with this fact as a foundation the Court should hold that the zoning ordinance is a safety regulation enacted in a reasonable and proper exercise of the police power. In Muller vs. The State of Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 420, 28 Sup. Ct. S24-326, 52 L.ed. 551, the Court took notice of: “A widespread belief that woman’s physical structure, and the functions she performed in consequences thereof,” justify special legislation restricting the conditions under which she should be permitted to work, and the Court ruled: “When a question of fact is debated and debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional limita tion goes is affected by the truth in respect to that fact, a widespread and long continued belief concerning it is worthy of consideration.” Mr. Justice Brandeis stated his position on this subject as follows: “Whether a law enacted in the exercise of the police power is justly subject to the charge of being unreason able or arbitrary, can ordinarily be determined only by a consideration of the contemporary conditions, social, 66 industrial and political of the community to be affected thereby. Resort to such facts is necessary, among other things, in order to appreciate the evils sought to be remedied and the possible effects of the remedy pro posed.” Dissenting in Traux v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312, 356, 357, 42 Sup. Ct. 124, 138 (1921)' L. Ed. There can be no doubt about the problems confronting the governing body of a municipality of 400,000 people, fifty-five per cent white and forty-five per cent black, being different from the problem that confronts the governing body of a municipality of 400,000 people all of whom are white or all of whom are black. There can be no doubt about the problem confronting the governing body of a city which has enforced residential segregation for more than 20 years under a zoning law universally accepted dur ing that time, being different from the problem of a city which has never had residential zoning. And how is the court to appreciate the evils sought to be remedied and the effects of the remedy proposed unless it has before it the experience of mankind world wide as well as evidence of local conditions. The prohibition amendment demonstrat ed that the will of the people is the supreme law. b. The problem of constitutional interpretation is more than a matter of rule-of-thumb. Gompers v. U. S., 233 U. S. 604-610; 34 Sup. Ct. 693, 695, 58 L. ed. 115. If it is true that “no citizen has any right superior to the common welfare” and that “every forward step in the prog ress of the race is marked by an interference with individual liberties,” Michigan Law Review, Vol. 24, Page 17—then this case cannot be properly decided without recourse to social and economic facts, experience and statistics which show that the Birmingham Zoning Ordinance is not in imical to the property right asserted by the plaintiffs, but bears a reasonable relation to the general welfare and is an imperative in Birmingham. 67 The peculiar and extraordinary conditions which pre vail in Birmingham and in other cities, and which do not prevail in rural areas, largely lie outside the range of ju dicial notice. For that reason, evidence of those conditions is admissible. The Supreme Court of the United States has said: “We held that before the question of constitutional law, both novel and of far-reaching importance, were passed upon by this court, supporting facts essential to their decision should be definitely found by the lower courts upon adequate evidence.” Bordens Company vs. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194. The court declined to pass upon the ultimate question of the constitutionality of the statute because of the absence of a finding of fact by the trial court upon important ques tions. In United States vs. Caroline Products Company, 304 U. S. 144-153, the court announced a ruling in the following language: “Where the existence of a rational basis for legislation whose constitutionality is attacked depends upon facts beyond the sphere of judicial notice, such facts may prop erly be made the subject of the judicial inquiry Borden Farm Products Company vs. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194, and the constitutionality of a statute predicated upon the existence of a particular set of facts may be challenged by showing to the court that those facts have ceased to exist. Chastleton Corp. vs. Sinclair, 246 U. S. 543.” If the constitutionality of a statute predicated upon the existence of a particular state of facts may be challenged by showing to the court that those facts have ceased to exist, it would seem that the same statute might be supported by showing to the court that those facts have not ceased to exist. 68 Justice Butler in his concurring opinion in United States vs. Caroline Products Company, supra, pointed out that prior decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States supported the proposition that declarations of an Act that described a product as injurious to public health might be disapproved by evidence tending to show that such declara tion was without any substantial foundation. In this case the District Court had before it a statement by the Commission of the City of Birmingham to the effect that the Commission found that breaches of the peace, riots, destruction of property and life will follow attempts by members of one race to establish residences in areas hereto fore regarded as set apart for the residences of members of the other race. This is contained in Paragraph (c) of Ordi nance 709-F. The District Court also had before it a fur ther statement and finding by the Commission to the effect that neither the City of Birmingham nor any other law en forcement agency is able to prevent those disasterous and catastrophic consequences. That information is contained in Paragraph (d) of Ordinance 709-F. The District Court closed its eyes and ears to this most important and potent information. The duty of a trial judge to make a study of the available social and economic data hearing on the question before him is forcibly stated in 79 Pa. Law Review at Page 665 in the following language: “A Judge needs a high order of legal training but he should also have sympathetic appreciation of the eco nomic and social life of today and its bearing on the prob lem of government. -JV” . . even John Marshall, as a lawyer, had his superiors. His supremacy lay not in his knowledge of law, but in his recognition of and penetrating insight into the prob lems that faced a new and growing country. TV- -R~ “The often judicial consideration of modern social 69 and economic problems has remained either rational or historical. * * * “Many, if not most, of our modern Constitutional questions cannot properly be dealt with in this manner. •itr .St. •H-"K- TP w “Courts continued to ignore newly arisen social needs. They applied complacently 18th Century conceptions of the liberty of the individual and of the sacredness of private property. * * * “Where statutes giving expression to the new social spirit were clearly constitutional, judges, imbued with the relentless spirit of individualism, often construed them away. # # # “The Judge can no longer confine his researches to the law library. In addition he must make a study of the available social and economic data bearing on his par ticular question. -M. J£.-ft- -JF -Jp “In the opinion of one acute observer, ‘courts are less and less competent to formulate rules for new relations which require regulation.' * * * “General propositions should not decide concrete cases. Certainly decisions involving social and economic legislation should turn, as Mr. Justice Holmes has said, on ‘a judgment or intuition more subtle than any articu late major premise.” * * * The nature of this case, in our opinion, requires a most careful consideration of the factual picture, and a clear and definite finding of fact with respect to the presence of a clear and present danger of a calamity. c. No form of segregation per se is prohibited by the Con stitution of the United States. Residential segregation is now recognized as primarily a social question; secondarily, an economic question and thirdly a political or constitutional question. NAACP lawyers apparently recognize that segregation is not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States. In an address by Milton R. Knovitz, in discussing the Irene Morgan case, he is quoted as follows: “When the NAACP lawyers were preparing the case on appeal to the Supreme Court, they very carefully lim ited the attack on the statute to its interstate commerce aspects. NO ARGUMENT WAS MADE THAT THE JIM CROW ACT VIOLATED ANY PROVISION OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS. This was done because the state of the law on the Bill of Rights was such that we thought it would be too great a risk to ask the court to decide that Jim Crow violates the constitutional rights of Negroes.” Segregation by law is not of southern origin. It origi nated in Pennsylvania and spread to abolitionist Massa chusetts and from there to other northern and eastern states. Separation of races in Boston as early as 1849 was noted in Roberts v. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198. Notice was taken, Page 241, of the establishment by Congress in 1862 of ex clusive schools for the colored race in the District of Co lumbia. In 1883 the New York Court in the case of People vs. Gallagher, 45 Amer. Report 232, sustained segregated schools of equal quality in Brooklyn under the authority of its Board of Education acting under state law. The rea son for segregation and the attitude of the people as it then existed could be no more clearly stated than was done by this opinion of the New York Court, Pages 237-238 and 240: “In the nature of things there must be many social distinctions and privileges remaining unregulated by law and left within the control of the individual citizens, as being beyond the reach of the legislative functions of gov- 71 ernment to organize or control. The attempt to enforce social intimacy and intercourse between the races, by legal enactments, would probably tend only to embitter the prejudices, if any such there are, which exist between them, and produce an evil instead of a good result. Rob erts vs. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198. “A natural distinction exists between these races which was not created, neither can it be abrogated by law, and legislation which recognizes this distinction and provides for the peculiar wants or conditions of the par- tcular race can in no just sense be called a discrimination against such race or an abridgement of its civil rights. . . . Recent movements on the part of the colored people of the south, through their most, intelligent leaders, to secure Federal sanction to the separation of the two races, so far as the same is compatible with their joint occupa tion of the same geographical territory, afford strong evi dence of the wishes and opinions of that people as to the new methods which in their judgments will conduce most beneficially to their welfare and improvement.” In Cummings vs. Richmond County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528, (1899) the opinion by Mr. Justice Harlan, who dissented in the Plessy case, held that race segregation in public schools under state statute was not prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. Going Lum vs. Rice, 275 U. S. 78 (1927), sustained as lawful refusal to admit a Chinese to white public school, under state statute requiring the separate schools for white and colored students. Speaking of the state court decision holding the state statute lawful, the opinion of Mr. Chief Justice Taft said, Page 86: “The decision is within the direction of the state in regulating its public schools and does not conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment.” State courts have held that separation of races in public schools is not forbidden by the Constitution. (People vs. School Board of Borough of Queens, 161 N. Y. 598, 56 N. E. 81 (1900) ; State ex rel. Weaver vs. Board of Trustees 72 of Ohio State University, 126 Ohio St. 290, 185 N. E. 196 (1933). A leading recent school segregation case decided by the Supreme Court is Missouri ex rel. Gaines vs. Canada, 305 U. S. 337 (1937) . The question there arose over refusal of Missouri University to admit Gaines, a Negro, to its law school, and mandamus was sought to compel the University to admit him. Denial of admission to the University was held a violation of rights to equal school opportunity where no separate school was available for Negroes. The opinion by Mr. Justice Hughes notes recognition by state court of the obligation to provide educational op portunity for Negroes substantially equal to those provided whites, stating, Page 344: “The state has sought to fulfill that obligation by fur nishing equal facilities in separate schools, a method the validity of which has been sustained by our decisions.” To make it clear that segregation itself is not unlawful, the opinion later said, Page 349: “The admissibility of laws separating the races in the enjoyment of privileges afforded by the State rests wholly upon the equality of the privileges which the laws give to the separated groups within the State.” The Gaines case is important in plainly stating the po sition of the Supreme Court, adhered to over many years, to the effect that separation of races in various activities is lawful and does not violate constitutional rights, provided equality of treatment is afforded both races. Sipuel vs. Board of Regents, 332 U. S. 631 (1948), was decided per curiam upon authority of the Gaines case. Other cases in numbers too great to permit mention or discussion deal with segregation in many affairs of life, which have little or no application here. The one outstanding constitutional fact established un der the above-cited authorities is that segregation is not for bidden. It is always inequality of treatment which leads 73 to invalidation of state statute, carrier rule, and other au thority requiring separation of races. PROPOSITION III Residential segregation is socially desirable. # # # Racial residential segregation as provided by the Bir mingham Ordinance is not only socially desirable, but is essential to the preservation of the existing social institu- tians—the home, the community and the racial integrity which the South, and, in fact, the overwhelming portion of the nation, desires to maintain. The basic reasons for this are therefore presented to the court. The Home and The Community “In addition to all that has been said in support of the constitutionality of residential zoning as part of a com prehensive plan, we think it may be safely and sensibly said that justification for residential zoning may, in the last analysis, be rested upon the protection of the civic and social values of the American Home.” Cooley’s Constitutional Limitations, Vol. II, Page 1317. The home and the community are essentially, and by their nature, social institutions. It is inconceivable that any reasonable action taken by states and municipalities to protect and maintain these institutions can be construed to be in violation of the Constitution. “The main consideration in the individual selection of a residence location is the desire to live among one’s friends or among those whom one desires to have for friends; for which reason there will be as many residence neighborhoods in a city as there are social strata. In securing a home in a good residence section a man se- 74 cures safe, healthy and attractive conditions for his fam ily to live under, and, in smaller cities, desirable social life, these social considerations explaining the strong pressure in all cities towards the best residence sections. The contrast should be noted that BUSINESS PROP ERTY IS SELECTED BY THE MAN FROM AN ECO NOMIC STANDPOINT, AND RESIDENCE PROP ERTY BY THE WOMAN FROM A SOCIAL STAND POINT.” Principles of City Land Values, (Hurd), Pages 77-78. The prevailing attitude of the overwhelming portion of the non-negro population toward social equality of the negro, in the sense of intimate social and community re lations, has already been called to the attention of the court. There can be no question about there being a widespread belief on the part of white people in this country that Ne groes are undesirable neighbors. Robert Weaver, writing in the Negro Ghetto, said: “Colored people are opposed as neighbors in most de sirable and most undesirable sections of American cities. This atttiude in middle-class areas is of long standing.” The irreparable, or potentially irreparable, social dam age which may be occasioned by the lack of equitable and non-discriminatory segregation is well stated in the follow ing quotation from Charles Abrams (The Nation, Aug. 2, 1947, page 123) : “The social statute of a neighborhood is an item to be reckoned with by any homeowner, tenant or investor. Where one lives is usually indicative of one’s station in life and has an effect on friends, potential friends and business associates. The character of the neighborhood may be especially important to one’s daughter during her marriageable years. Unhappily, social status depends partly on race and color. Sometimes a single grundy in a neighborhood may inspire organized opposition; some times the intrusion of a single family of ‘unwelcome an- 75 cestry’ may precipitate an exodus-first by those best able to afford it, then by others. The section gets to be known as the undesirable part of town, houses fall into disrepair, and the neighborhood turns into a hand-me-down.” There is also a widespread belief of the inevitable de preciation of property values in residential sections when Negroes are allowed to invade white territory. In The Illinois Law Review, Volume 21, Page 704, the situation in Northern cities is stated as follows: “The constant flow of the colored man into the middle and northern states has now made the Negro problem na tional in its scope and importance and is constantly creat ing neighborhood and governmental problems which are becoming more and more difficult to solve.” In discussing those problems and their immediate bear ing upon property values in residential districts, it is said: “Not the least of these problems is that which is pre sented by the migration of the colored man into what was formerly white and often aristocratic, residential dis tricts, the consequence of which usually, and almost in evitably is, not merely a lessening of property values but of constant irritation and ultimate moving out of the original residents who were not willing to have colored neighbors and above all to send their children to the neighborhood school where the children of all classes and nationalities mingled together.” In the same article at Page 716, it is pointed out that where there is no residential segregation the fear of Negro invasion materially interferes with the profitable sale of homes. It is emphasized that this is not exclusively a local situa tion. The New York Commission on the Condition of the colored population reported that “There is no section of 76 New York that residential segregation is not practiced against negroes” (page 74) . And the Pennsylvania Com mission on the condition of the urban population reported (page 131) that “Residential segregation is an observable fact. It did not happen by accident nor is its existence maintained by mere chance.” The Inter-racial Commission of the State of Minnesota is reported in the July 27th, 1947 issue of the New York Times as finding that sixty per cent of the people were flatly opposed to Negroes being allowed to move into any vacancy that they could afford to occupy, and ten per cent was un decided. By areas, city people, town people and farm peo ple were opposed respectively in the proposition of sixty- four per cent, sixty per cent and sixty-one per cent. Leslie Vellie, writing in Colliers Weekly, November 23, 1946, on the situation in Detroit said: “On Detroit’s Northwest side there is a concrete wall a foot thick, six feet high and about one-half a mile long. A real estate developer put it up in 1941 to shut out from his white customers the sight of Negro families nearby. The United States Government Federal Housing Ad ministration wouldn’t insure white owner mortagages until the wall was put up.” The “Negro Ghetto,” Pages 167 to 170 points out that “Residential segregation has been given federal sanc tion in San Francisco, Richmond, Sacramento and small er places in California and in Vancouver, Bremerton, Fort Washington, Renton and Tacoma.” Rayford W. Logan (Negro), writing in “What The Ne gro Wants,” Page 7, says: “Today, most white people, North as well as South, do not accept the Negro as an equal.” 77 b. Maintenance of Racial Integrity One of the most important and useful purposes of the Birmingham Ordinances is the socially desirable result of deterring amalgamation. That the intermarriage and con sequent blending of some races, or of related groups within certain large racial categories, is not objectionable is gener ally accepted. But the amalgamation of such races as the Germanic and Anglo-Saxon on the one hand and the Negro race on the other is decidedly and demonstrably unde sirable. It appears obvious, however, that an increasing number of negro leaders are, avowedly or unavowedly, working toward this end, and they hope to help achieve this goal partly by breaking down residential segregation. Professor G. A. Borgese of the University of Chicago (now Secretary-General of The One World Organization) in the Negro Digest of December, 1944, Page 31, states the Negroes’ ultimate goal, as follows: . . any step forward in the field of political and social equality, however desirable and imperative, is merely a palliative as compared with the final remedy. # # * . . All will be done only when the bedrooms open and the two bloods mix freely in many marriages, free from blame and bane. ̂ ^ “. . . I would believe in science as the miracle-maker. If science is trying hard, and hopefully, to contrive an artifical heart, I would be at a loss to understand why it should be overbearing or nonsensical to exact from science the lesser miracle of an artificial skin. There should be some means—by innoculation or rays, or other nondescript process-to discolor the Negro. * * * “. . . a proposition of this kind should be the leading 78 thought of humanitarianism and science in their next phase of growth. * # # “Mixed marriages would he insured against racial nemesis by the knowledge that the treatment that was inexpensive and successful for the parent will be no less so for the progeny, with the other and less definite differ ential characteristics of the race merging by-and-by much more easily in the multiple miscegenation of the border zones. •Jr “• ■■ The color line should blur almost past recognition in the course of the very next generations.” The sentiments of Professor Borgese are the sentiments of W. E. B. DuBois and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. DuBois says: "What does one mean by a demand for ‘social equality?’ “The phrase is unhappy because of the vague mean ing of both ‘social’ and ‘equality.’ Yet it is in too com mon use to be disregarded, and its stands especially for an attitude toward the Negro. ‘Social’ is used to refer not only to the intimate contacts of the family group and of personal companions, but also and increasingly to the whole vast complex of human relationships through which we carry out our cultural patterns. “We may list the activities called ‘social,’ roughly as follows: “A. Private social intercourse (marriage, friendships, home entertainment). “B. Public services (residence areas, travel recreation and information, hotels and restaurants). “C. Social uplift (education, religion, science and art) . “Here are three categories of social activities calling for three interpretations of equality. In the matter of purely personal contacts like marriage, intimate friend ships and sociable gatherings, ‘equality’ means the right to select one’s own mates and close companions. The 79 basis of choice may be cultural taste or vagrant whim, but it is an unquestionable right so long as my free choice does not deny equal freedom on the part of others. No one can for a moment question the preference of a white man to marry a white woman or invite only white friends to dinner. But by the same token if a white Desdemona prefers a black Othello; or if Theodore Roosevelt in cludes among his dinner guests Booker T. Washington, their right also is undeniable and its restrictions by law or custom an inadmissible infringement of civil rights.” W. E. Burghardt DuBois (colored), Professor Socio logy Atlanta University, on “What the Negro Wants,” Pages 65-66. “What the Negro Wants,” University North Carolina Press (1944) composed of articles contributed by such Ne gro leaders as Mary Bethune, Sterling A. Brown, W. E. B. DuBois, Gordon Blaine Hancock, Leslie Pinckey Hill, Langston Hughes, Rayford W. Logan, Frederick Douglas Patterson, A. Philip Randolph, George S. Schupler, Willard S. Townsend, Charles H. Wesley, Doxey A. Wilkerson, and Roy Wilkins, leaves no doubt in any rational mind that Professor Borgese was right when he said that the negroes ultimate aim is to open the bedrooms and let “the two bloods mix freely in many marriages, free from bane and blame.” The recent marriage of Ruth Weyland, the white worn- j an lawyer, who is Assistant General Counsel for the Nation- al Labor Relations Board to Leslie S. Perry, negro lobbyist for the National Association for the Advancement of Col ored People, and the marriage of negroes like Paul Robe son’s boy and Walter White, to white women, and the re action of the negro press to these incidents, demonstrates that Professor Borgese knew what he was talking about when he declared that the negro’s ultimate was the mixture of the two bloods in many marriages and lighter skin for j the negro. 80 V A It is understandable why the negro would like to blot out the color line, but it is completely beyond our compre hension for one to expect that any American court will look with favor on such a program or will hold that the Constitu tion of the United States in effect prohibits protection of racial integrity. If it be concluded that a municipality has a right to pre serve racial integrity and to deter amalgamation, then it logically follows that it has the authority to adopt legislation that is calculated to work such results. Oliver C. Cox in an article in The American Journal of Sociology, Volume 50, Page 351, points out that “Negroes, in America, at least, are working toward the end that Negroes as such shall become nonexistent. “In short, they want to be known unqualifiedly as American Citizens, which desire, in our capitalistic so ciety, means assimilation and amalgamation.’’ If anything is certain in this uncertain world, it is cer tain that the Negroes’ ultimate goal is assimiliation and amalgamation which prompts the writer to reproduce some pertinent questions by publisher W. T. Couch in the pub lisher’s introduction to “What The Negro Wants:” “What problem would be solved if the white South dropped all barriers and accepted amalgamation? “Would anything be gained if overnight the whole population could be made one color?” A desire to preserve the white race is innate in the vast majority of white people. The Negroes’ goal is to destroy it. The Negro is ashamed of his color. He is ashamed of his race. He would masquerade as “colored” although Indians, Chinese and other colored people do not appre ciate the Negroes eagerness to occupy the “colored” field. The average white man (and many negroes) sincerely believe that the white race is superior to the black race. Whether that belief is rational or not is beside the ques- I II 81 tion. Whether it is cruel, chirstian, or charitable makes no \ difference. The white man believes that. Courts and Con gress and the President must deal with people as they are, not as some one would have them be. “This (inferior) status has been fixed by custom which has become as strong as statutory law. The funda mental reason for this situation is the belief in the in feriority of the Negro, a concept based upon the master- slave psychology and past poor white-negro relationships. The presence of the Negro raises objection whenever he comes as an equal. As long as he is an inferior—-a porter, a nurse, a sexton, a servant he is tolerated. Whenever recognition is given to the status of inferiority, there is rarely any racial conflict. This belief is not peculiarly southern, for although Northern sympathy could be aroused during slavery to a fairer consideration of the Negro by descriptions of Negro treatment in the south, there is no longer any rigidly marked sectional difference. Custom limits the Negro in the north just as legislation and custom circumscribe him in the south. An effective commentary in the Independent in 1920 upon this situa tion stated: ‘The omniscience of the South on the race question is only equalled by the mescience of the North’.” Charles H. Wesley (colored), Head of the Department of History at Howard University, in “What the Negro Wants,” Page 97. The Negro gives the white man good cause for such be lief. The plethora of advertisements in the negro press of lotions and concoctions it is claimed will lighten the negroes’ skin, evidence his desire to change his color. We find no such efforts on the part of the members of any other race. A bastard is looked on with disfavor by God and man. As far back as Deutronomy, Chpater 23, Verse 2, it was declared: “A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the Lord.” 82 In the New Testament the Apostle Paul in writing to the Hebrews, Chapter 12, Verses 6 and 8, says: “For whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth.” “But if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are par takers, then are ye bastards, and not sons.” The common law disabilities of a bastard are well known. In Alabama now, a bastard can only inherit from his mo ther, and in default of issue, his mother and her kindred only inherit from him. Title 16, Sec. 7, Alabama Code (1940) . Title 27, Sec. 11, Alabama Code (1940) . Miscegenation is a crime in Alabama, and one convicted of this crime is disqualified from registering, voting and holding office. Ala. Constitution, Sec. 182. Ala. Constitution, Sec. 102. Story vs. State, 178 Ala. 98. Title 14, Sec. 360 Ala. Code (1940). Certainly any increase in that class of citizens should be discouraged. Johan Gregor Mendel, the immortal biologist, discovered the principle of inherited and acquired characteristics. He studied the reproductive cells, the germ cells which are now called “gametes” which contain the “chromosomes” in which the inherited characteristics are lodged. Mr. William W. Cook, the noted legal authority and author of “American Institutions and their Preservation,” sums up the significance of Mendel’s discovery as follows: “The fundamental mental and moral nature of the child is the same as that of its ancestors and will be the same for its posterity. . . . This is so whether he be a Sicilian or the President of the Uinted States.” 83 In commenting on the overwhelming importance of heridity, Mr. Cook further says: “On the other hand modern studies in genetics are emphasizing the immense, the overwhelming importance of heredity. . . . Belief in the omnipotence of environ ment for the evolution of species has steadily waned in recent years. . . . The old view (which is now the Com munistic view) that men are chiefly the product of en vironment and training is completely reversed by recent studies of heredity. The modifications which may be produced by environment and education are small and temporary as compared with those which are determined by heredity. . . . There is no evidence that the effects of good environment or good training ever change the germ inal constitution.” This may explain the negroes inability to make progress in the social science or in the science of government. If left to himself he reverts to savagery. In speaking of the southern and eastern European, Mr. Cook said: “It is idle to claim that the American environment (schools, habits, customs, etc.) will change their inherit able natures. They will hurrah for the flag and then combine in a bloc for political power to use in their own behalf and to displace the old Americans.” What Mr. Cook says of southern and eastern Europeans is equally true of the Negro. Sir Arthur James Balfour writes: “I at least find it quite impossible to believe that any attempt to provide widely different races with an identi cal environment, political, religious, educational, what you will, can ever make them alike. They have been dif ferent and unequal since history began; different and unequal they are destined to remain through future pe riods of comparable duration.’ 84 Mr. Cook takes cognizance of those who scorn the laws of heredity in the following languages: “With the development of democratic opinions in the eighteenth century it became fashionable to disparage the weight of those hereditary influences to which the ancients attached so much importance. The equality of man was proclaimed, the differences between race and race attenuated or ignored. Modern professors of eu genics, he says, “ask us to face the fact, which is now plain to all, that different races are differently endowed by na ture, some being relatively high and others relatively low in the scale of civilization, and that within every race men and women differ from one another in natural inherited ability, and that no matter what education is supplied, these nautral differences will persist. . . . Mr. Cook, after reading 1,307 books and declaring that, “America exists to assert and demonstrate whether or not a vast people in a vast country of every climate and every occupation is capable of governing itself by democracy,” says with startling bluntness: “Mendelism may yet save America.” Ambassador Walter Bedell Smith in “My Three Years in Moscow,” (pages 285, 286), points out that the Mendel theory of inherited characteristics seriously conflicts with the theory that man is a creature of environment and for that reason the Kremlin ruled that Mendel’s scientific truth is no longer truth. “Adherence to this rigid theory accounts for the now famous biological controversy that raged last year in the Soviet Union. No matter how many Soviet biologists accepted as proven the fundamental truth of the Men delism theory of inherited characteristics, the Kremlin has ruled that it cannot be true.” The compelling necessity for disowning the truth is made clear by our Ambassador: 85 “If, contrary to the claim of the Soviet biologist Ly senko, man cannot inherit acquired characteristics then one of the fundamental props of Soviet ideology fails to the ground. If the Soviet State, by environment and out side pressure cannot cause fundamental changes in man’s character—in other words, in human nature—the future of the whole Soviet System is questionable.” It will be interesting to see whether or not American politicians and American courts will follow “the party j j line” and join the Soviet State in claiming that environ- U ment and outside pressure can cause fundamental changes \ in man’s character or whether they will follow the line of \ scientific truth. i If the heritable qualities of the negro do not change—and science says they do not—then the preservation of the racial purity by white people is one of the nation’s first concerns. The negro can never preserve constitutional government, his racial constitution will not allow him to do so. “His chromosomes are not of the right kind,” says Mr. Cook at page 578. “If science is right then the vociferous are wrong when they talk about ‘diverse contributing cultures and com posite civilization.’ The ‘melting pot’ is a witches’ caul dron, brewing all sorts of mixtures. It is no answer to cry ‘race prejudice.’ It is race preservation and not race prejudice. It involves the preservation of American in stitutions, the future of the American people.” While a few states outside the South do not have mis- cegnation laws and laws against intermarriage, biological integration is frowned on there as severely as in the South. Professor Rayford Logan (Colored) of Howard Univer sity, concedes: “On no aspect of the race problem are most white Americans, North as well as South, so adamant as they are on their opposition to intermarriage.” Page 28. 86 The author refers to the views of Mrs. Roosevelt and to the opinion of some biologists and anthropologists that mix ed marriages do not necessarily result in an inferior off spring, and concludes: “Most white Americans remain nontheless opposed to intermarriage and many of them to the abolition of pub lic segregation as a possible first step toward it.” Page 28. Cohn expresses the idea this way: “The white visitor to New York from the Delta con cludes that essentially the same discrimination that run against the Negro in the Delta run against him in New York. And he wonders how much wider and deeper these discriminations woud be if the racial percentages of the two areas were reversed. What would the white man’s attitude and conduct towards the Negro in New York be if 70 per cent of the population were Negro?” “Where I was Born and Raised,” (1948), By David L. Cohn, Page 156. Professor Dowd points out that like the law of the Medes and Persians, the attitude of the Caucasian toward race intermixture with the Negro does not change. “The attitude of the Caucasian toward intermixture with the Negro has not changed within the historic pe riod. As far back as 700 B. C. the fair widowed Queen Dido of Carthage committed sucide rather than comply with the unnatural and selfish importunities of her sub jects, to marry Larbus, the swarthy monach of Mauritania in Africa. -ft- "T? Professor Henry Pratt Fairchild, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, New York University, in his book on “Race and Nationality,” says that amalgamation is almost automatic when two or more racial groups are brought into juxtapo sition. 87 “It (amalgamation) is a process that takes place almost automatically when two or more racial groups are brought into juxtaposition. Obviously, this does not nec essarily involve the formal institution of marriage—the process is purely biological and takes place whenever streams of germ plasm are combined. Nor does it neces sarily involve any profound fellow feeling on the part of the parties concerned. It was noted long ago that the relations between the soldiers of an invading army and the natives of the country tend to be alternately material and marital. An American soldier attached to one of the units that made the first incursion onto German soil in 1944 replied to the superior officer, who was warning him against ‘fraternizing’ with the enemy, that it wasn’t really the brothers that he was interested in.” Page 88. The Professor, however, warns against experimenting with amalgamation. In speaking of that proposed solution he says: “This solution would certainly be repugnant to a large portion of the members of both groups, and would cer tainly require a profound alteration in existing senti ments. What its final outcome would be in terms of na tional solidarity and human quality, lies entirely beyond the scope of present scientific prediction. One thing at least can be said—such a program should be adopted with great caution, because the process would be entirely irre versible. If it were discovered eventually that it was a mistaken policy, there would be nothing that could be done about it. You can no more unmix races than you can unscramble the proverbial egg. This would seem to be an excellent case for the application of the good old maxim, in case of doubt, don’t.” Human experience teaches that social and political as sociation lead to and will bring about intermarriage be tween the people of different races. One follows the other as night follows the day. Our forefathers carefully guarded racial purity in the early days. 88 “The State of Massachusetts had been earliest to enact a law against intermarriage between the Indian and the Anglo-Saxon. It was entitled ‘An Act for the better pre venting of a spurious or mixed issue.’ Our forefathers, understanding the inferior character of the colored faces, refused to permit amalgamation, and visited it with the severest penalties of law. They possessed a lofty pride of race, which, in a great measure, has been lost to their de scendants. Their firm resolve to preserve the purity of the race, and to continue its dominion over the land, was strengthened by the aspect presented by Central and South America, and the Spanish Isles. There the races had been received into political fellowship; the white blood had been adulterated, and government had be come a by-word and reproach.” Massachusetts did not stand alone in prohibiting mis- cegnation. “In Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, laws were passed, some still existing, to regulate, to protect and to punish Indians. In Massa chusetts the intermarriage of an Indian and white was forbidden as debasing the Anglo-Saxon blood.” -JA. -If.I P I P TP “Understanding perfectly- the absolute sovereignty which had been claimed and exercised by the other States in this matter, Georgia repudiated definitely and finally the idea of admitting the Indian to her political family. “. . . Not all the logic nor all the rhapsodies of the new generation of humanitarians, who looked to equal politi cal and civil rights between the white man and the In dian could convince the bold Saxons who won their in dependence from Great Britain that it was their duty to adulterate their white blood and sinks to a level with the descendants of the Castilian of the Southern Continent. No Federal agent to the Indian tribes could convince them that such was their duty. The Indians must go.” “The Cradle of the Confederacy,” by Joseph Hodg son, Pages 106, 108. The results of association and familiarity are as apparent in racial relations as they are in other relations. “Vice is a monster of so frightful mien As, to be hated, needs but to be seen; Yet seen too oft, familiar with her race, We first endure, then pity, then embrace.” Familiarity breeds more than contempt. One of the earliest segregation laws upheld in this coun try is reported in West Chester R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 (1867), where it is stated that commingling of the races even on streetcars was pernicious for the very reason that ‘the tendency of intimate social intermixture is to amalga mation contrary to the law of races’ It has been said that “The strength of a Nation depends more upon the race than upon the Government.” In a statement before the House Committee on emigra tion, Dr. H. H. Loflin, an expert connected with the Car negie Institute in Washington said: “In the long run, military conquest by a superior peo ple would be highly preferable to a conquest by emigra tion by people with inferior family stock endowments.” American Institutions and their Preservations, by Wil liam W. Cook, Vol. 2, Page 748. The same author in the same work at pages 567, 571, elaborates on the importance of adherence to our racial standard and he quotes Dr. Loflin in that respect as fol lows: “Adherence to our racial standards is one of the es sential institutions of American Life. Unless this basic institution be preserved and developed the essential char acter and genius of other American institutions must disappear.” 90 The truth of the statement that “the strength of the Na tion depends more upon the race than upon the Govern ment” was never better demonstrated than in the Mexican war, when the capital of a country of seven millions of peo ple was captured by less than six thousand white Americans. After the American General had established order and security for life and property in Mexico City, “Men in and out of office, of great influence, ap proached General Scott privately and offered to place at his disposal one million of dollars if he would remain in and govern Mexico.” In addition to the million dollars offered the General, history says: “A salary of $250,000 per annum was offered General Scott. All the fortresses, all the armies of the country, all the custom-houses were already in his hands. A distribu tion of a little money, or the arrest of those who were op posed to the scheme, would easily secure a favorable vote of the Mexican Congress; and then nothing was left to obstruct the mounting of the American General to the Mexican throne, with as much ease as BERNADOTTE ascended the throne of SWEDEN.” The reasons why General Scott refused these flattering offers, were given by the General himself. “The first reason was, that he could not honorably re sign from under his own flag except to add to the glory of his country by immediate annexation of Mexico to the United States. “The second reason was that, as there were but one million of pure-blooded white men in Mexico, and six millions of Indians and mixed Indians, Negroes and Spaniards, the American General believed that the an nexation of such a population to the United States would be an injury to his country.” 91 In short, General Scott spurned an offer of an empire be cause of the character of the population. The difference between Mexico and the United States is dramatically de scribed by a gifted historian as follows: “The Government of Mexico is modeled after that of the United States; but what the pure-blooded Anglo- Saxon could accomplish, the mind of the dark races of Central America could not even compass. While the former advanced with the tread of a giant, driving the copper-colored race towards the Rocky Mountain, and holding the black race in servitude, Mexico surrendered to the optimistic ideas of natural race equality, which were sweeping over France and the Iberian peninsular. While the United States, with a homogenous population of citizens, bounded to the front rank of nations, her mongrel sister Republic fell to the earth before a single feeble blow from a handful of brave and intelligent white men, under the lead of General Scott.” The “Cradle of the Confederacy,” by Hodgson, pages 253-256. As Burke says: “Better be alarmed by the midnight bell than be burned in your bed.” Senator Robert Tooms once said: “This Republic was born of the soul of a race of pi oneer white freemen who settled on our continent and built an altar within its forest cathedral to Liberty and Progress. In the record of man has the negro ever dream ed this dream? The answer is ‘No’.” The negroes racial constitution will never allow the ne gro to become “a dreamer of dreams.” Capacity for self- government, capacity to govern others is no part of a ne groes racial constitution. The negro is a creature of the tropical climate where fruit and nuts are plentiful and where clothing is not required for protection against the winter cold. The negro has never been under the necessity of producing anything through voluntary cooperation. The 92 essentials of savages in the jungle are few and do not include protection, transportation and marketing of goods. His racial constitution knows not the meaning of social respon sibility. The white race received the Ten Commandments upon tablets of stone fresh from the hands of God on Sinia’s burn ing summit. The white race received the Golden Rule from Jesus of Nazareth himself. The white race faced King John at Runnymeade and wrung from his Magna Charta the right of trial by jury. The white race sailed the angry Atlantic in a wooden tub and landed at Plymouth Rock and carved a continent out of a wilderness. The white race wrote the Declaration of Independence, signed the Constitution of the United States, carried the stars and stripes “to the Halls of Montezuma, and the shores of Tripoli,” to the heights of Okinawa and to Berlin beyond the Rhine. The white race harnessed steam, developed elec tricity and made its power subject to the will of man. The white race made a spark jump out into the night and leap leagues of snarling seas and cry to the shore for help. The white race added the highways of the eagle to the paths of man. The white race dotted this universe with houses of worship whose spires stab the skies and whose golden cross es kiss the sun. The white race supports missionaries in the four corners of the earth. The white race split the atom and eliminated the yellow beast as a peril to progress, and fed a former enemy by an air lift that astounded the world. The negro has had just as long as the white man to de velop his civilization, but not once since God cursed Cain had he built a ship, flown a flag, produced literature or sug gested a creed. It is interesting to note that when the wartime manpower shortages forced a wider acceptance of negro labor and led to the decline of segregation on the job in many areas in the North, RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION INCREAS ED. 93 “The Negro Ghetto,” pages 271, 272. It is not democracy, but idocy for Americans to weaken in any degree the blood that is responsible for the vigor and glory of this Republic. c. Equitable Residential Segregation Beneficial to the Negro Segregation is advantageous to the Negro, as has been many times pointed out. For instance in NEGRO FIOUS- ING, Page 213, we find: “Whatever political power the Negro exerts is derived from segregation. In several of the large cities, such as New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Cleveland he elects one or more members of the city council and some times at member of the state legislature as a result of his localized vote.” Professor Dowd in his Book, THE NEGRO IN AMER ICAN LIFE, Pages 474-4175, says: “The white people outside of the South who have writ ten about Negro segregation generally commend it as necessary and wise in sections of the country where N egro population is large.” J. M. Mecklin, of the Pittsburgh Psychological In stitute, in his book, Democracy and Race Friction, ex presses his opinion as follows: “Viewed from the stand point of the good of society as a whole, laws requiring so cial segregation in the South are undoubtedly based up on a sound social philosophy.’ “A. B. Hart, of Harvard University, believes that: ‘Race separation would give greater opportunities to the Negro, and reduce the contract with the lower class of whites out of which comes most of the race violence in the South.’ “Maurice Evans, an Englishman long resident in South Africa, who has studied the Negro in the United States, takes the ground that segregation is working to 94 the advantage of the Negro: ‘the segregation of the race has thrown the members on their own powers, and has developed the qualities of resourcefulness. The very pro cess which may have seemed to some like a policy of op pression, has in fact resulted in a process of development.' “What would happen to the Negroes in the South, if they were not segregated? They would have to compete in every occupation with the whites; they would find the door of opportunity practically closed to them in all the higher walks of life. It would rarely happen that a Negro could secure a position as teacher in a school, as pastor of a church, or as editor of a paper. There would be no Negro doctors, dentists, lawyers, actors, or singers. Even in the unskilled trades they would have to compete with the white man. “What does the Negro gain by segregation? He finds in the South a large field of employment open to him with little or no competition from the whites. In other words, segregation enables him to lead an easier and less strenuous existence, which insures to him a diminishing death-rate and a higher birth-rate; also, it enables him to resist the downward pressure into poverty, vice, and crime. Above all, segregation builds up cooperation and race pride, and, by diminishing the incentive to imitate the whites, tends to bring out in the race its special ap titudes and geniuses. The progress of mankind can be best advanced by each race’s developing the genius and culture peculiar to it instead of striving to imitate another.” d. / Residential Segregation Lessens Racial Antipathies VV In the Literary Digest of September 7, 1935, it is re- M ported that the heads of the Maryland School System in- ' / formed the court in their appeal that the biracial school / system undoubtedly has been a leading cause of the present I amicable and cooperative relations which exist in the state between the races, resulting from different cultural back grounds. 95 The people will not follow the Court if its decision is contrary to a decision made by the people on a subject which they feel better qualified than the Court to decide and which they feel extends the law and the Constitution into the governance of their social life to an unwarranted extent and beyond any reasonable interpretation of even the so-called elastic clauses of the Constitution. “Segregation enables the Negro to find among his own people as many opportunities in the higher walks of life as are found among the white people. He may be a merchant, banker, doctor, lawyer, dentist, school-teach er, college president, pastor of a church, editor of a pa per, actor, musician, officer in a lodge, and so forth. In many Southern states there are more Negroes holding higher positions in professio?ial life than in the entire ter ritory of Brazil, where segregation has largely broken down as a result of racial intermixture W. T. Couch, Publisher Chicago University Press, a publisher not unfriendly to the Negro, says: “I believe that if complete elimination of segregation could be accomplished overnight—as many of the authors of this volume assume it ought to be—the consequences would be disasterous for everyone and more so for the Negro than the white man.” “What The Negro Wants,” Page XX. “Hodding Carter, publisher and editor of the Green ville (Mississippi) Democrat-Times was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in 1946 for editorials on racial and religious tolerance. He has consistently and courageously stood for social justice to Negroes; he has strongly advocated prac tical measures for their educational health, and economics betterment; and has been in general a salutary influence in the area where his newspaper circulates. For these reasons he has been called everything from a ‘nigger lover’ to a 96 communist, and has become a controversial figure through out Mississippi. “Yet these are the words of this alleged firebrand when he addressed students of the University of Mississippi in De cember, 1936: “ ‘As Southerners our great challenge is to lift the economic, health and education standards of the Negro together with our own. . . . But I want to make it clear. . . . that I consider any program which would end the segregation of races in the South as unrealistic and dan gerous to the hope of progress in race relations. . . .” “Where I was Born and Raised,” by David L. Cohn, Page 295. The white man has risen through separation. The negro and other races must walk the same path if they would rise. “The attempt to impose social intimacy and inter course between the races by legal enactment would probably tend only to embitter the prejudice which exists between them.” Professor Fairchild, in “Race and Nationality,” at Pages 183 and 184, speaks words of wisdom to those who would change human nature by legislation. He said: “In dealing with race and nationality problems, as in all other social affairs, sound and constructive action must be based upon people as they are, not as they ought to be or as the liberal spirit might wish to have them. This does not mean in the least that efforts to change public attitudes and sentiments are useless and should be abandoned. Quite the contrary. The hackneyed say ing that ‘you can’t change human nature’ is as false as it is stultifying. But if you want to avoid creating more trouble than you remove, the change in human nature must precede the practical measures that assume that it has changed.” Pages 183, 184. e. Residential segregation makes each race more at ease. 97 The whites because it provides a district for the Negroes and the Negroes because they feel less imposed upon and more independent. Because of this feeling of independence the Negro, as a race, is more progressive under residential segregation. There is a greater desire for him to move forward in that he feels he is improving his own castle rather than that of the white man. (See Reuther, “The American Race Prob lem.” (1927) Chapter XVI). Mr. Shannon says that with segregation, “All would have better opportunity to develop along normal lines, towards racial self sufficiency, racial self respect and racial self re liance.” This is one of the important elements prompting various legislatures to enact laws separating the races in trains, schools and hotels. The claim that segregation stigmatizes the Negro as an inferior being was disposed of in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537. There is a manifest difference between caste relations and race relations. The City takes the emphatic position that segregation and accepted race differences is not and does not establish a caste system. The difference between caste and race is pointed out in an article in the American Journal of Sociology, Volume 50, beginning at Page 51, in which Oliver C. Cox warns against confusing caste relations with race relations. “The world view of the caste is turned inward, and its force is centripetal; that of Negroes is turned outward, and its force is centrifugal. Negroes, in America, at least are working toward the end that Negroes as such shall become nonexistent. However, the cast of either low or high status is devoted to the perpetuation of itself. The solidarity of Negroes is admittedly temporary; it is a de fense-offense technique. The idea of negroes is that they should not be identified; they evidently want to be work ers, ministers, doctors, or teachers without the distinction of being Negro workers—negro ministers, and so on. In 98 short, they want to he known unqualifiedly as American citizens, which desire, in our capitalist society means as similation and amalgamation.” Caste is a perpendicular and immutable separation of individuals. Segregation and race differences is a horizontal or area grouping of people based on social intercourse and the homogeneity which makes social intercourse possible. Segregation is not a bar to the rise of any individual to the highest position in the land. It is for this reason that the City urges that in dealing with a social problem, the Court must follow the people and respect their custom and way of living. f. Equitable Segregation In the Foreword of his book, “Planning for The South,’’ (published by The Vanderbilt University Press), John V. Van Sickle said that the volume is a plea for regionalism by a man without a region. “My residence in the South dates from September, 1938. With the exception of the first eight years of my life in Colorado and the next eleven in Baltimore, I have never spent more than five years in any one place; more than ten years were spent in various parts of Europe. My regionalism is thus intellectual rather than emotional. Nor is it the result of any sudden con version.” With that kind of a background Professor Van Sickle discusses the subject of equitable segregation in a fine way. We quote liberally from the volume, pages 71 to 74, with out single spacing the quotation: “The solution of the Negro problem in the South is complicated by lack of agreement as to a formula. Many extra-regional students of the cause of this underprivileged group see eventual amalgamation as the only permanent solution. Except for a few extremists, the adherents of this school of thought are prepared to go slowly, providing there 99 is real progress from year to year. They regard this ‘pa tience’ as evidence of their realism and statesmanship. Only clear evidence of a trend toward equality, they argue, can prevent the extremists from gaining the upper hand and forcing a rate of change too rapid for the Southern mores. They urge Southern white leaders to cooperate with them in removing the external and hence humiliating stigmata of inferiority, such as the Jim Crow cars on the railroads and the corresponding sections in the urban busses, the separate waiting rooms for Negroes in railroad stations, the exclusion of Negroes from hotels, etc. When moderate southern white leaders balk at such proposals, they con clude that the South is bereft of statesmen in this area of human affairs. “The trouble is, of course, that Southern whites look be yond the concrete measures under discussion for the ulti mate goal. If amalgamation is the ultimate goal, they will oppose reforms which to an outsider appear entirely reason able. As long as amalgamation is set up as a goal, segrega tion and subordination will be set up in opposition and the white majority in the South ivill be found solidly behind that goal. “This deadlock cannot be broken with the consent of Southern whites until amalgamation is frankly discarded as the ultimate solution of the Negro problem in the South. It is greatly to be hoped that it will be discarded for it is an unworkable and unrealistic formula. Racial lines appear to be about as distinct now as at any previous period in re corded history. It is hard enough to assimilate culturally distinct groups within a single race—witness the French in Canada, the German enclaves in Southeastern Europe and the Baltic provinces, the Hungarians, the Czechs and the Irish. None of these cultural subgroups want amalgama tion. “Even less do the distinctive groups popularity known as races want amalgamation. What they want is what cul- 100 tural subgroups want, namely, cultural autonomy. What they resent is any implication of inferiority. Removal of the stigma of inferiority will do more to promote the peace ful living together of this mosaic of races and groups than a century of preaching of amalgamation. The latter is a glacial process little, if at all, susceptible to social controls. The task ahead will not be solved by denying differences, but by recognizing them and treating them as differences in kind and not in excellence. Young people must be edu cated to this concept. They must be taught that the prin ciple of equity can be applied to groups within as well as to groups outside the national frontiers. “Professor Bronislav Malinowski has used the term ‘equitable segregation’ to describe this approach to the Negro problem and has endorsed it as offering the greatest prospects of an early amelioration of the status of the South ern Negro. Just what are the implications of the phrase? “Frank acceptance of the principle will help to break down the psychology obstacle to reform from within the South. Many vexatious and humiliating features in the present situation can be removed if it is clear that the end goal is the establishment of equality of opportunity be tween two distinctive groups and not as an attempt to blur the obvious distinctions between the groups. It thus per mits of progress without a frontal attack upon the existing mores. It does not call for the abolition of separate cars for Negroes on railroads, or for separate schools, or sep arate waiting and rest rooms in railroad stations and build ings open to the general public. But it does call for cars, adequate in number for the needs of the Negro population and every bit as good as those provided for the whites; for rest rooms in public buildings comparable to those avail able to the whites. It does not mean that whites and Ne groes should be mingled in the same school buildings but that the buildings provided for the Negroes should be as good as those provided for the whites in the same school 101 district and that the education should be as excellent and as appropriate to their occupational prospects as that avail able to the white children. It does not require that the vote be indiscriminately and immediately accorded to every Negro but it does imply that reasonable restrictions on vot ing shall be honestly and equitably applied to whites and Negroes alike. It does not necessarily involve the indis criminate employment of Negroes and whites side by side in public and private business, but it does imply that man agement will use its inkeunity to devise ways and means of opening up to Negroes every occupational category for which they can demonstrate the requisite capacities. Tact and firmness can accomplish much. For example, the Lock- heed-Vega Aircraft Corporation, ‘after some hesitation de termined to experiment with Negro labor in one of its plants. It got ready very carefully by going over the plan with its foreman. In the summer of 1941, each one of Lockheed’s many thousand white employees was given a statement of the company’s intention. Presently the intro duction of Negroes into the plant began, and now several hundred are employed there.’ If our economy can be kept operating at something approaching full employment, the white man's objection to working beside the Negro may be expected to decline. The present acute shortage of man power makes this a favorable time to experiment. “The principle of “equitable segregation’ does not call for the breaking down of segregated residential districts in our cities of tomorrow; but it does call for the provision of wholesome residential districts for Negroes equal to those available to white groups of comparable incomes. “In brief, the principle of ‘equitable segregation’ justifies the maintenance of the dual institutions which have been so severely criticized outside the South and which admitted ly bear so heavily upon the inadequate recourses of the South.” 102 PROPOSITION IV Residential segregation is essential to happiness and contentment, the peace, tranquility, and good order of the City of Birmingham. The Commissioners of the City of Birmingham, sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States, tell the world in Ordinance No. 709-F, under their oath, with an author ity not to be denied, that, “ (a) From the date of the original settlement of this City unto the present time it has been the invariable cus tom, supported for most of the time by municipal law and universally observed, to require white and colored residents to live in separate residential areas. Nobody disputes that. It cannot be challenged. “ (b) That when attempts have been made by mem bers of one race to enter for purposes of a permanent residence into an area commonly recognized as set aside for members of the other race, violence, disturbances of the peace, destruction of property and life has resulted al most without exception. That statement is incontrovertable. There were six bombings in 1949 before the passage of this ordinance, as a result of attempted negro invasion of this white residen tial section. “ (c) This Commission further finds from its knowl edge of present conditions and public sentiment in this City that in the event attempts shall now or in the fore seeable future be made by members of one race to estab lish residences in areas heretofore regarded as set apart for the residences of members of the other race, breaches of the peace, riots, destruction of life and property will follow. Any other finding would be a defiance of facts known to all. 103 “ (d) That neither the City of Birmingham nor any other law enforcement agency is able so completely to police, supervise and safeguard the person and property of persons attempting to establish a residence in an area not commonly recognized by members of the race to which such person belongs, as to prevent injury to such persons, members of his family, third parties in the area affected, and destruction of property. Mark Ethridge in effect said all the powers of the Allied and Axis armies could not do that. “ (c) That the zoning ordinances of the City of Bir mingham now in effect do substantially and fairly well delineate those areas historically and generally regarded as available for residences and occupation by members of the white and colored races. This was not challenged in the court, below nor was it claimed that the Birmingham zoning ordinance was not an equitable zoning ordinance. “ (f) That this ordinance is necessary to preserve the peace of said City and to safeguard the property and saf ety of its citizens and of the public in general.” We trust this court is impressed with the seriousness of the situation and the sincerity of the declaration of these public servants. There are nearly 400,000 people in Bir mingham, white and black, who will testify to the same state of facts. The N egroes themselves furnish evidence of the unhappy situation in Birmingham; in their telegram to President Truman on August 13, 1949, they say: “Racial tensions sharp enough for unhappy possibil ities.” On the same day they telegraphed Attorney General Car michael: 104 “Racial tensions made acute by Friday night bombings of two ministers homes.” In a telegram to Commissioner Morgan on the same date they said: “The NAACP will fight without let up all forms of racial zoning because such is unlawful. We shall .con tinue to support and encourage Negro citizens to stand firm at all cost and sacrifices for the prescious right to own and live where one can buy or rent.” In a telegram to the Sheriff of Jefferson County they said: “The community has been inflamed by unfortunate statements attributed to at least one city public official.” In a telegram to the Chief of Police they said: “A situation exists growing out of controversy over ra cial residential zoning which demands hourly police pro tection for Reverend Milton Curry of 1100 Center Street North and Reverend E. B. Deyampert of 1104 Center Street North.” In another telegram to President Truman dated June 2, 1949, the NAACP informed him that it feels, “that local police protection is breaking down in Smithfield area where racial zoning contest has provided controversy.” A leading speaker at the negro mass meeting in Birming ham on August 17, 1949, said: “We will not cease calling on you until the flag of vic tory shall not only wave over the battlefield of Center Street, but the flag of victory will be waving all over Bir mingham.” 105 This has been construed to mean that Negroes intend to do what they have been accused of preparing to do, namely, place a Negro family in each wihte block of Bir mingham where it is possible for a Negro to purchase a lot in that block. The Steel City Star, a local paper published in Fairfield, Alabama, recently carried an editorial com menting upon information to that effect it obtained from sources it deems reliable. White people are warned by taxicab drivers, policemen, and newspaper people, in Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, New York and other places that it is highly dangerous for a white person to go inside a negro tenament alone in those cities, and to remain on the outside unless amply protected. Birmingham has not reached that stage. But it has reach- j ed the stage where white people are not going to allow j negroes to move next door to them. They are not interested in discussing whether this is democratic or dictatorial, Christian or pagan, right or wrong. They simply will not \ tolerate it. There are many reasons why they take that j j position, and humanity being what it is, must be dealt with I as is. David L. Cohn, an author decidedly friendly to the Ne gro, in his book, “Where I Was Bdrn and Raised” tells why residential segregation is essential to peace and order, and comfort and convenience of all in Birmingham. “Whatever may be the disablities worked upon the negroes and whites by segregation; whether the fears that provoke it are reasonable or unreasonable; whether it is anti-democratic, anti-constitutional, or anti-christian, there is little chance, in my opinion, that it will be oblit erated within foreseeable time. He who evades, beclouds, or challenges the issue may do great harm to the whole American society. He who does not take segregation as the starting point for an exploration of the possibilities that may lead to a betterment of the race question will find himself lost in a haunted wood. 106 Since the deep-seated mores of a people cannot be changed by law, and since segregation is the most deep- seated and pervasive of the Southern white mores, it is evident that he who attempts to abolish it by law runs risks of incalculable gravity. There are nonetheless whites and negroes who would break down segregation by Federal fiat. Let them beware. I have little doubt that in such a case the country would find itself nearing civil war.” Page 294. Mr. Cohn might be excused for mentioning the civil war on account of the fact that he was southern born. But as startling as it may appear, Professor Fairchild of New York reaches the same conclusion. “As long as the bulk of the American people are pos sessed by group antipathy, suspicion, jealousy, envy, hatred, condescension, it is worse than useless to put in to effect measures that would be good if they were all broad-minded, tolerant, hospitable, and charitable. Ev ery well-convinced, psychologically sound, practically efficacious campaign to eradicate these noxious traits from the American soul is to be welcomed. But the cam paign—and its success—must come first; liberal measures may follow. “Out of these truths arises the tragic paradox that the various efforts that were made in the midst of World War II to improve the lot of the Negro in the United States, and to establish greater equality, are having the effect of intensifying and fortifying the opposition of those who do not welcome this change. Tensions are increased rather than relaxed. The gloomy prognostication fre quently heard, ‘It looks as if we were going to have to fight the Civil War all over again’ is much more than a mere wisecrack.” Race and Nationality, Page 184. Mark Ethridge is quoted by Mr. Cohn on the subject of the permenance of segregation as follows: “Writing five years ago in the Louisville Courier- Journal, Mark Ethridge, the publisher of that newspaper said: 107 ‘He (the Negro) must realize that there is no power in the world . . . which could now force the Southern white people to abandon the principle of social segregation. It is a cruel disillusionment, bearing the germs of strife and perhaps a tragedy, for any of their leaders to tell them that they can expect it as the price of their participation in the war.' This, it seems to me, is a statement of indubitable fact, yet Mr. Ethridge was denounced by the Negro press and Northern white liberals as a fascist, a Ku Kluxer, and, anticlimactically, a scoundrel.” Pages 294-295. It requires no argument to demonstrate that anything as deep seated as residential segregation in Birmingham is essential to happiness and contentment, peace and good order in Birmingham. The people of Birmingham are not without a sound basis for their uncompromising stand on residential segregation. In that respect they are not out of step with other sections. Their beliefs about the Negro are shared by others and the beliefs of others are shared by them. They regard as the most villianous form of hyprocrisy, political platitudes eulogising social equality uttered for the purpose of cor ralling the Negro vote when the difference between prac tice and preaching is as wide as the Pacific ocean. In a report by the Chicago Commission on Race Rela tions at Page 63, “The Negro in Chicago,” an interesting statement is made about beliefs concerning Negroes where certain primary and secondary beliefs ar catalogued. We take the following from that report : “Beliefs Concerning Negroes” “The conduct of individuals is largely determined by their attitudes toward a subject and their general beliefs concerning it. Definite beliefs concerning Negroes may be found in the North as well as in the South, varying with the individuals who hold them, according to degrees of contact with the Negro group and the individuals’ tra- 108 ditional background. These may be divided according to their character and effect into two general classes: (a) primary beliefs or those fundamental and firmly estab lished convictions which have, all around, the deepest effect on the conduct of whites towards Negroes and are pretentiously supported by statistics, authorities, and scientific research; (b) secondary beliefs, or modifica tions and variants of important assumptions as to cardi nal attributes.’ r a) Primary Beliefs—Among these primary beliefs are j the following: 1. Mentality: That the mind of the Negro is distinct ly inferior to that of the white race. Some believe that this is due to backwardness in ascending the scale of civil ization; some that the Negro belongs to a different spe cies of the human family. 2. Morality: That Negroes are not yet capable of exer cising social restraints common to white persons; that they are unmoral as well as immoral. 3. Criminality: That Negroes possess a constitutional character weakness, and a consequent predisposition to sexual crimes, petty stealing and crimes of violence. 4. Physical Unattractiveness: That physical laws prompt whites to avoid contact with Negroes. 5. Emotionality: The Negroes are highly emotional and for that reason are given to quick, uncalculated crimes of violence as easily as to noisy and emotional re ligious expressions. b) Secondary Beliefs—As continued repetition of any plausible statement without correction of its error event ually gives it credence, these secondary beliefs have root ed themselves deep in the public mind. Among other things it is believed that Negroes are: (1) lazy, (2) ‘hap py-go-lucky,’ (3) boisterous, (4) bumptious, (5) over- assertive, (6) lacking in civic consciousness, (7) addict ed to carrying razors, (8) fond of shooting craps, (9) flashy in dress and like gaudy brilliant colors, especially red.” In the same report at Page 43, the Commission points 109 out some of the reasons for the attitude of the whites toward Negroes. It is there said: “The widespread and deep-seated racial prejudice among whites against Negroes, heretofor mentioned as a psychological basis for the belief that the presence of Negroes is disasterous to property values, is directly re flected in the unwillingness of whites to buy property close to that occupied by Negroes and in their desire to sell, even at a sacrifice, when Negroes move into the immediate neighborhood.” Professor Henry Pratt Fairchild gives some good advice to those who would treat lightly the determination of white people to have residential segregation. In his work on “Race and Nationality,” the Professor says: “Whether understood or misunderstood, correctly de fined or incorrectly defined or not defined at all, used for good or for ill, regarded as the most important thing in life or sniffed at as a mere triviality, the notion of race is almost as old as humanity, has influenced men’s think ing and behavior in a myriad ways, and cannot be sum marily tossed onto the junk heap. Something about which whole libraries of books have been written, by au thors ranging all the way from hysterical and ignorant sentimentalists to scholars of the highest scientific rank, cannot be disposed of by a flick of the finger like a speck of dust on one’s tuxedo jacket. Men have for ages thought, talked, felt, argued, and fought about some thing they called race, without making any effort to de fine it, and they are not going to accept readily the off hand assertion that there is really nothing at all to it, made by self professed scientists with no matter how long a string of academic initials appended to their names.” Pages 8-9. The Professor then points out that the determination of white people to have residential segregation cannot be ig nored, nor can the behavior that results from it be dismissed as “a vaporous figment of the social imagination.” 110 The fruits of the Negro invasion of white residential areas is reported at Page 8 in the Commission report on Race Relations as follows: “Since the riot in East St. Louis, July 4, 1917, there had been others in different parts of the country which evidences a widespread lack of restraint in mutual anti pathies and suggested further resorts to lawlessness. Riots and race clashes occurred in Chester, Pennsylvania; Longview, Texas; Coatsville, Pennsylvania; Washington, D. C.; and Norfolk, Virginia, before the Chicago riot.” And in pointing out the reason for the Chicago riot, the Commission said: “The Negroes overran the hitherto recognized area of Negroe residences, and when they took houses in adjoin ing neighborhoods, friction ensued. In the two years just preceding the riot, twenty-seven Negro homes were wrecked by bombs thrown by unidentified persons.” The record in this case incontestably shows that six bombings of Negro homes occurred in Birmingham in 1949. We do not suppose that we are violating any confi dence when we say that the District Judge who decided this case in favor of the Negroes informed their counsel, that, in his opinion it would be very unwise for them to build and occupy a home on their property at the present time. He reminded them that he decided a similar case in 1948 in favor of a Negro, and when he attempted to occupy the property his house was destroyed by an explosion. This situation in Birmingham in no different from the situation in other places. In the report of the Chicago Commission on Race Relations, at Pages 44 and 45, the Commission describes the situation that prevailed there at the time the report was made: “Bombings—The antagonistic sentiment attributable to the Negro housing situation both incited and condon ed the fifty-eight bombings of homes committed between July 1, 1917.” I l l The United Press reports the following on March 4, 1950, from Dallas, Texas, a city said to be most free from race prejudice, and without a race problem: “NEGRO HOUSE BURNED IN ‘ALL-WHITE’ SECTION Dallas, Tex., March 4— (U.P.) —A vacant house on the Dallas Southside was gutted by fire last night, one day before a negro family was to take over occupancy in an ‘all white’ block. Fire Chief F. H. Colbert disclosed it was the second time within a week that the same house, sold a Negro family by a white owner 10 days ago, had been set afire.” Since this case was decided in the District Court two ne gro houses adjacent to the white section in Smithfield have been bombed, one of them in territory recently zoned col ored residential. Speaking further on the race problem, and its reality, and the consequences of its presence the Chicago Commission on Race Relations said: “Penetrating observers of human conduct, have long realized, and noted, that men’s voluntary conduct is based upon belief about the facts rather than upon the facts themselves, and unfortunately an erroneous belief, that is, one not soundly grounded in reality, constitutes just as potent a stimulus to behavior as one that is in complete accordance with reality. Thus to the sociologist a belief, an illusion, a phantasmagoria of any kind be comes a social fact. However erroneous, confused, con tradictory, and generally obfuscated popular thinking about race may be, it cannot be ignored, nor can the be havior that results from it be dimissed as a vaporous fig ment of the social imagination. Race, whether real or imaginary, scientifically demonstrable or naively vision ary, is with us, and if we are to act intelligently it must be dealt with consciously and objectively. As a matter of fact, race is possibly more of an inescapable reality in the 112 year 1947 than at any other point in human experience.” Pages 9-10. One of the strongest arguments in favor of residential segregation is furnished by the Negroes themselves. Re porter Bishop pointed out in his report of a survey of seg regation in the North, that in some northern cities, negro citizens living in good residential districts sought court injunctions to prevent housing authorities from erecting housing projects in their areas ON THE GROUNDS THE CLASS OF NEGROES WHO WOULD LIVE THERE WOULD DEPRECIATE THEIR PROPERTY VALUES. Professor Fairchild evidently had this in mind when he commented on class distinction among Negroes. On Page 180, Race and Nationality, he says: “. . . among the colored population of the United States there exist class distinction and social gradation just as truly as between the Negroes and the whites. Most of it is based on the same criterion—color. But there is also a sharp cleavage between the continental Negroes and na tives of the West Indies, particularly Puerto Ricans.” An ordinance that conforms to the ideas of whites and blacks alike, and preserves peace and tranquility in a popu lous community where the population is divided almost evenly between the two races, must be a valuable social and economic contribution. There have been scores of riots, hundreds of dead, and thousands of wounded, with astronomical property dam ages, as a result of the effort of Negroes to invade white resi dential sections for residential purposes. So far as we are advised, NOT ONE DISORDER HAS BEEN STAGED AS A RESULT OF RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION BEING ENFORCED. Ben Price, writing for the Associated Press in a story 113 out of Atlanta on November 28, 1949, published in the Birmingham News of that date states: “Spread over the South is a 3,000 member network for the prevention of race riots and lynching.” The existence of such an organization, composed of N e- roes and whites more forcibly demonstrates the clear and present danger of catastrophic consequences of negro in vasion of white territory, than any language that might be employed. “There is something ominous and urgent in the race relational situation in the United States.” -Y- -Y- -Y-•TP I f * “There is no way to avoid a head-on collision with the color question.” # # “Today, most white people North as well as South, do not accept the Negro as an equal.” What The Negro Wants, pages 7 and 11. Racial tension has invaded the schools with tragic con sequences. Herman H. Long and Charles E. Johnson in their book, “People v. Property,” at page 84, gave an ac count of what happened in Gary, Indiana, in the following language: “In 1945, a wave of conflict between groups of Negro and white students found expression in several areas of the North, representing on the adolescent level an ex ample which adult grownups had so clearly maintained. In Chicago, New York City and Gary, Indiana, pro tests and strikes by organized groups of white high school students against the presence of Negro students in the school occurred. These were developments of serious proportions. In Gary, where two schools participated in strikes against the presence of Negro students, white students demanded of the Board of Education that all 114 Negro students be transferred to a segregated Negro school and that the Board discontinue ‘bi-racial experi mentation.’ When the Board refused to comply with the demands of the strikers, approximately five hundred parents held a mass meeting at which they condoned the action of their children and demanded that the Board establish separate schools.” The Rocky Mountain Law Review, Volume 18, at page 153, quotes from 147 Fed. (2d) at page 837 as follows: “That the broad social problems, of which the ques tion in the instant case is but one aspect, is both serious and acute, no thoughtful person will deny. That its right solution in the general public interest calls for the best in statesmanship and the highest in patriotism is equally true. But it is just as true that up to the present no law or public policy has been contrived or declared whereby to eradicate social or racial distinctions in the private affairs of individuals # # PROPOSITION V Equitable Residential Segregation Is Economically Desirable In Birmingham Inseparably related to the social necessity for residential segregation is the economic necessity of such segregation- in order to protect private investments and the public wel fare. The economic benefits of residential segregation rest essentially on the matter of property values as they relate to the racial homogeniety of communities. An exhaustive examination of both factual data and the opinions of quali fied individuals, agencies and organizations reveals a large area of agreement to the effect that racial movements, espe cially the movement of negroes, has a decidedly depreciating effect on residential property values. In fact, it appears that the only area of disagreement is that of how long a period is required for the municipality to recuperate from the economic effects of the depreciation which the white 115 property owners were forced to take pursuant to their us- usually rapid movement out of the invaded area. The city of Birmingham is firmly of the opinion that the community-wide economic aspects of the ordinance are clearly pertinent, and in fact vital, to an adequate constitu tional analysis of this case. The following data and opin ions are from real estate and appraisal agencies, govern mental agencies, municipal authorities, other students of the problem and finally, from negroes themselves. The National Association of Realtors has a very definite policy which is a part of its “Code,” Article Thirty-four of which reads: “Realtors should never be instrumental in introduc ing into a neighborhood members of any race or nation- ability, or any individuals whose presence will clearly be detrimental to the property values in that neighbor hood.” (See Long and Johnson, People v. Property, page 61). “The St. Louis, Missouri Real Estate Exchange has gone much further than other boards in Northern cities in prohibiting the sale and rental of property in white neighborhoods to Negroes. Are realtors not bound to obey these racial boundaries in their dealing with Ne gro clients.” In it’s answer to the complaint in Dorsey v. Stuyvesant , Town Corp., 87 N. E. (2d) 241, the Stuyvesant Town Cor poration admitted its policy of racial exclusion and asserted that the successful operation of the project and the safety of j the investment of funds required that Negroes should not j be accepted as tenants in this project. (Yale Law Review, I Volume 57, Page 439) . The validity and accuracy of the judgment of real estate dealers, and the essential basis for their policy, is clearly stated by Clarence A. Perry in Housing for the Machine Age (published by the Russell Sage Foundation, 1939), page 245, as follows: V 116 “It is the man who sells houses who comes to know, better than anyone else, what invests them with value. From long experience he understands that the one fac tor that influences every customer is the indefinable thing we call ‘residential quality,’ an attribute not mainly of the house but of its neighborhood.” Of equal validity, and even more scientific and objective, are the opinions of, and data compiled by, real estate ap praisers. It is the business of these trained specialists to know and evaluate all the factors governing the value, ap preciation and depreciation, of property. Real estate agen cies, leading institutions and private investors rely on the reports of these specialists and it is felt that the Court will be on the soundest of ground in taking cognizance of their findings on the effects of negro migration into white resi dential areas. The managing editor of The Appraisal Journal, publish ed by the American Institute of Real Estate Appraisers, (January, 1944, pages 47 and 48) said: “Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a red flag to the appraiser. It is of special significance now, and will be more important after war. N o one thing can so quickly depress values as the beginning of a race move ment. “The white and the colored can work side by side in certain industries but the mixing of the races in fam ily life cannot be countenanced. The trend and the man ner of handling it will be most significant to real estate.” In this same publication, The Appraisal Journal, Jan uary, 1943, (article entitled “Both Sides of The Color Line”) , is found the following: “What is blight? “Blight is any use of land that does not produce an economic return, and which results in financial distress. “The causes of blight in residential areas may be listed 117 under three classifications. They are known as initial causes, contributing causes, and resulting causes. Initial causes of blight are so important in their effect that the presence of any one of them is enough to cause blight. “Another cause of initial blight is a variety of uses which cannot be reconciled, as racial groups for which the former dwellers have a decided antipathy. Dwellings used as boarding houses, hotels, taverns, or the conver sion of the larger single-family dwelling into rooming houses causes blight. “Why is an area blighted because a Negro family moves in? What does the presence of several Negro fam ilies in a block do to the rental return on a given proper ty? What happens to the block or more of housing which lies between the ‘all-white’ and the ‘all-black’ groups? “Why must there always be this sharply drawn line be tween the groups. And in searching for the answer we come at once upon the subject of miscegenation. It is the ‘end-all’ argument behind which non-thinking peo ple retire. From a psychological, social, and biological standpoint marriage between the races does stand as a barrier to complete fraternity and it is a locked door against equality. It is a mountain in the pathway of the forward moving forces, but it is a mountain which neither white nor black would wish to see moved. Like unto like is a law which carries terrible penalties if broken.” Writing in “The Review of the Society of Residential Appraisers,” (April, 1939, pages 13 and 14), Louis M. Pratt, Senior Member, Pasadena, California, said: “The value of real estate depends upon its salability or marketability. Any factor which limits the probable number of willing purchasers must be taken into con sideration. It is therefore essential to ascertain the pres ence of any adverse influence which lessen or destroy desirability, from the standpoint of the typical buyer. “No matter how attractive a residential area may be, in its appearance, it will not possess maximum desirabil ity unless it is occupied by people who will be contented 118 and comfortable, generally speaking, in one another’s company. This requires that they be more or less alike in their manner of living, their education, and their financial status, and not antagonistic or incompatible in their racial characteristics or nationalities. “For this reason private restrictions permitting oc cupancy only by certain racial groups appear to be de sirable and necessary for the proper stabilization of values in residential neighborhoods. (This stabilization of values is also reflected, to a large degree, in the rents paid in a district restricted as to race. And the rents paid, of course, have an important bearing upon market value) . This idea of racial restrictions is not a matter of intolerance but an attempt to ‘make everybody happy’ in their home surroundings. “If there are no racial restrictions, or if they are soon to expire, there is always the danger of infiltration of inharmonious racial groups. If this actually takes place, it causes serious and permanent depreciation of land values, and severe depreciation, which may be temporary, in the value of improvements. The permanent lowering of land values tends to lengthen the remaining economic lives of the residential structures in the district and this fact may eventually result in the recpature of part of the improvement value lost during the period of transition. “The race and nationality of people in a residential district greatly influence the desirability of the neighbor hood and the amount of rent which will be paid. Areas occupied by mixed races and nationalities invariably are of low rent-paying ability. The more nearly uniform a district is in this respect, the higher will be the rents ob tainable, generally speaking. “In a mostly black district, values will be higher and much more stabilized, and property more salable than in a neighborhood in a transitional stage from white to colored. Even shacks are salable in a black district. But let one Negro move into a ivhitp district and it puts a quietus on all sales of nearby residences. “Two months ago I was asked to appraise a bungalow in the northwest part of Pasadena, in order to estimate the selling price which could be obtained within a rea sonable time. It is well and favorably located in every 119 respect except that the average well-informed Pasaden an is inclined to think that it is in an area partly occupied by the black race, especially on account of the fact that subject street has many black residences along two-thirds of its length, although there are none within half a mile of the property appraised and the subject district, which is large in area and is residential against occupancy by any but members of the Caucasian race. “The house was built in 1938, is of good construction, well planned and attractive. The immediate neighbor hood is good and about 60% built up with attractive homes, mostly owneroccupied. “The estimated replacement cost of the house and lot was $4,000 and the house is practically new. Owing large ly to the fact that the street has a ‘black name,’ I consider ed it necessary to deduct $750 or nearly 19% from the estimated replacement cost in order to arrive at an esti mated selling price of $3,250, and I advised the owner that it would be much more difficult to sell property on this street than in other portions of the city not so handi capped.” In the July, 1943 issue of the Appraisal Journal (page 247) there is the following: “Negroes and whites do not live together in harmony in one community, except in rare cases, and when the Ne gro moves in the whites move out. “Therefore it is most desirable that communities now occupied by Negroes be improved and rehabilitated, that new buildings be built, new schools and recreational fa cilities be established and the area be expanded where there is need and where expansion will not destroy pres ent existing property rights and values of others.” Hyder K. Lee in the same journal (July, 1945), explains the matter this way: “The successful use of the comparative method of ap praisal requires a thorough knowledge of the factors 120 which require several pages simply to list all of these factors. Some of the more important ones are. # # * “12. Zoning restrictions. # # # “13. Private restrictions. “19. Racial characteristics of neighborhood.” M.•If iP We find the following in the “Review” of the Society of Residential Appraisers of December, 1939, by George T. Welden, Realtor, Indianapolis, Indiana, in an article en titled “APPLICATION OF DEPRECIATION THE ORIES” in which he demonstrates that an appraiser must view a changing community unfavorably. “CHANGING COMMUNITIES” “The so-called invasion of inharmonious groups in an area also bears close watching. The new group may be equal in economic status to the average former occupant of the area. However, measured from the social point of view the original occupants may consider such invading groups as inferior. Regardless of the appraiser’s personal opinion on the social equality of men, he must recognize the existence of racial and class prejudices.” In the same periodical for August, 1940, in an article en titled “NEIGHBORHOOD RATING,” (on page 7), we find the following: “The more desirable a neighborhood, the greater in centive of the homeowner to cling to and protect his in vestment. This is the basic reason why mortgage lenders will loan a higher percentage of value in some locations than others.” In view of the fact that residential investment and com munity planning are more than matters of the moment, the following is a pertinent statement: 121 “If the threat of Negro invasion is removed the young er people are often willing to remain in the old home, and as property owners take pride in maintaining their neighborhoods. It is essential that the property owners in threatened communities are given protection and con fidence so they can continue their pride in their own community and so they will encourage other good fam ilies to settle there.” “The Appraisal Journal,” (July 1943), Page 245. Appraisers, banks, lending institutions insist that, for maximum loans, the property upon which the loan to be made must have every prospect of being desirable property over a long period of time. They seek definite standards upon which to base their estimates of values. “In seeking these standards they find that deed restric tions, city planning, and zoning are the fundamental con siderations in the evaluation of all types of property.” * m . .y,"A" •A' “In the building and owning of a house, land is the first item of cost; environment is the final source of value.” (“The Appraisers Journal,” February, 1940. “A Source of Property Value”) . It would seem that a law which guarantees a good en vironment to residential property is of substantial benefit to the property. “Property owners today are really becoming zoning- minded. They realize that, while zoning limits their in dividual property rights, at the same time it places the same limits on their neighbors and, through strict en forcement, zoning actually increases and stabilizes the value of the properties over which it has control.” (“The Appraisal Journal,” Supra) . If, as a matter of fact, as we proposed to show in the Dis trict Court, the plaintiffs property is reasonably worth at least 25% more zoned white residential than it would be 122 worth if the area in which it is located is open to both races and therefore classed as a mixed area, the plaintiffs cannot support the claim that the zoning law takes their property. To the contrary the plaintiffs must be regarded as under taking to decrease the value of their property and all other residential property in Birmingham. To that extent they are taking property values others have accumulated over a period of years “without due process of law.” For approximately fifteen years prior to 1948, the various Federal Housing agencies operated on what was considered to be a sound business basis and on the long-established economic principles of realtors, banks and other home fi nance activities. It is therefore considered relevant to this case to place before the Court the established policies of the Federal Housing agencies—-prior to the recent directives of the National Administration, which directives have di verted the Federal Housing agencies from their formerly sound policies on social and economic factors and turned them into vote-getting policies. It will be noted that these practices, which prevailed until 1948 are almost identical with those of realtors and appraisers indicated above. Under the heading “PROTECTION FROM AD VERSE INFLUENCES,” the Underwriting Manual, FHA (1935), Part II, Pages 308-314, lays down this rule. “The matters to be considered in rating this feature are the factors which afford protection to and preserva tion of the desirable characteristics of residential neigh borhoods. Numerous influences can so change these characteristics that the neighborhood will become entire ly undesirable for residential purposes. Protection against some adverse influences is obtained by the exist ence and enforcement of proper zoning regulations and appropriate deed restrictions.” * # * “Important among adverse influences besides those mentioned above are the following: infiltration of in- 123 harmonious racial or nationality groups; infiltration of business or commercial development or use; the presence of smoke, odors, fog; proximity to noisy or high-speed traffic arteries, to railroads, and to nuisances.” It is to be noted that insofar as adverse influences are concerned, the white in a negro district, or a negro in a white district, are put in the same class, so far as the effect on the district is concerned, as business use, the presence of smoke, odors, and nuisances. “All mortgages on properties in neighborhoods pro tected against the occurence or development of unfavor able influences, to the extent that such protection is pos sible, will obtain a high rating of this feature. The ab sence of protective measures will result in a low rating or, possibly, in rejection of the case.” In the April 1939 issue of The Insured Mortgage Port folio, published by the FHA, under the heading “Planned Protection Essential,” there is the following: “Neighborhood deterioration and rapid transitions in land uses must be particularly guarded against in long term residential mortgage lending and insurance. Pro tective measures to these ends must be deliberately planned, for stable and attractive neighborhoods do not just happen. Similarly, sound and orderly city growth ensues only as a result of competent city planning, care fully conceived and supported by proper zoning regu lations and adequate subdivison control. “The Federal Housing Administration as a mortgage insuring agency has sought to minimize its risk in these connections by establishing standards which locations must meet if properties are to provide eligible security for FHA-insured mortgages. These Standards may be likened to those health standards of the like insurance company which individuals must meet in order to quali fy as acceptable risks. 124 “Thus the FHA determines the life expectancy’ of residential properties, insofar as their location is concern ed, by an analysis of the following: “1. The relative economic stability of the location in which the property is situated. “2. Protection provided by zoning, and restrictive cov enants or natural physical protection against undesirable encroachments. “3. Freedom from flood, earthquake, subsidence, and similar hazards. “4. Adequacy and accessibility of schools, parks, play grounds, churches, and shopping centers. “5. Adequacy and cost of public transportation. “6. The sufficiency of such utilities as water, sewers, electricity, and gas, and such improvements as roads and walks. “7. The level of taxes and special assessments. “8. The appeal of the neighborhood to possible buyers. “Each of these neighborhood factors is carefully weigh ed and rated and the quality of a given location is thus determined. Serious deficiencies in any one of these basic neighborhood elements will result in rejection of the site for mortgage insurance purposes. Fligh qualifications with respect to all the factors, on the other hand, gener ally assure high-percentage loans. “A careful analysis of the destructive factors affecting the quality of residential areas shows conclusively that they can, to a certain extent, be controlled by carefully drawn and conscientiously administered planning and zoning regulations and restrictive covenants. “The attitude of the Federal Housing Administration with regard to such protection is set forth as follows in its manual of instructions to its underwriting staff: “One of the best artificial means of providing protec tion from adverse influences is through the medium of appropriate and well drawn zoning ordinances. If the provisions of an ordinance have been well worded and drawn from a thorough knowledge of existing and prob able future conditions in the city, and if the ordinance re ceives the backing of public approval, an excellent basis 125 for protection from adverse influences exists.” (Pages 14 and 15). As indicated above, political pressure has influenced the President to order the FHA to disregard the basic principles recognized as vital by the business world. We recognize that the President may say, contrary to all experience, the mingling of racial groups is not an unacceptable risk—just as the Kremlin said that Mendel’s finding of inherited char acteristics is not true, but the fact that the President or the Kremlin says a thing is not true does not keep it from being true. In S. Andil Finebert’s “PUNISHMENT W ITHOUT CRIME,” Pages 97-98 (1949), the author points out that honest appraisers follow economic laws, saying: “The Federal Housing Administration in guarantee ing mortgages has followed the practice of respecting lo cal racial patterns instituted by an earlier government agency, the Home Owner’s Loan Corpoartion. The FHA Underwriting Manual of 1947 reads: ‘If a neighbor hood is to retain stability, it is necessary that properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and ra cial classes.’ Valuators are advised in the Manual that deeds should include ‘Prohibition of the occupancy of properties except by the race for which they are intend ed.’ In response to public pressure the Federal Housing Administration eliminated these strictures. But the re moval of such provisions from the written code does not necessarily alter the practices of FHA appraisers, who consider the minging of racial groups an unacceptable risk.” (PP. 97-98) . Numerous special city commissions have made surveys and reports on social and economic conditions relating to racial problems. The conclusions of these commissions have been almost identical. An example follows. The Chicago Commission on Race Relations reported that: 126 “One of the strongest influences in creating and fos tering race antagonism in Chicago is the general belief among whites that the presence of Negroes in a neigh borhood inevitably and alone depreciates the market value of real estate, and this belief is commonly accepted as a valid reason for unfriendliness toward Negroes as individuals and as a race.” (Page 41) . Jf. -Hr -S£-TV* 'Jv “It should be noted that the understandable bitterness of feeling on this question of Negro encroachment upon white residence districts has been intensified in some cases through exploitation, by both white and Negro real estate operators, of anti-Negro prejudice and fear of loss on account of Negroe occupancy.” M. M.W -A* W “The widespread and deep-seated racial prejudice among whites against Negroes, heretofore mentioned as a psychological basis for the belief that the presence of Negroes is disasterous to property values, is directly re flected in the unwillingness of whites to buy property close to that occupied by Negroes and in their desire to sell, even at a sacrifice, when Negroes move into the im mediate neighborhood.” (Page 43). A fair and able discussion of segregation of white and Ne gro races is shown in the Third National Municipal Re view, July, 1914, in an article entitled “Segregation of White and Negro Races,” by Gilbert T. Stephenson of Wake Forest College and Harvard University. The question is discussed in the following language: “After all, the more important question about a segre gation ordinance is not whether it is constitutional, but whether it is just to all parties concerned. If segregation is right in principle, then it will probably be possible to frame a statute that will conform to constitutional limita tions. If, on the other hand, it is not right in principle, then the fact that a statute can be drawn to satisfy the constitution will not justify its adoption. 127 “The following are some of the considerations that have had weight with the various city councils in their consideration of these ordinances. Wherever colored people enroach upon a white neighborhood, the land values in that neighborhood immediately tumble. The white people who live on the mixed blocks are, in most instances, less thrifty than those living in the all-white community and the only danger of race mixture in this country lies in the close association of the lower ele ments of the two races. This is the conclusion that Ray Stannard Baker reached in his ‘Following the Colour Line,’ writing from the standpoint of a northern man. Dr. Edgar Gardner Murphy reached the same conclusion, approaching the subject from the viewpoint of a southern man. Ex-President Roosevelt, writing in The Outlook of Februrary 21, 1914, of the ‘Negro in Brazil,’ said, ‘. . . in the lower ranks intermarriages are frequent, especially between the Negroes and the most numerous of the im migrant races of Europe. In the middle class these mar riages are rare, and in the higher class almost unknown so far as concerns men and women in which the black strain is at all evident.’ Race feeling between the less thrifty white people and the Negroes is much more pro nounced than the feeling between the thrifty members of the two races. The Negroes who have done violence to the persons and property of white people have usually belonged to the lowest element of that race, and the white people who have taken the law into their hands and com mitted murder by lynching have usually belonged to the lowest element of the white race. The city councils have thought it wise to promote race purity and race harmony by separating, in so jar as it is possible to do so by law, the lower elements of both races. Voluntary segregation has fixed the residences of most of the white people and Negroes in different districts. Segregation by legislation will, therefore, affect only those who live in the twilight zone between the distinctly white and the distinctly col ored communities. If the city council, by laying down a a definite way of determining the color of a block, can let the people know which are thereafter to be white blocks and which colored, they can do a great deal towards clear- 128 ing up this twilight zone and this will, in turn, do much to allay race prejudices and promote race harmony. “The segregation of the races in cities by legislation can in no wise be justified if it means the neglect of the Negroes. It is well known that the government of nearly every city in the country is in the hands of white people and that it is they, not the Negroes, who are initiating the segregation legislation. The white race can justify this latest race distinction only by letting it be a means of obliterating discrimination against the weaker race, such as have long prevailed in this country and in other countries where a weaker and a stronger race have under taken to live together on the same soil. Urban segrega tion—in most southern cities, at least—is wise for the rea sons that have already been given; but the white people, having brought about such segregation, must, in justice to themselves as well as to the colored people, give the latter a fair share of the municipal funds for streets, lights, sewers, schools, and other community activities.” It might be said that the above statements represent the opinions and experience of interested agencies. This cer tainly does not invalidate them, but in order to emphasize the scientific objectivity of the data which show the depre ciating effect of negro movement into formerly white resi dential areas, the following statements are taken from schol arly studies of a private nature. In Housing for the Machine Age, published by the Rus sell Sage Foundation, there is the following (pages 77-78) : “What is a neighborhood? According to Webster’s New International Dictionary, a neighborhood is ‘a district or section with reference to the character of its inhabitants.’ As is the case, however, with words that, through usage in a particular field, become a part of its terminology, ‘neighborhood’ for appraisal purposes has been defined within narrower limits. Thus, one Federal agency in the field of housing says : “Neighborhood is defined as a single area composed of locations (that is, individual property sites) separated 129 only by publicly used land, the residential portions of which exhibit a degree of homogeneity. In general a neighborhood is available for, or improved with, dwell ings of more or less similar character, age and quality.’ (FHA, Underwriting Manual, Washington, D. C. Gov ernment Printing Office, 1938, paragraph 903) . “The student of the urban scene will observe that a neighborhood is a clustering of people in certain districts where the inhabitants have a sameness of income level, or racial and nationalistic traits, and (to a lesser degree) of religious affiliations.” -ff “The neighborhood is vitally important. The individ ual unit may be good, of good design and construction, properly located upon an adequate lot and oriented to the sun, but in an unsuitable neighborhood it would be a bad investment. The importance of the neighborhood is a vital question in city planning. The stabilization of the neighborhood through planning has the effect of stabiliz ing the individual home. “Permanence and stability are most essential in main taining good homes. “From this we may generalize that, in the city that houses a large percentage of people of foreign birth, or their children, or that contains a substantial minority percentage of people of races other than white, residential real estate values in the older districts bordering those at present inhabited by the minority peoples will exist in a state of threatened status quo. “The racial and ethical traits of city population are an important phase of valuation study. The well equip ped appraisal laboratory will contain a map of the city showing the location of these groups, and tracing the his tory and direction of their movement.” One of the most scholarly studies which has been made on city land values is Homer Hoyt’s “ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF LAND VALUES IN CHICAGO,” from which the following data is taken (pages 313-316) : “Meanwhile, a great influx of colored workers from the South, beginning during the World War, had burst 130 the barrier that confined their race west of State Street and filled that territory to Cottage Grove Avenue on the east and Sixty-seventh Street on the south. Another segment of colored people penetrated the old area along Lake Street as far west as Western Avenue. “The significance of these racial and national move ments upon Chicago land values lies in the fact that cer tain racial and national groups, because of their lower economic status and their lower standards of living, pay less rent themselves and cause a greater physical de terioration of property than groups higher in the social and economic scale. Because of the instability of the ten ants, high collection losses, and the aversion of persons higher in the social order to living near these classes, the rents received are capitalized at higher rates, so that they yield lower capital values than property yielding the same net income in the most desirable areas. Land values in areas occupied by such classes are therefore inevitably low. Part of the attitude reflected in lower land values is due entirely to racial prejudice, which may have no reasonable basis. Nevertheless, if the entrance of a col ored family into a white neighborhood causes a general exodus of the white people, such dislikes are reflected in property values. Except in the case of negroes and Mexi cans, however, these racial and national barriers disap pear when the individuals in the foreign nationality groups rise in the economic scale or conform to American standards of living. Hence, the classification given below applies only to members of the races mentioned who are living in colonies at standards of living below those to which most Americans are accustomed. While the rank ing given below may be scientifically wrong from the standpoint of inherent racial characteristics, it registers an opinion or prejudice that is reflected in land values; it is the ranking of races and nationalities with respect to their beneficial effect upon land values. Those having the most favorable come first in the list and those exer cising the most detrimental effect appear last. 1. English, Germans, Scotch, Irish, Scandinavians. 2. North Italians. 3. Bohemians or Czechoslovakians. 4. Poles 131 5. Lithuanians. 6. Greeks. 7. Russian Jews of the lower class. 8. South Italians. 9. Negroes 10. Mexicans. Dr. Will Alexander of the Rosenwald Fund, an institu tion which has done much work to aid the negro, especially in the South is quoted in “The Negro Problem,” The Dallas Morning News (1944) as follows: “Dr. Alexander explained that our country has two policies toward Negroes. One is education, and great strides are being made in that direction in the South as well as in the North. The other is segregation. In the South this is by law and custom, but social pressure and resentment achieve about the same thing in the North.” In 1944 the Dallas Morning News sent an experienced member of its staff, Barry Bishop, on a tour of eastern and northern cities to study the race relations problem. He re ported on his studies in a series of articles. In respect of segregation in the North and East, Mr. Bishop reported: Chicago “Non-segregation of Negroes is a ‘phony philosophy in Chicago so far,’ one official said.” Detroit “In Detroit one hears much talk of the Commies, a pet name for Communists; the jogaboos, a derogatory name for Negroes, and the hillbillies, a derisive term for the thousands of people who have come from the South for war work. “You find strange tongues in Detroit. It is a potpourri of nationalities and strains of Americans. But some of the Detroiters with foreign roots are among the most severe critics of the Negro.” 132 “This tension became so great that the Detroit Hous ing Commission adopted a policy on April 29, 1943, not to change, in any way, the racial characteristics of any neighborhood through occupancy standards of housing projects. Negro leaders have fought this policy because they contend it is segregation. Some think they have not been helpful in doing this, but Negro leaders will not waver from their established policy of fighting segrega tion in any form and especially in housing projects.” Pittsburgh “A leader in the interracial movement, a white man, described the sentiment in this manner: ‘There always will be segregation in fact until the negro makes the white man want to live next to him. While all the laws in the land can decree equality, nothing can make the white man remain next door to the negro—and he simply doesn t want to do it so far as most of our people are concerned’.” “Any impression that we have our arms around the Negroes and sleep with them here is erroneous,” one of the top civic leaders of Pittsburgh emphatically declared. He also pointed out that there is a good bit of segregation in residential districts and in other ways.” Philadelphia “In Philadelphia you find the same story; no legalized segregation and antidiscrimination laws on the books, but actually segregation exists in custom and practice to a large degree.” New York “So, what causes the tension in one of the world’s great est cities? One finds by talking to leaders that, aside from the evident housing problem, it is the constant fight of the Negro for full citizenship. The average southerner or southwesterner believe the negro already has it in New York, but apparently he is a long way from it, to hear Negro leaders talk. There is still the constant and actual application of segregation against the black man even there, they say.” Cincinnatti “Negroes live in well-defined areas, largely a result of custom but somewhat from force of circumstances. And when they start moving into white neighborhoods tension rises and the seeds of trouble sprout.” “Whatever it is, there doesn’t seem to be a complete feeling of tolerance between the races. There is one sec tion of the central city with a distinctive black belt in which, I was told, a lone white person at night would almost certain be attacked. There were two incidents in recent months of negro houses being stoned after families had moved into a former white area. And a seven-day strike in one big war plant occurred over the sole issue of bringing seven negroes to work in a department form erly manned entirely by whites.” One of the strongest arguments in favor of residential segregation is furnished by the negroes themselves. Report ed Bishop pointed out in his report of survey of segrega tion in the North that in some Northern cities negro citi zens invoked the law to enforce segregation. “One outstanding fact noted in the North, however, is that the negroes have not attained the goal of nonsegre gation, even among their own people. They talk about segregation as forced by the whites but practice it them selves. In Chicago negro citizens living in good residen tial districts sought court injunctions to prevent housing authorities from erecting projects in their areas on the grounds the class of N egroes who would live there would depreciate their proverty values!” Let’s examine some of the immediate economic dangers to the public which would result from a decision that a Negro has a right to live in a white residential district in Birmingham. All residential property values are immed- 134 iately lowered from 25% to 40% if it is decreed that the Negro may reside anywhere in Birmingham even though he never exercises that right. “Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a red flag to the appraiser. . . . No one thing can so quickly depress values as the beginning of a race movement.” (The APPRAISAL JOURNAL, January, 1944) . If it is decreed that the negro may reside anywhere in Birmingham, down go property values, because all resi dential sections in Birmingham will immediately become “mixed” areas, deprived of the protection they have enjoy ed under the zoning law, and under established custom for more than a quarter of a century. It is little short of calam ity for thousands of white and black to have from 25% to 40% of the value of their homes wiped out over night. When no white person knows what minute a Negro and no Negro knows what minute a white person may move in next door, a state of unrest is created, many are ready to sacrifice property, panic grips the people, and the social, political, and economic life of the entire city is tremendous ly disturbed. This means much in Birmingham where about thirty- eight per cent of the municipal revenue comes from ad va lorem taxes, and residential property makes up a large part of that thirty-eight per cent. The ad valouem tax rate in Birmingham has reached the Constitutional limit. Bir mingham’s bonded debt has also reached the constitutional limit. The stabilization of property values at a fair and reasonable figure is of the highest importance to the mu nicipal government and to the property owners. The City of Birmingham obtains its revenue from ad valorem taxes, and other sources, authorized by the Con stitution and laws of the State of Alabama. Ad valorem taxes account for 38% of the City’s revenue. 135 Ad valorem taxes on residential property accounts for a very large part of that 38%. If ad valorem taxes on residential property in Birming ham are reduced by 25% by Negro invasion of white areas and the destruction of the zoning law, Birmingham must immediately suffer from: (1) Less money for schools. (2) Less money for health. (3) Less money for fire and police protection. (4) Less money for garbage collection. (5) Less money for every needed municipal function. Birmingham is already up to the limit. It can levy no additional taxes until authorized by the legislature. Its license schedule is now almost prohibitive and higher than any city of its class in the nation. Its financial situation will be precarious if property values cannot be maintained by its zoning laws. We were prepared to show in the court below by most reliable testimony that fifty negro families well distributed in the various white areas in Birmingham would result in such a diminution in municipal revenue that a paralysis of municipal functions would result. THE DISTRICT COURT WOULD NOT LISTEN. This court is entitled to a finding of fact on that important matter. We under took to show that Birmingham has dealt generously with its negro citizens and that there is no occasion for this at tempted wreckage of the city’s finances. We submit that on an application for an injunction the court was entitled to balance the equities and consider the good and the bad involved. We submit that the court should have considered that thousands of hard working, industrious negroes, who are no party to these political maneuvers of a frustrated few, will suffer irreparable injury and damage, if they are de prived of the benefits of the zoning law, and the services they now receive from the City, which the taxes on resi dential property makes possible. We submit that the court 136 should consider the inconvenience that both white and black will have to put up with when the City loses the reve nue it will lose when residential property values are lower ed as a result of the City of Birmingham becoming a mixed area. Education in Birmingham needs more than five million dollars yearly. Debt service calls for a million and a half. The fire department requires one million two hundred thousand dollars. The police department about the same figure. Health and sanitary nearly a million. All of these necessary services will be practically paralyzed if the four and one-half million dollars the City realizes from ad va lorem taxes is greatly diminished. The court need go no further than to study the defendants Exhibit 17 offered for identification in order to be convinced beyond a rea sonable doubt and to a moral certainty that the City of Bir mingham cannot operate efficiently without the ad valorem taxes it now receives on residential property in Birming ham. The widespread belief that most people gain from resi dential segregation is recognized by white and negro writers alike. Whether such belief is well founded or not is beside the question. It determines the action of a great majority of the American people. The poet had something to say about man being convinced against his will being of the same opinion still. “A large segment of the population believes that it gains from residential segregation. For the majority of northern urban dwellers, spatial separation of Negroes and whites has become a symbol of protection against Negro neighbors.” The Negro Ghetto, Page 272. The same author emphasizes the importance of that be lief at Page 279 in the following language: “There is no aspect of housing and of minority groups more important and also confused than the relationship 137 between racial occupancy and property values. The most respectable and frequently quoted justification for resi dential segregation is the assertion that colored people depress real estate values. Whether this is valid in fact or not, its acceptance by a large segment of American people is important.” Summed up, equitable residential segregation (1) Stab ilizes the use and value of residential property in Birming ham, (2) Makes Negro and white residential property in Birmingham more valuable, (3) Attracts and assures a permanent citizenship, (4) Fosters pride and attachment to the Ctiy. PROPOSITION VI. a. Equitable residential segregation is the most practi cable solution of the serious problems confronting all citizens. While we do not mean to assert that all of the social engi neers in this country agree that residential segregation is the solution of the race question, we do mean to say that many people are of that opinion, and that had we been per mitted to do so, we would have established beyond a reason able doubt and to a moral certainty, that it is the most prac ticable method available to the city to avert a race war. If it can be demonstrated that residential segregation is one method of averting a race war, the legislative body of the city was at liberty to use that method, even though the court might be of the opinion that it was not the best mehod. The lamp of experience is invaluable when we are look ing for light on this problem. “By their fruits ye shall know them” is as true today as it was when uttered by the Master two thousand years ago. Jesus never uttered a doc trine that was true at the time and then became obsolete. 138 We have sought in vain for evidence that residential seg regation germinates discontent, results in riots, produces ill feeling, or works a hardship on any one. While an un fortunate type of Negro and a like type of white person may assert the contrary, the number in both races is negligible, and the idea is based on imagination instead of on facts. On the other hand evidence of the appalling conse quences of efforts to break down the color line is abundant. Detroit’s 1943 riot cost 34 dead, 340 badly injured, two million dollars property loss. Survey Graphic, Volume 36. On November 11, 1949, according to the Associated Press thirty police squads stood watch at two south side residences in Chicago after a racial disturbance. The build ings were several miles apart. A crowd of one thousand per sons gathered in front of a two flat building at 5642 South Peoria Street as a result of a false rumor that Negroes were moving into the house. Ten persons were jailed. The fruits of efforts to destroy residential segregation are ill feeling, violence, riots, bloodshed, and depreciated property values. Practically every effort to relax or destroy segregation in any form in this country has encountered determined op position on the part of the white race. The following are fair illustrations: CONSTITUTION HALL CONTROVERSY Washington, D. C. “The fight waged periodically since 1939 against the Daughters of the American Revolution for refusing to permit certain Negro artists to appear in recital at Con stitution Hall in Washington, D. C., flared again in 1946. The hall is owned and operated by the DAR under tax- exempt and other privileges granted by Congress. The cause of the 1939 protest was the refusal of the DAR to 139 grant to Marian Anderson, noted Negro contralto, use of the hall for a recital.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 73. CONSTITUTION HALL “The next cause celebre concerning Constitution Hall was the refusal of its management to permit Hazel Scott, noted pianist and wife of Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., of New York, to appear there in concert dur ing 1945. (See details in the Negro Handbook, 1946-47, page 61). At this time the DAR announced that it was abiding by a regulation adopted by the national board in 1932, granting rental of the hall to white artists only.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 73. NATIONAL THEATER, WASHINGTON “Coupled with the fight against the Lisner Auditorium a campaign was launched to break down the color bar of the National Theater, Washington’s only commercial legitimate playhouse. This theater permitted Negroes to act in performances on the stage, but refused to admit them to the audiences. For many years Negroes had pe riodically protested against its racial policy.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 71. FERNWOOD PROJECT RIOT, CHICAGO, ILL. “When Negroes were admitted to the Fernwood Park Housing Project in Chicago in August, 1947, another race riot was begun by white persons in the area. At least 1,000 policemen had to be sent to guard the Negroes and quell the disturbance, when a mob estimated at 2,000 whites stormed the project, four policemen were in jured.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 190, 191. “On December 6, when two other Negro veterans were scheduled to move into the project, whites stormed the project. A crowd estimated at 1,800 surrounded the place and fought the police, who wielded their night sticks 140 against the mob, many of whom were women.” The Negro Handbook, 1949. Page 190. Airport Homes Riot, Chicago, III. “In November, 1946, a mob of approximately 200 white persons attempted to storm the Airport Homes, a federally-owned housing project in Chicago in an effort to keep a Negro veteran from moving in with him fam ily.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 190. GARY SCHOOL STRIKE “In September, 1945, about one thousand white stu dents of three high schools in Gary, Ind., went on strike against the attendance of Negroes at the schools. “When the 1947 school term began in September, 1947, however, about 1,300 of the 1,750 white students of the Emerson School where 38 negroes had enrolled, remained away from their classes in protest against the city’s new non-segregated policy.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 133. LOS ANGELES SCHOOL STRIKE “On Monday, March 17, 1947, about 300 of the ap proximately 3,000 students of the John G. Gremont High School in Los Angeles, California, remained out of their classes and participated in a demonstration against Negro pupils in attendance. They congregated shortly before the opening of school, shouted anti-negro epithets and hung Negroes in effigy. The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 134. UPSALA COLLEGE SORORITY “In March, 1947, Naomi Sylvia Charner, white, vice- president of the Phi Omega Chi Sorority at Upsala Col lege in East Orange, N. J., submitted her resignation after the sorority’s refusal to admit Bernice Petty, a Ne gro, of Summit, N. J. Miss Charner, a senior, had joined the soroity several years previously with the intent, she said, ‘of liberalizing’ its policy to include Negroes. She 141 resigned after the vote of 5 to 4 barred admittance of Miss Petty.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, Page 135. FORT LEAVENWORTH RIOT “In May, 1947, one prisoner was killed and six injured in a race riot in the military disciplinary barracks at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. The prisoners fought all night and were subdued by tear gas. A fight between one or two white men and a Negro in a shower room was re ported to have precipitated the riot. Reports also stated that white prisoners protested against having Negroes eat in the dining hall with them.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 109. ATHENS, ALABAMA, RIOT “On August 10, 1946, a fist fight between two white war veterans and a Negro touched off a race riot in which between 50 and 100 negroes were reported to have been injured, none fatally. A mob estimated at between 1,800 and 2,500 participated in the clash.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 109. GEORGIA HOUSE BOMBINGS “Beginning in May, 1947, a series of attacks were launched against homes into which Negroes had moved in a formerly all-white vicinity in Atlanta, Georgia. The first attempt to bomb a house in the area was thwarted by police, who, having been forwarned of the violence, were sent to guard the house. ‘The following week a bomb placed between two houses on Ashby Street, ex ploded and blew out two dozen windows of the two houses and damaged the porch of one. In July another house in the area was bombed and damaged. “The bombings quieted down until early winter when several more homes of negroes were bombed or set afire. The persons guilty were not apprehended.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 191. 142 RIOTS Columbia, Tennessee, Riot “The largest racial clash in the country during the past three years occurred on February 26, 1946, at Columbia, Tennessee, 42 miles from Nashville.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 108. MARRIAGE CASES Harrisburg, Pa. Case “Sgt. Percell McKamey was refused a marriage license to wed Ingeborg Franke, a German woman, by a clerk at the marriage license bureau in Harrisburg, Pa., in Jan uary, 1948. The War Department had brought Miss Franke from Germany to Harrisburg at the sergeant’s re quest so that the couple could marry. . . . The Clerk’s action in refusing the license had been upheld by the registrar of wills who stated that it was not the practice of the bureau to issue marriage licenses to Negro-white couples.” McAlester (Okla.) Case “Ted Sesney, white farmer, married Miss Josie Doug las in Nowata County in the northwestern part of Okla homa in 1945. He was later sentenced to a year in prison in McAlester, Oklahoma, for having violated the state law which makes it a felony for Negroes to marry white persons in the state. After completing his prison term he and his wife were banished from the state.” Yuma (Ariz.) Case “Mr. and Mrs. Allen Beadford Monks were married in Yuma, Arizona, in 1930. Mr. Monks, white, died in 1937, while living in San Diego, California, and his wid ow sued to establish rights to a share in his estate in Arizona. An Arizona court decided that she was one-eighth ne gro and therefore could not claim shares in the estate as his widow, since a state law forbids interracial marriages. 143 New Orleans, La. Case “About 1920, Azealia Barthelmy was married to Tony Rice (of Italian descent) in New Orleans. She bore him seven children. Mr. Rice reputedly deserted her in 1931. In October, 1946, Mrs. Helen Ryan, white, purchased from Mr. Rice the house in which Mrs. Rice and her children lived, and ordered the family dispossessed. Mrs. Rice filed suit in an effort to void the sale on the grounds that the property had been recorded in her name along with that of her husband, and she had not signed any papers conveying it to Mrs. Ryan. Mrs. Ryan’s reply to the suit was that Mrs. Rice be cause interracial marriages are not permitted by state law. . . . The 24th Judicial District Court in New Or leans declared, in March, 1947, that the marriage was null and void under Louisiana law and ordered Mrs. Rice to vacate the property. The verdict was appealed, and the appellate court up held the lower court’s decision.” The Negro Handbook, 1949, pages 76, 77. b. The nature of race conflict is important in any con sideration of the problem of race conflict. In “The Nature of Human Nature,” by Faris. (McGraw Hill Book Co.), pages 340, 341, we find some enlightening references to the unchangeable nature of racial conflict. “Race conflict is quite different from national and from religious conflict. While nations fight over nations for something that is done, or threatened to be done, and while religions strive with other religions for what they believe and say, there is, in the case of the religions and of the nations, the possibility of change. But racial con flict is founded not on what people do or think or believe, but on what they are, and what they are cannot be chang ed. The basis of the classification is assumed to be bio logical and, therefore, immutable. 144 It is quite proper to urge that some races are so called without any warrant in anthropology or biology for the designation. While this may be exactly true it makes no difference whatever in the nature of racial conflict. From the standpoint of sociology a race is not one which is anthropologically different or biologically demonstrated. Racial conflict is, therefore, the most enduring of all. The outcome may be the submission of one or a state of accommodation or the amalgamation by intermarriage until there is a blending of the two races.” Racial purity is a gift of God, but it is a gift which man can destroy. Once destroyed redemption is impossible. If God gave the Negro the right to social equality and inter marriage with whites, then He gave to the black man the right to destroy both races. If God gave the white man the right to social equality and intermarriage with Negroes, then he gave the white man the right to destroy both races. If the Constitution of the United States gives to white and black the right to social equality and intermarriage with those of a different color, or if it is construed to arm them with a right to do those things which inevitably lead to social equality and intermarriage with those of a differ ent color, then it must be construed as arming the white man with a right to destroy the Negro race and arming the Negro with a right to destroy the white race. If the “brotherhood of man” doctrine, and the “father hood of God” doctrine are lifted out of their spiritual realm and misapplied to the physical kingdom, they produce the same result. It is more in keeping with the revealed will of God that each race remain true to itself and develop to the highest status of which it is capable. Professor Fairchild points out how deeply imbeded is the notion of race. “Whether understood or misunderstood, correctly de fined or not defined at all, used for good or for ill, re- 145 garded as the most important nothing in life or sniffed at as a mere triviality, the notion of race is almost as old as humanity, has influenced men’s thinking and be havior in a myriad ways, and cannot be summarily tossed onto the junk heap. Something about which whole li braries of books have been written, by authors ranging all the way from hysterical and ignorant sentimentalists to scholars of the highest scientific rank, cannot be disposed of by a flick of the finger like a speck of dust on one’s tuxedo jacket. Men have for ages thought, talked, felt, argued, and fought about something they called race, without making any effort to define it, and they are not going to accept readily the offhand professed scien tists with no matter how long a string of academic initials appended to their names.” Page 9. c. The City of Birmingham has a right to preserve racial integrity in the public interest. The fallacious claim of the NAACP that any restriction on the right of a negro to marry a white person, or vice versa, is “an inadmissible infringement of civil rights,” com pletely ignores a basic and fundamental concept of constitu tional law, which is, that restraints on some aspects of lib erty are indispensible to the preservation of other phases of liberty. It is fallacious in assuming a right in a black to marry a white when no such right ever existed. The attempt to safeguard the more important ingred ients of individual liberty is an attempt which can only be achieved by rather far reaching and well thought out leg islative measures. The United States Supreme Court has clearly recognized that a restriction on one form of liberty may be justified on the very ground that it removed an impediment to another liberty. Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. a66; Texas and N. O. R. R. v. Brotherhood of Railway & Steamship Parish, 300 U. S. 379; Miller v. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272. 146 It is only with the help of the legislature that most people can be given any real liberty. Constitutional rights, while they may stand guard in a way over individual liberty, are inadequate to safeguard it in those more vital aspects. If there is to be a restoration of liberty to a great majority of people and the liberty of the majority to the pursuit of happiness is to be preserved, it is obvious that some curtail ment of the liberty of a few individuals must be tolerated. W. T. Couch, publisher Chicago University Press, in his introduction to “What The Negro Wants,” convinc ingly exposes the fallacy in the claim of a right to destroy the white race. We quote the following by Mr. Couch without single spacing it. “Does the white man have no right to attempt to separate cultural from biological integration, and help the Negro achieve the first and deny him the second Can biological integration be regarded as a right? What happens to the case for the Negro if it is tied up with things to which he not only has no right, but which, if granted, would destroy all rights? If any two people have a right to lead their own lives certainly any two others or ten or twenty million have a right to opinions on what ought to be allowed and what forbidden. To say that the twenty million have no right to make and enforce decisions that they think necessary to the well-being of all is to say that society has no right to govern itself. The assumption of a better, a more valid authority, one that can be undestood and that ought to be accepted by all rational beings, one that speaks with the voice of reason and justice, is the only foundation for ap peals against majority decisions. To say that two may be right and twenty million wrong is to say that there is a more valid authority, that it is the only trustworthy guide, and that all men ought to act in accord with it. But the spokesmen for minorities have followed the fashion of the times and denied the existence of any such authority. In doing so they have destroyed the only possible basis for 147 their arguments, and have abandoned their only oppor tunity to help create understanding where confusion now exists. “What problem would be solved if the white South dropped all barriers and accepted amalgamations? Would anything be gained if overnight the whole population could be made one color? One of mans’ great problems in this world is to learn what is good, to learn to recognize the good in whatever form, under whatever circumstances, it may appear. Some day the social engineers may be able to make all men alike, indistinguishable from one another, and equally good. But until that has been done, men need most of all to learn to recognize and use good qualities whether they belong to tall or short, round or long skulled, colored or white. Booker Washington came nearer than anyone else to stating the problem of the Negro in its true terms. Envy, jealousy among his own people seriously hampered his efforts, curbed his program. Nothing is more needed in the South today than rebirth of his ideas, res toration of the great leadership that he was giving. “I believe that regardless of the Negro’s abilities the same justice that is good for the white man is good for the Ne gro. But this justice does not, cannot operate on the basis of a mechanical equality. To be just, distinctions and dis criminations have to be made. If the distinctions and dis criminations are made in directions that some people say are wrong—who can take such charges seriously in a world that denies the existence of any real right and wrong? I can and do, because I believe standards of right and wrong are necessary to civilization. Until the modern intellectual abandons his relativistic dogmas, he cannot criticize without expecting to be reminded that, according to his own doc trines, his opinion is merely his opinion and has no real validity. If he can quote ‘authorities,’ if something that calls itself ‘science’ supports his views, if the assertion of opposed views is not intellectually respectable, what of it? 148 What kind of ‘science’ is it that has to support itself in this manner?” In an article entitled “Liberty—A Path to Iits Recovery,” by F. A. Harper, the writer points out: “The only way to be totally ‘non-discriminating’ in as sociation with persons would be to share one’s time and love equally among all persons on earth. As far as the time ele ment of this plan is concerned, an average lifetime would allow a little less than one-half second of one’s time for each person.” Pages 22-23. In pointing out that under certain circumstances man is legally forced to discriminate and that Negro insistence upon invading white residential sections is an infringement of the liberty of the white man to live among his kind, Mr. Harper said: “Every voluntary association is a two-way deal, willing ly accepted by both parties in the same manner as the free exchange of goods in the market place. The insistence of one person that another associate with him against the other’s wishes is a violation of the other’s liberty, in the same manner as forcing one to sell at a given price in the market place violates his liberty in that realm. In some of its more intimate forms, violating liberty of association is judged to be a criminal offense; but in other realms one is forced by law to violate his preferences as defined under liberty and freedom of choice—he is legally forced to ‘dis criminate’.” Page 24. “Selection of associates is, to be sure, ‘discrimination.’ But if that right under liberty is to be judged improper or illegal, we shall have to make some drastic changes in our concepts about the propriety of monogamy, about the wis dom of several of the Commandments, and about other im portant concepts of morals an djustices in human society.” In emphasizing the importance of having rules of the game which apply to situations of conflicting desires, Mr. Harper very forcibly points out: 149 “The only possible way to preserve liberty in physical relationships is to have acceptance o£ rules of the game such that situations of possible overlapping or conflicting de sires are resolved in advance. What is needed is to have ‘rules for a ball game,’ such as those discussed in later sec tions, accepted by the players in advance. Acceptance of necessary and workable rules of the game prevents it from developing into mayhem. There is no other way by which the game of human relationship can be played without destroying the liberty of someone.” Page 25. We respectfully submit that the public interest is better served by the members of both races understanding that there is a limitation of their right to use property for spe cified purposes. That the right to make their home in this favored land of ours does not necessarily carry with it the right to make their home in a community where such ac tion would result in irreparable injury and damage to the public. If a situation of that kind will likely arise and ma terially affect the racial integrity of both races it would seem to us to be idle to argue that the governing body of a municipality could go to great length to prevent it. PROPOSITION VII The use of real property may be regulated under the police power. The Legislature of Alabama has expressly conferred up on the City of Birmingham specifically authority to pro vide for the safety, preserve the health, promote the pros perity, improve the morals, orders, comforts and conven iences of the inhabitants of Birmingham and to prevent conflict and ill feeling between the races in such cities. Acts 1915, Page 294, Section 6. The Legislature has exressly conferred on Birmingham the authority to regulate the use of buildings for trade, in dustry, residence and other purposes by a nondisci imina- 150 tory zoning law. Alabama Code 1940, Title 62, Section 710, et seq: Having express statutory authority for its action the City has undertaken to prevent a use of property that would re sult in a race war, and depressed property values. The District Judge seemed to have been of the opinion that race or color could not be made the basis of a regula tion respecting the use of property. We respectfully submit that any such contention entirely ignores the character of the right the plaintiffs in the lower court ask that court to protect. As we have pointed out, they sought protection for a right that is not absolute and exempt from regulation under the police power. Residen tial segregation is a form of legislation which protects by restrictions. The idea is well expressed in Negro Hous ing at Page 218 in the following language: “So men still argue that every man’s house is his castle, and that property rights give entire control of everything within the boundaries of any plot of land down through to China and up to the sky. Most men, however, have been convinced by common sense and experience that many individual preferences must be surrendered for the common good. Four thousand years ago Confusius, the wise man of Shantung, said: ‘The value of thy house de- pendeth on thy neighbor.’ Problems of ‘health, safety, morals and general welfare’ make the old adage apply with great force to every piece of property in a city where overcrowded streets, land and houses compel the observance of laws which restrict, but at the same time give protection.’ Zoning Regulations may result to some extent, practically in taking the property . . . and yet not be deemed confisca tory or unreasonable. State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92-105, 157 Atl. 294. “It is natural that with so great an increase of the use of the police power of the state in regulating ‘health 151 safety, morals and general welfare,’ discussion should arise as to the segregation of the races through the same agency.” Negro Housing, Page 221. “Whether a zoning ordinance is reasonable and is sub stantially related to the health, safety, morals and general welfare of a community, depends on the facts in each particular case. For instance, zoning ordinances, under certain conditions, may nullify private covenants that were more stringent, and authorize the construction of multiple-family dwellings in a particular area and simul taneously abrogate private convenants which restrict the area to single-family dwellings.” Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 N. J. L. 139, 58 A. (2d) 788 (1948), Affd. 62 A (2d) 686. “If there was evidence upon which the city authorities could have found that the ordinance was necessary in consideration of the public health, safety, comfort or gen eral welfare, it is beyond the province of the court to say that it is unreasonable, arbitrary or confiscatory, even though it may depreciate in value business property or restrict the liberty of citizens, in regard to ownership and use of property.” Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753, 14 NW (2d) 600. Section 1311 of the Federal Housing Administration Underwriting Manual, January, 1947, provides in part: “Appropriate and well-drawn zoning ordinances may provide one of the best means for protecting residential locations from adverse influence that diminish the de sirability of sites and increase risk in mortgage transac tions. If the provisions of an ordinance have been well- worded and drawn from knowledge of existent and prob ably future conditions in the city, and if the ordinance receives the backing of public approval, an excellent basis for protection from adverse influence exists.” In Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. page 308, the Su preme Court of the United States said: 152 “No one would have the hardihood to suggest that the principle of freedom of speech sanctions incitement to riot or that religious liberty connotes the privilege to extort others to physical attack upon those belonging to another sect. When clear and present danger of riot, dis order, interference with traffic upon the public streets, or other immediate threat to public safety, peace, or order, appears, the power of the State to prevent or pun ish is obvious The only limitation on the power of the State to prevent or punish we are familiar with is the rule that the regula tion must not unduly infringe on a protected freedom. Cantrell v. Connecticut, Supra. A well known writer on the police power calls it the law of overruling necessity and he adds: “The law of necessity has been stated to be an excep tion to all human ordinances and constitutions, yet has been frequently decided to be subject to the law of reason and subject to the control of the courts. It would be more accurate to say that the entire doctrine of the police power of the States is the creation of the courts evolved from the necessity of harmonizing provisions of written constitution of states and nation with the impera tive needs of civilized society. . . . The prohibition of a constitution must be held to extend the acts even if not within the literal terms of the constitution . . . and on the other hand such prohibition must not be held to extend the acts which, while within the literal terms of a con stitutional prohibition could not have been intended by the people to be prohibited to legislative competence be cause of the obvious injury to public interest which would result from such prohibition.” Harvard Law Review, Volume 27, Pages 297-298. In speaking of the validity of zoning laws and the exer cise of the police power we find the following in 58 Am. 153 Jur., page 947, Section 14, supported by the authorities there cited: “There is no fundamental objection to zoning laws and ordinances so long as they apply without unnecessary dis crimination and are reasonable in their scope and oper ation; within these limits they are a justifiable exercise of the police power and are not open to objection upon the ground of privileges and immunities of citizens, inter ference with vested rights, or the taking of property with out due process of law.” Again at Page 957, Section 27, we read: “Zoning ordinances are ordinarily enacted to adopt a comprehensive plan for a municipality and bring about an orderly development thereof.” And in Section 28 at Page 958 it is stated: “Zoning regulations are sometimes adopted for the purpose of promoting the prosperity of the community, or for the conservation of land values throughout the municipality, and there is authority to the effect that the protection of the value and usefulness of urban land, or, in general, the promotion of the community pros perity, is a matter relating to the general welfare, and is within the police power.” At Page 961, Section 33, it is said: “Zoning laws generally authorize or provide for the division of municipalities into business, residential, and unrestricted districts. Business zones may be classified for different classes of business into local business, com mercial, commercial and light manufacturing, and indus trial districts. Industrial zones are sometimes subclassi fied into heavy and light industrial. Residential districts also are sometimes subclassified.” Nectow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183, 72 L. ed. 842, 48 S. Ct. 447. In the Nectow case it is interesting to note that the un constitutionality of the ordinances as applied to the plain tiff turned on a finding of fact made in the court below to the effect that the health, safety, convenience and gen eral welfare of the inhabitants of part of the city affected 154 would not be promoted by the disposition made by the ordinance of the locus in question. In this case the finding by the City Commission is to the effect that not only the interest of the inhabitants of the part of the city effected by the attempted negro invasion would be promoted, but that the general welfare of the entire City is promoted by the zoning ordinance under at tack. The idea that the use one may make of his property is a subject of regulation—not an absolute liberty—is well ex pressed by the Supreme Court of Wisconsin in the follow ing language: “Although one owns property, he may not do with it as he pleases, any more than he may act in accordance with his personal desires. As the interest of society jus tifies restraints upon individual conduct, so, also, does it justify restraints upon the use to which property may be devoted.” State ex rel Carter vs. Harper, 182 Wis. 148, 196 N. W. 451, 33 A. L. R. 269. The writer of the opinion in the case cited very pertin ently points out that— “The rights of property should not be sacrificed to the pleasure of an ultraesthetic taste. But whether they should be permitted to plague the average or dominant human sensibilities well may be pondered.” The Supreme Court of the United States recognizes that the right to contract is a liberty protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, but says that court, law may restrict that lib erty in many respects. Mr. Justice Brewer speaking for the Court, said: “It is undoubtedly true, as more than once declared by this Court, that the general right to contract in relation to one’s business is a part of the liberty of the individual, 155 protected by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution; yet it is equally well settled that this lib erty is not absolute and extending to all contracts, and that a state may, without conflicting with the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, restrict in many respects the individual power of contract.” Muller vs. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 420, 52 L. Ed. 551, 28 Sup. Ct. 324, 326. In Jacobson vs. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11, 25 Sup. Ct. 358, 49 L. Ed. 643, 3 Ann. Cases 765, the Supreme Court of the United States carefully pointed out that the liberty secured by the Constitution of the United States does not import an absolute right in each person to be, at all times and in all circumstances wholly freed from restraint, and in upholding the Massachusetts vaccination law, the court said: “But the liberty secured by the Constitution of the United States to every person within its jurisdiction does not import an absolute right in each person to be, at all times and in all circumstances, wholly freed from re straint. * * * ‘Even liberty itself, the greatest of all rights, is not unrestricted license to act according to one’s own will. It is only freedom from restraint under conditions essential to the equal enjoyment of the same right by others. It is then liberty regulated by law.” In Buck vs. Bell, 274 U. S. 200, 71 L. Ed. 1000; 47 Sup. Ct. 584, the Supreme Court of the United States upheld the Virginia sterilization law, and Carrie Buck was sterilized because the court found that she was the probable potential parent of socially inadequate offspring, and that her welfare and that of society would be promoted by her sterilization. Mr. Justice Holmes, writing for the court, said: “We have seen more than once that the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would 156 seem strange if it could not call upon those who already sap the strength of the State for these lesser sacrifices, often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being swamped with incompetence.” It would seem that if the state may lawfully cut into a human body in the public interest and remove therefrom the reproductive organs of an individual, it would have the right to cut off the right to occupy property where the ac tion ist taken in the public interest. If the public welfare may call upon a citizen for his life, what is there to prevent the same public welfare from call ing upon citizens for a much lesser sacrifice—if it be a sacri fice, namely, residential segregation, in order to preserve the integrity of both races and prevent our being swamped with persons of debased blood? The point of the whole matter is that the rights the plain tiffs in the court below sought to protect are not absolute rights but rights whose exercise may be regulated by law. PROPOSITION VIII a. The difference between the races furnishes a basis for the exercise of the police power in favor of residential seg regation. In a consideration of the constitutional question involved in this case it is idle to undertake to debate the question of superiority and inferiority vel non. When it comes to an exercise of the police power the City is not required to reach the conclusion that one race is superior or inferior to another. When it comes to sustaining an exercise of the police power, the court is not called upon to decide that the white race is superior to the black race or vice versa. That is a matter about which individuals are free to enter tain whatever opinion they see fit to entertain about it. It is of no concern to the legislative body of the City or to the 157 court. It has no place in the case and does not enter into it in any way. We might as well waste time and we would perhaps get just as far in arguing whether a Packard car is superior to a Mack Truck. We are on safe ground if we recognize that there is a difference between the two and that the City would have a perfect right to restrict the speed of a heavily loaded truck to twenty miles per hour and at the same time impose a sixty mile speed limit on a passenger car. There are many differences between the white and the black race. There are differences between the two races other than the difference in color. Color only serves the purpose of identification. Color enables us to recognize that a person of a certain color has a certain racial constitu tion, background, history, experience, and ambition that is entirely different from the racial constitution, back ground, history, experience and ambition of people of a different color. In Social and Mental Traits of the Negro (Odum) at page 265, it is said: “The Negro differs from the white not only in devel opment, but also in kind. It is a knowledge of this kind which is the first essential to a satisfactory discussion of the problem.” In the same work beginning at page 268, the author calls attention to some of the oustanding differences between a white person and a negro which are listed as follows: (1) There is in the negro little home consciousness and more of the general social consciousness. (2) The negroes law of social consciousness and control does not lead him to develop a love of home and family. (3) The negro rarely shows lasting friendship and af fection. (4) Freedom from restraint and parental control are much desired by young negroes. 158 (5) There is little parental and filial affection among negroes. (6) The average negro has little abiding solicitude for the welfare of members of the family. (7) There is little respect and care among negroes for the aged and infirmed. (8) There are few high ideals of woman, wife and mo ther and little thought of individual chasity and of the pur ity of the home among negroes. (9) The negro entertains no defiinte idea of health and hygiene and individual responsibility for his own conduct. (10) The negro looks upon labor as an evil necessity and is developing professional ethics of vagrancy. (11) Negroes exercise little, if any, forethought. / j (12) The negro shows little desire to acquire property. (IB) Crime is not a cause for social ostracism or condem nation by negroes. (14) Education is valued in proportion as it makes the individual important in the eyes of his people and it re lieves him from physical labor. (15) The negro woman fails to assist the man in a bit ter struggle. She is inefficient and indisposed to be faith ful. (16) The negro woman is a hinderance to the success ful saving of money and the industrial development of the family. (17) The negro is not increasing his moral stability. (18) The weakness of the negro predominates over his progressive tendencies. (19) Crimes committed by negroes are on the increase and are out of proportion to his numerical relation to the population. (20) Chiefly his crime is due to the expression of animal impulses and his lack of restraint. (21) His religion has little practical bearing upon his conduct. 159 (22) He is constantly engaged in mingling with his fel lows at large and is less often at home with his family. One trouble with treating negroes as social equals is that the moment that starts they treat the person who treats them as a social equal as a social inferior. All men may be born equal, but they certainly do not develop equally and they do not have equally good man ners. In the preface to Professor Dowds book, “The Negro in American Life,” it is said: “The greatest downward plunges of human society have come from racial contacts.” The legislative body of the City of Birmingham was en titled to take these marked differences between the two races into consideration in working out a regulation to pro mote peace and harmony between members of the two races in Birmingham. David Livingston once said, God made the white man and God made the black man, but the devil had made the half-breed.” American Institutions and Their Preservations,” Page 402. No state has yet enacted a law requiring the segrega tion of negroes in agriculture districts, but such laws exist in South Africa. The separation of the races is held by the majority of the European to be the true policy and the principle has been accepted by the legislature. “The Negro in American Life,” page 473. The author also points out that the proposal to segregate negroes in rural districts of the South has been sanctioned by leaders of high standing. We submit that the true rule was well expressed by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in West Chester and P. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 St. 209, where the court said: / “The question remaining to be considered is, whether there is such a difference between the white and black 160 races within this state, resulting from nature, law and custom, as makes it a reasonable ground of separation. The question is one of difference, not of superiority or inferiority.” With that as a premise the court reasoned the matter out and concluded as follows: “When, therefore, we declare a right to maintain sep arate relations, as far as reasonably practicable, but in a spirit of kindness and charity, and with due regard to equality of rights, it is not prejudice nor caste, nor in justice of any kind, but simply to suffer men to follow the law of races established by the Creator himself, and not to compel them to intermix contrary to their instincts.” b. One of the most marked differences between the two races appears when the progress made by the white man in the science of government is compared with the pro gress made by the black race in the same science. Thomas Jefferson is generally credited with having writ ten the Constitution of Liberia more than one hundred fifty years ago. We understand there is a provision in the Liberian Constitution to the effect that only a negro can vote and only a negro can own property in that Republic. We think that provision is entirely proper in the constitu tion of a negro nation. What do the records show with ref: erence to progress in matters of government by the negro? George Abrahams writing in the International Digest of October, 1946, gives a vivid picture of the conditions pre vailing in Liberia. The title of the article is “The Land Where Monkeys Vote.” In this article the writer said: “There is a country where monkeys can vote for a President. That country is Liberia, a tiny republic situ ated on the steaming rain-lashed west African coast. Strangely, monkeys in Liberia have more political in fluence than women. By law, the so-called weaker sex is 161 not allowed to vote. However, any dissatisfied female can hurdle this obstacle by letting monkeys do the voting for her. The last Presidential election, May 4, 1943, was one of the purest exhibitions of untrammeled political chic anery in franchise history. Women led dressed-up monkeys to the polls. On the chatterings primates’ fury backs were pasted ballots for the Honorable William V. S. Tubman. At the polls, the ballots were ripped off and cast into the voting box. Thus, Mr. Tubman, who now holds the highest office in that land, is perhaps the first man ever to become President with the aid of votes cast by flea-bitten monkeys.' Anything goes in Liberia. The stark power politics of this American-inspired repubic reek to heaven. The gov ernment, while supposedly a replica of the American system, teems with creeping forms of legalistic fungus which have stunted the growth of the Negro republic Uncle Sam has been nursing along for over a century.” In describing how elections are conducted in Liberia the author goes into some detail as follows: “Mercenary Liberians don’t mind voting. It pays off. One native, hired to vote on the Whig ticket, was clocked to an official speed record by a white official and was found to have voted 162 times in less than two hours! One village, Cheesemanburg, which has two small huts, and two families, polled 1,200 votes for the Whigs. In upper Buchanan, Bassa County, with a voting population of 32, over 8,500 ballots were polled for the Whigs. Near the military area where American Infantry and service troops were stationed, one town of 12 native huts and a maximum voting population of 40 polled 5,100 ballots for the Whigs and only seven for the Democrats. In Kakata, a voting population of not more than 200 was augmented by 300 more hinterland aborigines not legally qualified to vote. They were sent down by Dis trict Commissioners and Chiefs who threatened repris als if any of their people voted on the Democratic ticket. That gives some indication of the decadent political situation in Liberia. One American soldier remarked, 162 ‘It’s a good thing Liberian politics are so screwey and cor rupt. We had to have something funny to keep our morale up.” The entire article is well worth reading. The reader will likely reach the conclusion that the negro needs an organ ization for the protection of colored people against the ad vancement of colored people advocated by the NAACP. c. Another striking difference between whites and blacks is the difference in military value. The limitations of a brief will not allow a reproduction of Chapter XXX in General Robert Lee Bullard’s book, “Personalities and Reminiscenses of the War.” It is to be regretted that the General was compelled in frankness and candor to appraise the negro division in the following language: “Altogether my memories of the 92nd Negro Division are a nightmare. When all my thought, time, and efforts were needed to make war against a powerful enemy, they had for a week to be given over entirely to a dangerous, irritating race question that had nothing to do with war making, the paramount matter of the time. I fear that it will always be so with Negroes wherever they are m contact with whites. This thought and my experience led me to this conclusion: If you need combat soldiers> and especially if you need them in a hurry, don’t put your time upon Negroes.” Negro soldiers in World War II were no improvement over the negro soldier in World War I. In the Survey Graphic at page 111, Volume 36, 1947, in speaking of the negro in the armed forces, it is said. “The Ninety-second Division had a spotty combat rec ord in Italy. A study of its performance and of the under lying reasons for its shortcomings was made by Truman Gibson, able Negro Assistant Secretary of War, who re ported the elements in the division had exhibited a ten dency on a number of occasions to ‘melt away’ under fire.” 163 We cite this statement not as a criticism of the negro, but as a criticism of calloused politicians who are so disregardful of the safety and security of this Nation as that they are willing for political purposes to count the negro as a com bat asset and place responsibilities upon him that should never be placed upon him. Another basic and fundamental difference between the two races is their attitude towards wedlock. In 1932 figures for the United States as a whole show that there were 157.5 illegitimate births for every 1,000 negro births as compared with 20.7 for every 1,000 births among white people. “A Preface to Racial Understanding,” page 64, Charles S. Johnson (Negro) Fisk University. There has been no improvement in this respect in eigh teen years. In Birmingham there are 22.3 illegitimate births to 1,000 white births and 235.4 illegitimate births to 1,000 negro births. The ratio of veneral disease is ten to one in favor of the negro. We are aware that the claim is made in certain circles that there is no difference in the blood of the two races. We think Professor Fairchild explodes that preposterous claim at page 175 in his book where he says: “When these types were first discovered it appeared that they might serve as an additional basis of race identi fication. Uater on it was demonstrated that much of the types then known can be found in individuals of all races, and so there was a tendency to discount entirely their race significance. But the fact remains that while there is no distinction among individuals of different races, yet there are great differences in the proportional frequency of the different types in various racial groups. And since, as has been so often emphasized in these pages, the whole question of race must be approached from the standpoint of the average, it becomes clear that it is quite accurate to say that there are racial differences in blood types. These differences might conceivably take 164 on practical significance in connection with the contem plated amalgamation of two or more races.” PROPOSITION IX The Court will avoid a construction of the constitu tion that will produce conflict, confusion, riots and vio lence. The Constitution of the United States was designed to protect life and property, liberty and freedom—not to de stroy. It should not be construed so as to bring about a situation that will cause people to destroy each other. In Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. R., page 104, the court said: “The Constitution as a continuously operating charter of government does not demand the impossible or the impractical.” Under the zoning ordinaces of the City of Birmingham the City Commission has determined that there is a clear and present danger of race riots, loss of life and property damage if the zoning ordinances are unenforced. We do not contend that the finding of the Commission is conclu sive. We do assert that it is prima facie correct and must be accepted by the court until it is overturned by a creditable evidence. We also submit that the ordinance may be sup ported by showing that conditions are even worse now than they were when the first zoning ordinance was enacted. A law may be constitutional at one time and unconstitu tional at another; invalid as applied to one set of facts and bvalid as applied to another. California v. Anglim, 129 Fed. (2) 455; Certiorari de nied, 317 U. S. 669. The constitution was not designed to render society im potent to protect itself against evils that menace it. It mat- 165 ters not what form an evil might take. By protecting society against known evils the individual himself is protected even though some phase of his individual liberty may be re stricted. Society has never parted with the power to protect itself or to promote the general well being of all and if the right to occupy property clashes with the right of society to be free from race riots the right of society must prevail. The police power may be put forth in aid of what is sanc tioned by usage, or held by the prevailing morality or strong and preponderant opinion to be greatly and imme diately necessary to the public welfare. Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104; 55 L. ed. 112; 31 S. Ct. 186: Annotated cases 1912-A-48. The Constitution of the Uinted States does not require the streets of Birmingham to be patrolled by the National Guard of the regular army in order to prevent a race riot when an equitable zoning ordinance will serve the same purpose. The court will, if possible, give the constitution such con struction as will make it reasonable and avoid a construc tion which leads to absurdity. CONCLUSION The observation of Mr. Justice Traynor in Fairchild vs. Raines, 24 Cal. (2) 818, 833; 151 Pac. (2) 260, 268, that: \ j jUU4̂ “The problem of race segregation cannot be solved by the courts alone, for it involves emotions and convictions too deeply embeded in the social outlook of men to be uprooted overnight by judicial pronouncement.” should make a court hesitate before it approves a decree that overthrows a custom of more than seventy-five years standing, a custom which has crystalized into law and as we verily believe into a contract between the two races. 166 As Judge Chesnut so clearly pointed out in Boyer v. Gar rett, (MMS), U. S. D. C. Maryland, December 30th, 1949, “separation of the races in normal treatment in 17 of the 48 states,” including Alabama. Equality of treatment does not require that privileges be provided members of the two races in the same place, and on the same theory, restrictions on the exercise of a right may recognize the normal treatment which has proven beneficial to both races. There is a sharp distinction between the proper exer cise of constitutional power on the one hand and what is a justifiable policy on the other. A state or municiaplity may choose the method by which equity is maintained. Boyer v. Garrett, supra. We respectfully submit that the judgment appealed from should be reversed and the cause remanded to the District Court. H orace C. W ilk in so n Farley Building, Birmingham, Ala. Attorney for Appellants CERTIFICATE I hereby certify that I have mailed a copy of the fore going Brief and Argument to Arthur Shores, attorney for the Appellees, properly addressed to his office in the Negro Masonic Temple Building, Birmingham, Alabama, postage prepaid, on this the-------- day of June, 1950. 167 APPENDIX Sec. 1604. Occupancy in “A-l” and “B-l” residence dis tricts. In “A-l” and “B-l” residence districts, no building or part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the negro race; provided, however, that this section shall not be interpreted to prohibit any of the following: (a) Use or occupancy by a negro servant, chauffeur or other employee, when the employer resides in the same building or in a building upon the same lot. (b) Use or occupancy by any person, who, on August 4, 1926 was the owner of the used or occupied building or of the lot upon which such building may be erected, or who at said time shall have contracted to purchase the same by a valid and enforceable contract of purchase, or by his succes sor in title by will or descent. (c) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any person described in paragraph (b) at any or all times dur ing his concurrent ownership and residence of, in or on the building or lot. (d) Use or occupancy during the period of the tenancy or lease by a life tenant, lessee for a term of years or other lessee of the used or occupied building or lot, such tenant or lessee being of the negro race, or by the successor in title of any such lessee by will or descent, in cases in which the tenancy or lease was created before August 4, 1926 and is unexpired and in force and effect. (e) Use or occupancy by a person described in para graph (d) during the period of an extension or renewal of any such lease, in cases in which the right of renewal or extension was created previous to, and was in force and ef fect on August 4, 1926. (f) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any person described in paragraph (d) at any or all times at which both the tenancy, lease, renewal or extension de scribed in paragraph (d) and (e) shall be in full force and effect, and said person himself resides in or on the building or lot. 168 (g) Continuance, after August 4, 1926, of the residen tial use of occupancy of a building by persons of the negro race, in any case in which such building was used or oc cupied for residential purposes by persons of the negro race prior to August 4, 1926, or, if such building was vacant at said time, then in any case in which the last such use or oc cupancy previous to said time was by persons of the negro race. (Ord. 1101-C, Sec. 9). Sec. 1605. Occupancy in “A-2” and “B-2” residential districts. In “A-2” and “B-2” residence districts, no building or part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the white race; provided, however, that this section shall not be interpreted to prohibit any of the following: (a) Use or occupancy by a white servant, chauffeur or other employee when the employer resides in the same building or in a building upon the same lot. (b) Use or occupancy by any person who, on August 4, 1926, was the owner of the used or occupied building or of the lot upon which such building may be erected, or who at said times shall have contracted to purchase the same by a valid and enforceable contract of purchase, or by his suc cessor in title by will or descent. (c) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any person described in paragraph (b) at any or all times dur ing his concurrent ownership and residence in or on the building or lot. (d) Use or occupancy during the period of the tenancy or lease, by a life tenant, lessee for a term of years or other lessee of the used or occupied building or lot, such tenant or lessee being of the white race, or by the successor in title of any such lessee by will or descent, in cases in which the tenancy or lease was created before August 4, 1926 and was unexpired and in force and effect at said time. (e) Use or occupancy by a person described in para graph (d) during the period of an extension of renewal of any such lease, in cases in which the right of renewal or extension was created previous to and was in force and ef fect on August 4, 1926. (f) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any 169 person described in paragraph (d), at any and all times at which both the tenancy, lease, renewal or extension de scribed in paragraph (d) and (e) shall be in full force and effect, and said person himself resides in or on the building or lot. (g) Continuance, after August 4, 1926, of the residential use or occupancy of a building by persons of the white race, in any case in which such building is used or occupied for residential purposes by persons of the white race or, if such building was vacant at said time, then in any case in which the last such use or occupancy previous to said time was by persons of the white race. (Ord. 1101 -C, Sec. 10) . ORDINANCE NO. 709-F BE IT ORDAINED By the Commission of the City of Birmingham that: Section 1. The Commission finds as a matter of fact that: (a) From the date of the original settlement of this City unto the present time it has been the invariable custom, supported for most of that time by municipal law and uni versally observed, to require white and colored residents to live in separate residential areas; and (b) That when attempts have been made by members of one race to enter for purposes of a permanent residence into an area commonly recognized as set aside for members of the other race, violence, disturbances of the peace, de struction of property and life has resulted almost without exception; and (c) This Commission further finds from its knowledge of present conditions and public sentiment in this City that in the event attempts shall now or in the foreseeable future be made by members of one race to establish residences in areas heretofore regarded as set apart for the residences of members of the other race, breaches of the peace, riots, de struction of property and life wTill follow; and (d) That neither the City of Birmingham nor any other law enforcement agency is able so completely to police, supervise and safeguard the person and property of per sons attempting to establish a residence in an area not com monly recognized as an area to be occupied by members of 170 the race to which such person belongs, as to prevent injury to such persons, members of his family, third parties in the area affected, and destruction of property; and (e) That the Zoning ordinances of the City of Birming ham now in effect do substantially and fairly well delineate those areas historically and generally regarded as available for residences and occupation by members of the white and colored races; and (f) That this ordinance is necessary to preserve the peace of said City and to safeguard the property and safety of its citizens and of the public in general. Now, therefore, BE IT ORDAINED: Section 2. That it shall be a misdemeanor for a member of the white race to move into, for the purpose of establish ing a permanent residence, or, having moved into, to con tinue to reside in an area in the City of Birmingham gen erally and historically recognized at the time as an area for occupancy by members of the colored race; and Section 3. That it shall be a misdemeanor for a member of the colored race to move into, for the purpose of estab lishing a permanent residence, or having moved into, to continue to reside in an area in the City of Birmingham generally and historically recognized at the time as an area for occupancy by members of the white race. Section 4. The words “permanent residence” as used herein shall be construed as meaning the occupancy of a house or tenament for more than twenty-four hours, except a house or tenament which is appurtenant to, used in con nection with, and a part of the curtilage of another house or tenement and occupied by a person who shall be in the employ of the person occupying the residence or tenement to which it is appurtenant. Section 5. The moving into for the purpose of establish ing a permanent residence shall constitute a separate offense from remaining there, and remaining in residence in a for bidden area for each twenty-four hour period shall con stitute a separate offense. Section 6. This Ordinance shall take effect immediately, the public welfare requiring. 171 STATE OF ALABAMA JEFFERSON COUNTY I, Eunice S. Hewes, City Clerk of the City of Birming ham, do hereby certify that the above is a true and correct copy of an ordinance duly adopted by the Commission of the City of Birmingham at its meeting held August 9, 1949, and as same appears of record in Minute Book A-32 of said City. GIVEN UNDER MY HAND AND CORPORATE SEAL of the City of Birmingham, this the 3rd day of No vember, 1949. E u n ic e S. H ew es , City Clerk.