Corrigan v. Buckley Appellants' Points
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1925
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Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1925.
No. 104.
Irene Hand Corrigan and Helen
Curtis,
Appellants,
against
John J. Buckley,
Appellee.
APPELLANTS’ POINTS.
The appellee filed a bill in equity in the Supreme Court
of the District of Columbia in which he sought a perma
nent injunction against the defendant Irene Hand
Corrigan, restraining her “ from directly or indirectly sell
ing and conveying or causing to be sold and conveyed to
the defendant Helen Curtis” certain land in the City of
Washington pursuant to a contract entered into, from
making and delivering a deed or any other form of con
veyance of the land to the defendant Helen Curtis, and
enjoining the latter, her heirs and assigns, for the period
of twenty-one years from taking title, directly or indi
rectly, to such land, and from using or occupying it and
from selling, conveying, leasing, renting or giving the
same to or permitting the same to be used or occupied
by any negro or negroes or person or persons of the negro
race or blood (Bee., pp. 5, 6).
The facts set forth in the bill and upon which this
prayer for equitable relief is based are undisputed. I he
Appeal from the
Court of Appeals
of the District
of Columbia.
2
appellee is tlie owner of premises known as 1719 S Street,
N. W., Washington. The appellant Irene Hand Corrigan
was the owner of premises known as 1727 S Street, N. W.,
Washington. On June 1, 1921, Buckley, Mrs. Corrigan
and twenty-eight other persons, all of whom at the time
owned twenty-three other parcels of land improved by
dwelling houses adjacent and contiguous to and in the
same immediate neighborhood as the lands of the appellee
and Mrs. Corrigan and severally situated on both the
north and south sides of S Street between New Hampshire
Avenue and 18th Street, N. W., in the City of Washington,
entered into a covenant which is set forth in the Record
at pages 6-9.
This instrument, after reciting that the parties who
executed it are tlie oivners of real estate located in the
District described and that they “desire, for their mutual
benefit, as well as for the best interests of the said com
munity and neighborhood, to improve—in any legitimate
way further the interests of said community,” provides
that the parties thereto mutually covenant, promise and
agree with each other and for their respective heirs and
assigns “that no part of the land now owned by the parties
hereto, a more detailed description of said property being
given after the respective signatures hereto, shall ever be
used or occupied by or sold, conveyed, leased, rented, or
given, to Negroes or any person or persons of the Negro
race or blood. This covenant shall run with the land and
bind the respective heirs and assigns of the parties here
to for the period of twenty-one (21) years from and after
the date of these presents.”
All the persons who executed this covenant are white
persons, a large number of whom occupied, resided in and
made their homes, and continued to occupy, reside and
make their homes in the premises described (Rec., p. 2).
On September 26, 1922, Mrs. Corrigan entered into a
sales contract with Mrs. Curtis, by which the latter agreed
to purchase from Mrs. Corrigan and she agreed to sell
3
and convey to Mrs. Curtis the premises 1727 S Street,
Northwest, which instrument was duly recorded in the
office of the Recorder of Deeds of the District of Colum
bia (B e e pp. 3, 9, 10). Mrs. Curtis is a person of the
Negro race and blood.
A number of parties to the covenant thereupon “ objected
and protested to the defendant Corrigan against the ex
ecution or carrying out by her of the terms and provisions
of said contract of sale,” but on November 8, 1922, she
definitely stated “that she would not fight the said con
tract of sale, that is to say, would not refuse to execute
and carry out the terms and conditions thereof, nor would
she refuse to sell and convey to the defendant Curtis the
land and premises involved as aforesaid, nor would she
refuse to make, sign, seal and deliver a deed to the same
to said defendant last named, * * * and now is threat
ening to execute and carry out and is about to execute
and carry out the terms and provisions of the aforesaid
contract of sale and in pursuance thereof to sell and con
vey to the defendant Curtis the land and premises in
volved as aforesaid and to make, sign, seal and deliver
a deed to the same to said defendant Curtis” (Bee., pp.
4 , 5 ).
After setting forth these facts, the bill of complaint
alleges (Bee., p. 5) :
“ 14. That if the threats aforesaid are fulfilled and
carried out and the defendant sells and conveys to
the defendant Curtis the said land and premises and
makes, signs, seals and delivers a deed to the same to
said defendant Curtis, irreparable injury will be done
to the plaintiff and to the other persons who are
parties to the aforesaid indenture or covenant and
that plaintiff has no plain, adequate or complete
remedy at law; and plaintiff further avers that he is
entitled to specific performance on the part of the
defendant Corrigan of her said agreements and cove-
4
mints as set out in the said Indenture or Covenant
mentioned and described in paragraph 6 of this bill
and to have the terms and provisions of said Indenture
or Covenant specifically enforced in equity by means
of an injunction preventing both the said defendants
Corrigan and Curtis from carrying into effect the said
contract of sale mentioned and described in paragraph
7 of this bill.’ '
Mrs. Curtis moved to dismiss the bill of complaint on
the grounds that the alleged indenture or covenant was
void, in that it attempts to deprive her and others of
property without due process of law ; abridges the privi
leges and immunities of citizens of the United States, and
other persons within this jurisdiction, of the equal pro
tection of the law, and is forbidden by the Fifth, Thir
teenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution of
the United States and the laws enacted in aid and under
the sanction of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amend
ments {Bee., p. 11).
As appears from the opinion of the Supreme Court of
the District of Columbia “the defendant urges very
strongly in her brief that such a restriction is against
public policy and the point is perhaps one that should be
considered” {Bee., p. 14). The Court thereupon discussed
at length this point and passed upon it, and decided it
adversely to the contention of Mrs. Curtis.
Mrs. Corrigan also moved to dismiss the complaint on
the ground that the alleged indenture is void, that it is
contrary to and in violation of the Constitution of the
United States, and that it “ is void in that the same is
contrary to public policy” {Bee., p. 17).
Both of these motions were overruled and both of the
parties electing to stand on their motions to dismiss the
Court permanently enjoined both of them in conformity
with the prayer of the bill of complaint {Bee., pp. 17-19).
An appeal was thereupon taken by both defendants to
5
the Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia, where
error was assigned not only on the ground of the con
stitutional questions above stated, but also that the Court
erred in holding that the covenant set out in the bill
was not void as against public policy and in not holding
to the contrary (Bee., p. 19). The Court of Appeals af
firmed the decree of the Supreme Court (B e e p. 25), and
thereafter an appeal to this Court was allowed (R e c pp.
25-27).
Assignments of Error.
Among the Assignments of Error are the following
(Rec., p. 26) :
“3. The Court erred in holding that the indenture
or covenant set out in appellee’s bill of complaint
is not void as against public policy.”
“4. The Court erred in holding to the contrary.”
“5. The Court erred in not holding that the said
indenture or covenant is void in that it deprives the
defendants, appellants, and others, of property with
out due process of law.”
“ 6. The Court erred in holding to the contrary.”
“ 7. The Court erred in not holding that the said
indenture or covenant is void in that it abridged the
privileges and immunities of citizens of the United
States, including the defendants, appellants, Irene
Hand Corrigan and Helen Curtis, and other persons
within this jurisdiction.”
“8. The Court erred in holding to the contrary.”
“9. The Court erred in not holding that the said
indenture or covenant is void in that it denied to
the said defendants, the said Irene Hand Corrigan
and Helen Curtis, and other persons within this juris
diction, the equal protection of the law.”
“10. The Court erred in holding to the contrary.”
6
“11. The Court erred in not holding that the said
indenture or covenant is void in that it is forbidden
by the Constitution of the United States and espe
cially by the Fifth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amend
ments thereof, and the laws enacted in aid and under
the sanction of the said Fifth, Thirteenth and Four
teenth Amendments.”
“ 12. The Court erred in holding to the contrary.”
POINTS,
I.
The decrees of the Courts below constitute a viola-
tion of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the
Constitution, in that they deprive the appellants of their
liberty and property without due process of law.
This proposition is the legitimate and logical conse
quence of the unanimous decision rendered by this Court in
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S., 60. There it was at
tempted, by legislation in the form of a city ordinance,
to forbid colored persons from occupying houses as resi
dences, or places of abode, or public assembly, on blocks
where the majority of the houses were occupied by white
persons for those purposes, and in like, manner forbidding
white persons when the conditions as to occupancy were
reversed, and which based the interdiction upon color and
nothing more.
Here the decrees of the Supreme Court and the Court
of Appeals of the District of Columbia have forbidden
Mrs. Corrigan, a white person, from selling to Mrs.
Curtis, a colored person, and Mrs. Curtis from buying, a
house in the residential district of Washington, solely
because Mrs. Curtis is of Negro race or blood, and for
bidding Mrs. Curtis, her heirs and assigns, for a period of
twenty-one years, from taking title to this property, from
7
using or occupying it, and from selling, conveying, leasing,
renting or giving it* to or permitting it to be used or oe-
cuped by any Negro or Negroes or persons of the Negro
race or blood.
The question that was to be determined in Buchanan v.
Worley was thus stated by Mr. Justice Day (p. 75) :
“ The concrete question here is : May the occu
pancy, and, necessarily, the purchase and sale of prop
erty of which occupancy is an incident, be inhibited
by the State, or by one of its municipalities, solely
because of the color of the proposed occupant of the
premises ?”
In the course of the discussion of this proposition, it
was said:
“Property is more than the mere thing which a
person owns. It is elementary that it includes the
right to acquire, use, and dispose of it. The Con
stitution protects these essential attributes of prop
erty. Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S., 366, 391. Prop
erty consists of the free use, enjoyment, and disposal
of a person’s acquisitions without control or diminu
tion save by the law of the land. 1 Blackstone’s Com
mentaries (Cooley’s Ed.), 127.”
The opinion then considers the history of the Thirteenth
and Fourteenth Amendments, quoting from the Slaughter
House Cases, 16 Wall., 36; Stra-uder v. West Virginia, 100
U. S., 303, and Ex parte Virginia, 100 U. S., 339, 347.
A part of the quotation from Strauder v. West Virginia
consisted of these passages (p. 77) :
“What is this (the Fourteenth Amendment) but
declaring that the law in the States shall be the same
for the black as for the white; that all persons,
whether colored or white, shall stand equal before the
8
laws of the States, and, in regard to the colored race,
for whose protection the amendment was primarily
designed, that no discrimination shall he made against
them by law because of their color? * * * The Four
teenth Amendment makes no attempt to enumerate
the rights its designed to protect. It speaks in gen
eral terms, and those are as comprehensive as pos
sible. Its language is prohibitory; but every prohi
bition implies the existence of rights and immunities,
prominent among which is an immunity from in
equality of legal protection, either for life, liberty, or
property. Any State action that denies this immunity
to a colored man is in conflict with the Constitution.”
The quotation from Ex parte Virginia, supra, is espe
cially important:
“Whoever, by virtue of public position under a
State government, deprives another of property, life,
or liberty, without due process of law, or denies or
takes away the equal protection of the laws, violates
the constitutional inhibition; and as he acts in the
name and for the State, and is clothed with the State’s
power, his act is that of the State.”
It is proper to pause at this point to refer to the de
cision in Virginia v. Rives, 100 U. S., 313, rendered con
currently with Ex parte Virginia, where Mr. Justice
Strong said:
“ It is doubtless true that a State may act through
different agencies,—either by its legislative, its ex
ecutive, or its judicial authorities; and the prohibi
tions of the amendment extend to all action of the
State denying equal protection of the laws, whether
it be action by one of these agencies or by another.
Congress, by virtue of the fifth section of the Four
teenth Amendment, may enforce the prohibitions
9
whenever they are disregarded by either the Legisla
tive, the Executive, or the Judicial Department of
the State.”
We add a further quotation from the opinion in Ex
parte Virginia (pp. 346, 347) :
“We have said the prohibitions of the Fourteenth
Amendment are addressed to the States. * * * They
have reference to actions of the political body de
nominated a State, by whatever instruments or in
whatever modes that action may be taken. A state
acts by its legislative, its executive or its judicial
authorities. It can act in no other way.”
In United States v. Harris, 106 U. S., 629, 639, this
Court said:
“When the State has been guilty of no violation of
its provisions; when it has not made or enforced any
law abridging the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States; when no one of its departments
has deprived any person of life, liberty, or property
. without due process of law, or denied to any person
within its jurisdiction the equal protection, of the
laws; when, on the contrary, the laws of the State,
as engcted by its legislative, and construed by its
judicial, and administered by its executive depart
ments, recognize and protect the rights of all persons,
the amendment imposes no duty and confers no power
upon Congress.”
So in Scott v. MoNeal, 154 U. S., 34, it was held that
the prohibitions of the Amendment extended to “all acts
of the State, whether through its legislative, its executive,
or its judicial authorities.”
And in Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R. Co. v.
Chicago, 166 U. S., 226, 233, Mr. Justice Harlan, said:
10
“ But it must be observed that tbe prohibitions of
the amendment refer to all the instrumentalities of
the State, to its legislative, executive and judicial
authorities, and, therefore, whoever by virtue of
public position under a State government deprives
another of any right protected by that amendment
against deprivation by the State, violates the con
stitutional inhibition; and as he acts in the name and
for the State, and is clothed with the State’s power,
his act is that of the State.”
Further Mr. Justice Harlan says (pp. 234, 235) :
“But a State may not, by any of its agencies, dis
regard the prohibitions of the Fourteenth Amend
ment. Its judicial authorities may keep within the
letter of the statute prescribing forms of procedure
in the courts and give the parties interested the full
est opportunity to be heard, and yet it might be that
its final action would be inconsistent with that amend
ment. In determining what is due process of law re
gard must be had to substance, not to form.”
See also Home Telephone & Telegraph Co. v. Los
Angeles, 227 U. S., 278, where it was again declared that
these provisions of the Constitution are generic in terms
and are addressed not only to the States, but to every per
son, whether natural or judicial, who is the repository of
State power, and that their reach is co-extensive with any
exercise by a State of power in whatever form asserted.
The same effect has been given to the due process clause
of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. Seventy
years ago, in Murray’s Lessee v. Hoboken Land & Im
provement Co., 18 How., 276, Mr. Justice Curtis said:
“ It is manifest that it was not left to the legisla
tive power to enact any process which might be de
vised. The article is a restraint on the legislative
11
as well as on the executive and judicial powers of
the Government
In Hovey v. Elliott, 167 U. S., 409, this Court was
called upon to determine the effect of an order rendered
by the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia at
General Term in a contempt proceeding, which decreed
that the defendants’ answer be stricken out and removed
from the files of the court because of non-compliance on
their part with the requirements of a decree previously
rendered by the court, and that the cause should then
proceed as if no answer had been interposed. It w~as
held that the action of the court was a violation of the
Fifth Amendment. Mr. Justice White, in the course of
his comprehensive opinion, said:
“ To say that courts have inherent power to deny all
right to defend an action and to render decrees with
out any hearing whatever is, in the very nature of
things, to convert the court exercising such an au
thority into an instrument of wrong and oppression,
and hence to strip it of'that attribute of justice upon
which the exercise of judicial power necessarily de
pends” (p. 414).
Again, on page 417, he said, in words which could be
well applied here:
“ If the legislative department of the government
were to enact a statute conferring the right to con
demn the citizen without any opportunity whatever
of being heard, would it be pretended that such an
enactment would not be violative of the Constitution?
If this be irue, as it undoubtedly is, how can it be
said that the judicial department, the source and foun
tain of justice itself, has yet the authority to render
lawful that which if done under express legislative
12
sanction would be violative of the Constitution? If
such power obtains, then the judicial department of
the government sitting to uphold and enforce the
Constitution is the only one possessing a power to
disregard it. I f such authority exists then in conse ̂
quence of their establishment, to compel obedience to
lam and to enforce justice courts possess the right
to inflict the very wrongs which they were created to
prevent
Beturning to the opinion in Buchanan v. Warley, sup
plemented by these utterances, which include in the con
stitutional inhibition not merely executive and legislative
invasions of the right sought to be protected, but also
those of the judicial arm of the Government, we find that,
in giving legislative aid to these constitutional provisions,
Congress made two statutory declarations, which consti
tute Sections 1977 and 1978 of the United States Bevised
Statutes. The first of these reads:
“All persons within the jurisdiction of the United
States shall have the same right in every State and
Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be
parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal bene
fit of all laws and proceedings for the security of per
sons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and
shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties,
taxes, licenses and exactions of every kind, and no
other.”
Section 1978 declares:
“All citizens of the United States shall have the
same right in every State and Territory as is enjoyed
by white citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease,
sell, hold and convey real and personal property.”
After referring to the authorities and statutes cited by
13
Mm, Mr. Justice Day very appropriately asked : “ In the
face of these constitutional and statutory provisions, can
a white man be denied, consistently with due process of
law, the right to dispose of his property to a purchaser by
prohibiting the occupation of it for the sole reason that the
purchaser is a person of color intending to occupy the
premises as a place of residence?” He answered (p. 78) :
“ The statute of 1866, originally passed under sanc
tion of the Thirteenth Amendment, 14 Stat., 27, and
practically reenacted after the adoption of the Four
teenth Amendment, 16 Stat., 144, expressly provided
that all citizens of the United States in any State
shall have the same right to purchase property as is
enjoyed by white citizens. Colored persons are citi
zens of the United States and have the right to pur
chase property and enjoy and use the same without
laws discriminating against them solely on account of
color. Hall v. DeCuvr, 95 U. S., 485, 508. These en
actments did not deal with the social rights of men,
but with those fundamental rights in property which
it was intended to secure upon the same terms to
citizens of every race and color. Civil Rights Cases,
109 U. S., 3, 22. The Fourteenth Amendment and
these statutes enacted in furtherance of its purpose
operate to qualify and entitle a colored man to ac
quire property without State legislation discriminat
ing against him solely because of color.”
The opinion then refers to and distinguishes Plessy v.
Ferguson, 163 U. S., 537, and other cases, which will be
considered later.
The final paragraph of the opinion states the deliberate
conclusion of this Court:
' “We think this attempt to prevent alienation of
the property in question to a person of color was
not a legitimate exercise of the police power of the
14
State, and is in direct violation of the fundamental
law enacted in the Fourteenth Amendment of the
Constitution preventing State interference with prop
erty rights except by due process of law. That being
the case the ordinance cannot stand.”
We have, therefore, the solemn pronouncement of this
tribunal, that it was not within the legislative power of the
State, or any of its instrumentalities, to forbid Mrs. Corri
gan from selling her house to Mrs. Curtis, or the latter
from purchasing and occupying it.
For the reasons considered in Buchanan V. 'Worley, it
would have been beyond the legislative power to have en
acted that a covenant in the precise terms of that involved
in the present case should be enforceable by the courts by
suit in equity and by means of a decree of specific perfor
mance, an injunction, and proceedings for contempt for
failure to obey the decree. It seems inconceivable that, so
long as the legislature refrains from passing such an en
actment, a court of equity may, by its command, compel
the specific performance of such a covenant, and thus give
the sanction of the judicial department of the Government
to an act which it was not within the competency of its
legislative branch to authorize.
As has been shown, this court has repeatedly included
the judicial department within the inhibitions against the
violation of the constitutional guaranties which we have
invoked.
We cannot emphasize too strongly that the immediate
consequence of the decrees now under review is to bring
about that which the legislative and executive departments
of the Government are powerless to accomplish. It would
seem to follow that by these decrees the appellants have
been deprived of their liberty and property, not by indi
vidual, but by governmental action. These decrees have all
the force of a statute. They have behind them the sov
ereign power. It is not Buckley, the appellee, but the sov
ereignty, which speaks through the Court, that has issued
15
a mandate to the appellants which prevents Mrs. Corrigan
from selling, leasing or giving her property to Mrs. Curtis,
and the latter from acquiring and occupying the property,
simply because she is of the negro race or blood.
In rendering these decrees, the Courts which have pro
nounced them have functioned as the law-making power.
It is they who are seeking to effectuate the policy of racial
segregation based on color. They have virtually an
nounced to all colored persons: “You shall not inherit,
purchase, lease, sell or hold real property for the acquisi
tion of which you have entered into a contract, simply be
cause you are of the negro race or blood.” They have told
those of the white race who have entered into a covenant
such as is referred to in the decrees: “You shall not sell,
lease or give your property to any person of the negro race
or blood.”
They have practically declared: “ If the owners of prop
erty in a particular locality, however extensive its area
may be, see fit to agree on such a policy of segregation,
these Courts, sitting in equity, may nevertheless by their
decrees enforce such a policy, even if it be conceded that
they would be prohibited from doing so by the decision of
the Supreme Court of the United States if the legislative
branch of the Government had established a like policy.”
To test the incongruity of such a situation, let us sup
pose that after the decision in Buchanan v. Worley the
Common Council of the City of Louisville had adopted an
ordinance permitting the residents of the same districts
which were affected by the ordinance which this Court had
declared unconstitutional, to enter into a covenant in the
precise terms of that which the Courts below have enforced
in this case, would it not at once have been said that it was
an intolerable invasion of the Constitution as interpreted
by this Court. But that is exactly what has been done in
the present case by the adjudications which are now here
for review.
Or let us suppose, that after the rendition of these de
16
crees, Mrs. Corrigan, standing on her constitutional rights,
had executed a deed of the premises here in question to
Mrs. Curtis, and the latter had proceeded to occupy them,
would it have been within the competency of the court to
have imprisoned either or both of them as for a contempt
of court? The exercise by the Court of its power to enforce
its decrees through the medium of contempt proceedings,
would be nothing more or less than the enforcement of the
policy of racial segregation based on color, in violation of
the letter and spirit of the Constitution as interpreted in
Buchanan v. Warley.
After Buchanan v. Warley had been remanded by this
Court to the Kentucky Court of Appeals for further pro
ceedings not inconsistent with the opinion rendered, would
this Court have countenanced an amendment of the decree
which it had reversed, providing that ninety per cent, of
the residents of the district in which segregation had been
attempted might enter into a covenant in precisely the
same terms as the ordinance and that, thereupon, such
covenant should be in full force and effect?
In Gondolfo v. Hartman, 49 Fed. Rep., 181, Judge Ross
said (p. 182) :
“ It would be a very narrow construction of the con
stitutional amendment in question and of the decisions
based upon it, and a very restrictive application of the
broad principles upon which both the amendment and
the decisions proceed, to hold that, while the State and
municipal legislatures are forbidden to discriminate
against the Chinese in their legislation, a citizen of the
State may lawfully do so by contract, which the Courts
may enforce. Such view is, I think, entirely inadmis
sible. Any result inhibited by the Constitution can no
more be accomplished by contract of individual citi
zens than by legislation, and the Court should no
more enforce the one than the other. This would seem
to be very clear.”
17
After citing Kennett v. Chambers, 14 How., 49, the opin
ion continues (p. 183) :
“But the principle governing the case is, in my
opinion, equally applicable here, where it is sought to
enforce an agreement made contrary to the public pol
icy of the government, and in violation of the prin
ciples embodied in its Constitution. Such a contract
is absolutely void and should not be enforced in any
court, certainly not in a court of equity of the United
States.”
In Plessy v. Ferguson, as pointed out by this Court,
there was no attempt to deprive all persons of color of
transportation in the coaches of a public carrier. The ex
press requirements of the statute there challenged were
for equal, though separate, accommodations for the white
and colored races.
On the other hand, in McCabe v. Atchison, Topeka &
Santa Fe By. Co., 235 U. S., 151, a statute which allowed
railroad companies to furnish dining cars for white peo
ple and to refuse to furnish them for colored people, was
held to be unconstitutional.
The Applicability of Constitutional Amendments to the
District of Columbia.
In the opinion rendered by the Supreme Court of the
District of Columbia in the present case it was suggested
{Bee., p. 12) that the Court of Appeals of the District
had held that the Fourteenth Amendment was not in force
in the District of Columbia, citing Siddons v. Edmonston,
42 App. D. C., 459; at the same time adding that since
the provisions of that Amendment are, so far as concerns
the question here involved, as broad at least as those ol
the Fifth and Thirteenth Amendments and if the provi
sions of the Fourteenth Amendment would not, if applica
ble, sustain the defendants’ contention, it was unnecessary
18
to consider the other two Amendments (District of Colum
bia v. Brooke, 214 U. S., 138, 149). In that view of the
case, the Court decided that the Fourteenth Amendment
did not sustain the defendants’ contention.
We have already considered that aspect of the subject.
We deem it appropriate, however, to call attention to the
decisions which we contend render applicable to the Dis
trict of Columbia the several constitutional amendments
to which reference has been made.
In Downes v. Bidioell, 182 U. S., 244, 259, 263, the ap
plicability of the Constitution to the District of Colum
bia was exhaustively considered. Referring to Loughbor
ough v. Blake, 5 Wheat., 317, attention was called to the
fundamental fact that the District of Columbia consisted
of territory which had been originally a part of the States
of Maryland and Virginia. Subsequently, in 1846, the
portion of the territory granted by Virginia was retro
ceded to that State (9 II. S. St. L., 35; Evans v. United
States, 31 App. D. C., 544). Therefore the territory that
now constitutes the District of Columbia was Maryland
territory. Consequently, as said by Mr. Justice Brown:
“ It had been subject to the Constitution and was
a part of the United States. The Constitution had
attached to it irrevocably. There are steps which can
never be taken backward. The tie that bound the
States of Maryland and Virginia to the Constitution
could not be dissolved, without at least the consent
of the Federal and State governments to a formal
separation. The mere cession of the District' of
Columbia to the Federal government relinquished the
authority of the States, but it did not take it out of
the United States or from under the aegis of the Con
stitution. Ueither party had ever consented to that
construction of the cession. If, before the District
was set off, Congress had passed an unconstitutional
act, affecting its inhabitants, it would have been void.
19
If done after the District was created, it would have
been equally void; in other words, Congress could not
do indirectly by carving out the District what it could
not do directly. The District still remained a part
of the United States, protected by the Constitution.
Indeed, it would have been a fanciful construction to
hold that territory which had been once a part of
the United States ceased to be such by being ceded
directly to the Federal government.”
It was accordingly held that Article I, Section 8, of the
Constitution, which gave Congress the power “to lay and
collect taxes, imposts and excises” which “shall be uni
form throughout the United States,” extended to the Dis
trict of Columbia. This conclusion, so far as it affected
the District of Columbia, was approved in the opinion of
Mr. Justice Brown, although he and four other Justices
of this Court did not consider the constitutional provi
sion there under consideration as applicable to the Terri
tories. On the other hand, however, the members of the
Court who were in the minority, namely, Chief Justice
Fuller, Mr. Justice Harlan, Mr. Justice Brewer and Mr.
Justice Peckham, went even further than Mr. Justice
Brown, and held that the constitutional provision followed
the flag and operated throughout “the geographical
unit knoAvn as the United States,” “ our great Republic,
which is composed of States and Territories” (182 U. S.,
356). It follows that a majority of the Court recognized,
that the Constitution applied to the District of Columbia.
It has been held expressly that the Fourth Amendment,
relating to searches and seizures, Stoutenburgh v. Frasier,
16 App. D. C., 229, Curry v. District of Columbia, 14 App.
D. C., 423; the Fifth Amendment, Wight v. Davidson, 181
U. S., 371, Moses v. United States, 16 App. D. C., 428; the
Eighth Amendment, concerning excessive bail, fines and
unusual punishments, Stoutenburgh v. Frazier, 16 App.
D. C., 229; and the provisions relating to jury trials, Cal-
20
Ian v. Wilson, 127 U. S., 510, are all applicable to the
District of Columbia.
In Gurry v. District of Columbia, supra, the Court said:
“Ho more in the District of Columbia than any
where else within the United States, could the legis
lature of the Union pass a bill of attainder or an
ex post facto law, or dispense with trial by jury, or
establish a religion, or authorize unreasonable
searches. All the general limitations imposed by the
Constitution upon its authority are as applicable in
the District of Columbia as in any other part of the
United States. And not only are these express limita
tions applicable, but * * * all the ‘implied limita
tions which grow out of the nature of all free gov
ernments’ are equally applicable. The ‘exclusive’
power of legislation over this District which is vested
in Congress by the Constitution, must be assumed to
extend only to all lawful subjects of legislation; and
invasions of those fundamental individual rights,
which lie at the foundation of the social compact, and
for the maintenance of which free governments exist,
are not lawful subjects of legislation.”
In Lappin v. District of Columbia, 22 App. D. C., 68,
75, Mr. Justice Shepard said:
“It must be conceded that the Fourteenth Amend
ment, which expressly declares that no State shall
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws, does not purport to extend to
authority exercised by the United States. But it
does not follow that Congress in exercising its power
of legislation within and for the District of Columbia
may, therefore, deny to persons residing therein the
equal protection of the laws. All of the guaranties
of the Constitution respecting life, liberty, and prop
21
erty are equally for the benefit and protection of all
citizens of the United States residing permanently
or temporarily within the District of Columbia, as of
those residing in the several States. Gallan v. Wil
son, 127 U. S., 510; United States ex rel. Kerr v. Ross,
5 App. D. C., 211, 217; Gurry v. District of Columbia,
11 App. D. C., 123.”
In Gallan V. Wilson, supra, Mr. Justice Harlan said (p.
519) :
“And as the guarantee of a trial by jury, in the
third article, implied a trial in that mode and accord
ing to the settled rules of the common law, the enu-
meration in the Sixth Amendment, of the rights of
the accused in criminal prosecutions, is to be taken
as a declaration of what those rules were, and is to
be referred to the anxiety of the people of the States
to have in the supreme law of the land, and so far
as the agencies of the General Government were con
cerned, a full and distinct recognition of those rules,
as involving the fundamental rights of life, liberty
and property. This recognition was demanded and
secured for the benefit of all the people of the United
States, as well those permanently or temporarily re
siding in the District of Columbia, as those residing
or being in the several States. There is nothing in
the history of the Constitution or of the original
amendments to justify the assertion that the people
of this District may be lawfully deprived of the bene
fit of any of the constitutional guarantees of life, lib
erty and property—especially of the privilege of trial
by jury in criminal cases.”
In the opinion of Mr. Justice Brown in Downes V. Bid-
well, supra, Gallan v. Wilson was declared to be in line
with Loughborough v. Blake.
In Smoot v. Heyl, 227 U. S., 518, which related to the
22
validity of a building regulation adopted by the Commis
sioners of the District of Columbia, -which was challenged
on the ground that it was “unconstitutional and void be
cause its effect is to deprive your complainants of their
property without due process of law and just compensa
tion,” this Court, in assuming jurisdiction, necessarily de
cided that the due process clause of the Constitution was
applicable to the District of Columbia; and in the subse
quent case of Walker v. Gish, 260 U. S., 447, in which the
validity of a regulation relating to party walls in the City
of Washington was challenged on the same ground, this
Court likewise considered the due process clause as ap
plicable to the District of Columbia.
In Block v. Hirsh, 256 XL S., 135, in which the consti
tutionality of the Rent Laws of 1919 enacted for the Dis
trict of Columbia was attacked on the ground that .they
involved the taking of property not for public use and
without due process of law, this Court elaborately dis
cussed their constitutionality; as it did in Ghastleton Cor
poration v. Sinclair, 264 U. S., 543, that of the act passed
in 1922, whereby it was attempted to extend the duration
of these laws.
In Adkins v. Children’s Hospital, 261 U. S., 525, which
related to the constitutionality of the District of Colum
bia Minimum Wage Law, this Court declared the law to
be in contravention of the Constitution, particularly of
the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment.
When, therefore, the Court below (Bee., p. 12), in the
face of these decisions, based its assertion that the Four
teenth Amendment was not in force in the District of
Columbia, on the alleged authority of Siddons v. Edmon-
ston, 42 App. D. C., 459, it is not surprising that we find
that the Court there confined itself to a bald statement
which as the context shows was clearly obiter,
“The prohibition in this Amendment, to which the
appellee refers, applies to the States and not to the
District of Columbia.”
23
It is, however, surprising that the citation in support of
that assertion is District of Columbia v. Brooke, 214 U. S.,
138, when it distinctly appears that in that case, this Court
declared it to be unnecessary to determine whether or not
the Fourteenth Amendment applied to the District of Co
lumbia, because it was conceded that the Fifth Amend
ment unquestionably did, and that it was not more exten
sive in its provisions than the Fourteenth Amendment.
Therefore, reaching the conclusion that the legislation
which was challenged on the ground that it denied the
equal protection of the laws, merely involved such classifi
cation as had frequently been regarded as permissible
under the Fourteenth Amendment, it was upheld as consti
tutional.
Hence, this Court did not in District of Columbia v.
Brooke render a decision warranting its citation as author
ity for the proposition asserted.
It would seem, however, that if, as adjudged in Lough
borough v. Blake and Downes v. Bidwell, the Constitution
became irrevocably attached to the land which originally
was a part of Maryland, upon its incorporation into the
District of Columbia, the Constitution in its entirety be
came applicable to the District of Columbia. The Thir
teenth Amendment, which abolished slavery and involun
tary servitude, certainly did; that portion of the Four
teenth Amendment which related to citizenship, unques
tionably did; as did the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and nine
teenth Amendments.
The suggestion that, because the prohibitions of Section
1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, against the abridgment of
the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United
States and against the deprivation of any person of life,
liberty and property without due process of law and the
denial to any person “within its jurisdiction” of the equal
protection of the laws” , begin with the words “bio State”
and “Nor shall any State” , they do not apply to the Dis
trict of Columbia, is a proposition that disregards the
24
manifest intention which gave rise to this Amendment and
the historical conditions out of which it arose. Prom a con
stitutional standpoint, the District of Columbia at that
time was regarded as on the same level with the State of
Maryland, of which it had constituted a part.
To give so narrow an interpretation to the word “ State”
ignores not only the history of the District of Columbia,
but also the fact that it was the very nucleus of the storm-
centre out of which emerged the Fourteenth Amendment,
that it was there that not only the Civil War had its most
important setting, but where the pre-war and the post-war,
scenes of the great drama which culminated in the adop
tion of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments were
enacted. It is, therefore, as inconceivable that the District
of Columbia is to be excluded from the operation of the
Fourteenth Amendment as that it was intended to exclude
it from the operation of the Eighteenth Amendment.
This Court had occasion in Geofroy v. Riggs, 133 IT. S.,
258, to consider the phrase “ States of the Union” as con
tained in a clause of a treaty between the United States
and France which related to the right of Frenchmen to en
joy the privilege of possessing personal and real property
in “the States of the Union” . There the question arose as
to whether under this treaty, a citizen of France could take
land in the District of Columbia by descent from a citizen
of the United States. It was held that the District of Co
lumbia, as a political community, was one of “ the States of
the Union” within the meaning of that term as used in the
treaty, Mr. Justice Field saying in support of that conclu
sion:
“ This article is not happily drawn. It leaves in
doubt what is meant by ‘States of the Union’. Ordi
narily these terms would be held to apply to those
political communities exercising various attributes of
sovereignty which compose the United States, as dis
tinguished from the organized municipalities known
as Territories and the District of Columbia. And yet
25
separate communities, with an independent local gov
ernment, are often described as states, though the ex
tent of their political sovereignty be limited by rela
tions to a more general government or to other coun
tries. Halleck on Int. Law, c. 3, sections 5, 6, 7. The
term is used in general jurisprudence and by writers
on public law as denoting organized political societies
with an established government. Within this defini
tion the District of Columbia, under the government
of the United States, is as much a State as any of
those political communities which compose the United
States. Were there no other territory under the gov
ernment of the United States, it would not be ques
tioned that the District of Columbia would be a State
within the meaning of international law; and it is not
perceived that it is any less a State within that mean
ing because other States and other territory are also
under the same government. In Hepburn v. Elisey, 2
Cranch, 445, 452, the question arose whether a resident
and a citizen of the District of Columbia could sue a
citizen of Virginia in the Circuit Court of the United
States. The Court, by Chief Justice Marshall, in de
ciding the question, conceded that the District of Co
lumbia was a distinct political society, and therefore a
State according to the definition of writers on general
law; but held that the act of Congress in providing for
controversies between citizens of different States in
the Circuit Courts, referred to that term as used in the
Constitution, and therefore to one of the States com
posing the United States. A similar concession, that
the District of Columbia, being a separate political
community, is, in a certain sense, a State, is made by
this Court in the recent case of Metropolitan Railroad
Go. v. District of Columbia, 132 U. S., 1, 9, decided at
the present term.”
In Talbot v. Silver Bow County, 139 U. S., 444, Mr. Jus
tice Brewer, referring to a statute of Montana Territory
26
which undertook to tax the shares of a national bank pur
suant to Section 5219 of the Revised Statutes, which con
ferred the power of taxation upon the legislature of each
State, no reference being made to Territories, said:
“But it would militate much against its national
character if banks organized under it (the national
banking system) were subjected to local taxation in
one part of the Union, and exempted from it else
where. ISTo such intent ought lightly to be imputed to
Congress. * * *
Still further, while the word ‘State’ is often used in
contradistinction to ‘Territory’, yet in its general pub
lic sense, and as sometimes used in the statutes and
the proceedings of the government, it has the larger
meaning of any separate political community, includ
ing therein the District of Columbia and the Territor
ies, as well as those political communities known as
States of the Union. Such a use of the word ‘State’
has been recognized in the decisions of this Court.”
Then follow quotations from Hepburn v. Elisey, Metro
politan Railroad Go. v. District of Columbia and Qeofroy
v. Riggs, supra.
At all events, there can be no question but that the due
process clause of the Fifth Amendment applies to the Dis
trict of Columbia, and, as has been shown, the same inter
pretation that has been given to the Fourteenth Amend
ment as to its applicability to the action of the judicial as
well as of the executive and legislative departments of the
Government, has been given to the Fifth Amendment.
The Right to Review the Rulings on Public Policy on
this Appeal.
The appeal to this Court has been taken pursuant to Sec
tion 250 of the Judicial Code, for the purpose of present
ing the constitutional questions thus far considered. That
37
merce, gives to every absolute owner of property who
is sui juris the power to control and dispose of such
property and subject the same to the payment of his
debts, we are fully aware of the fact that many other
authorities may and have been cited to the contrary.”
In Barnard v. Bailey, 2 Harrington (Del.), 56, a con
dition in a devise that the devisee should not dispose of
the property to the blood kin of either the testator or the
devisee, was held to be bad.
In Williams V. Jones, 2 Swan (Tenn.), 620, there was
a bequest to A on condition that she should not dispose
of the property so as to allow either of four persons to
get it. The condition was declared to be void.
In Brothers v. McCurdy, 36 Pa. St., 407, a testator di
rected that land devised to his son should not be sold to
any person for the purpose of making brick or carrying
on a brickmaking business, and more especially that he
should not sell it to Lotz and Beasley, and declared that
the devise of the lot was to be void in case of a sale con
trary to his will, in which event the lot was to be held
in common by the testator’s other heirs. The gift over
was adjudged to be void.
See also He Rosher, L. B. 26 Ch. Div., 801, 816, and Re
Dugdale, L. R. 38 Ch. Div., 176, 179, in both of which
cases In re Macleay, L. R. 20 Eq., 186, was disapproved,
as it likewise was in Manierre v. Welling, 32 R. S., 104.
In Renaud v. Tourangeau, L. R., 2 Privy Counsel App.,
4, where a testator in Lower Canada devised real estate to
her children, providing that they should in no way alien
ate the property until twenty years after his death, the
Judicial Counsellor, per Lord Romilly, held that the re
striction “was not valid either by the old law of France,
or the general principle of jurisprudence.”
In 4 Kent’s Commentaries, 131, Chancellor Kent, dis
cussing this general subject, said:
“ Conditions are not sustained when they are re-
38
pugnant to the nature of the estate granted or in
fringe upon the essential enjoyment and independent
rights of property and tend manifestly to public in
convenience. A condition annexed to a conveyance
in fee or by devise that the purchaser and devisee
should not alien, is unlawful and void. If the grant
be upon condition that the grantee shall not permit
waste or not take the profits, or his wife not have
her dower or the husband his curtesy, the condition
is repugnant and void, for those rights are insepar
able from the estate in fee. Nor could a tenant in
tail, though his estate was originally intended as a
perpetuity, be restrained by any proviso in the deed
creating the estate from suffering a common recovery.
Such restraints were held by Lord Coke to be ab
surd and repugnant to reason and to “ the freedom
and liberty of freemen.” The maxim which he cites
contains a just and intelligent principle worthy of
the spirit of the English law in the best ages of Eng
lish freedom: iniqnum est ingenuis hominibus non
esse liberam rerum suarum alienationem. If, how
ever, a restraint upon alienation be confined to an in
dividual named to whom the grant is not to be made,
it is said by very high authority to be a valid con
dition. But this case falls within the general princi
ple and it may be very questionable whether such a
condition would be good at this day. In Newkirk v.
Newkirk (2 Caines, 345), the Court looked with a
hostile eye upon all restraints upon the free exercise
of the inherent right of alienation belonging to es
tates in fee; and a devise of lands to a testator’s chil
dren in case they continued to inhabit the town of
Hurley, otherwise not, was considered to be unrea
sonable and repugnant to the nature of the estate.”
To the same effect are the following decisions:
Clark v. Clark, 99 Md., 356; 58 Atl. Rep., 24;
29
“ The public policy of this State (New York) when
the legislature acts is what the legislature says that
it shall be.”
Where would one be more likely to arrive at the sources
from which our public policy is derivable than by explor
ing the Constitution and statutes of the United States
and the adjudications of this Court? A student of our
history like DeTocqueville, Bryce or von Holst would at
once be struck by the inconsistency of the principle laid
down in Buchanan V. Warier/, with that expressed in the
opinions rendered in the present case by the Courts below.
It would appear to be obvious that, where a legislature
is prohibited from sanctioning a particular policy, indi
viduals may not enter into contracts in direct derogation
of the same policy. Surely that which a legislature can
not sanction should not be compelled to be done by a
decree of a court of equity enforcing specific performance
of an agreement between third parties, which is the equiva
lent of such legislation and is productive of identical re
sults.
If such a contract as that involved in the present case
is valid as affecting a limited area, it would be equally
effective if it included an entire .city, a county, or a State.
If the Constitution could be evaded as it is attempted to
be by the device here employed, it would not be difficult
to create a situation bearing the elements of a contract
that would prevent a colored person from owning realty,
or from taking up his habitation, in any State or in any
part of a State.
(2) The covenant is- not only one which restricts the
use and occupancy by negroes of the various premises cov
ered by its terms, but it also prevents the sale, conveyance,
lease or gift of any such premises by any of the owners
or their heirs and assigns to negroes or to any person or
persons of the negro race or blood perpetually, or at least
30
for a period of twenty-one years. I t is in its essential
nature a contract in restraint of alienation and is, there
fore, contrary to public policy.
In the present case it is to be observed that the parties
to the instrument sought to be enforced in this action have
covenanted that no part of the land therein described
owned by them “ shall ever be used or occupied by or sold,
conveyed, leased, rented, or given to negroes or any per
son or persons of the negro race or blood” (Bee., p. 7). It
binds the parties, their respective heirs and assigns, for
all time. It is true that in the succeeding sentence it is
declared that the covenant “ shall run with the land * * *
for the period of twenty-one years from and after the date
of these presents.” That does not, however, cut down
the covenant as between the parties so as to limit it to
a period of twenty-one years. But whether the covenant
be regarded as a perpetual covenant or as one running for
twenty-one years only, it is equally opposed to public
policy.
The subject of such restraints is learnedly discussed in
DePeyster v. Michael, 6 is. Y., 497, by Chief Judge Bug
gies. He points out that they were of feudal origin; cre
ative of a violent and unnatural state of things, contrary
to the nature and value of property and the inherent and
universal love of independence; that they arose partly
from favor to the heir and partly from favor to the lord,
“and the genius of the feudal system was originally so
strong in favor of restraints upon alienation, that by a
general ordinance, mentioned in the Book of Fiefs, the
hand of him who wrote a deed of alienation was directed
to be struck off” (p. 498). To deal with this tyranny the
statute of Quia Emptores was enacted in 18 Edward I,
which provided “that from henceforth it shall be lawful
for any freeman to sell, at his own pleasure, his lands
and tenements, or part of them, so that the feoffee shall
hold the same lands and tenements of the chief lord of
the same fee, by such service and customs as the feoffee
held before.”
31
As Chief Judge Buggies says (p. 500) :
“The effect of this statute is obvious. By declaring
that every freeman might sell his land, at his own
pleasure, it removed the feudal restraint which pre
vented the tenant from selling his land, without the
license of his grantor, who was his feudal lord. This
was a restraint imposed by the feudal law, and was
not created by express contract in the deed of con
veyance; it was abolished by this clause in the stat
ute. By changing the tenure from the immediate to
the superior lord, it took away the reversion from
the immediate lord; in other words, from the grantor,
and thus deprived him of the power of imposing the
same restraint, by contract or condition expressed in
the deed of conveyance. The grantor’s right to re
strain alienation immediately ceased, when the stat
ute put an end to the feudal relation between him and
his grantee; and no instance of the exercise of that
right, in England, since the statute was passed, has
been shown, or can be found, except in the case of
the king, whose tenure was not affected by the stat
ute, and to whom, therefore, it did not apply.
The reason given by Lord Coke, why a. condition
that the grantee shall not alien, is void, is as follows:
‘For it is absurd and repugnant to reason, that he
that hath no possibility to have the land revert to
him, should restrain his feoffee of all his power to
alien. And so it is, if a man be possessed of a term
for years, or of a horse, or any other chattel, real
or personal, and give or sell his whole interest or
property therein, upon condition that the donee or
vendee shall not alienate the same, the condition is
void, because his whole interest and property is out
of him, so that he hath no possibility of reverter; and
it is against trade and traffic, and bargaining between
man and man.’ ”
32
In Potter v. Couch, 141 U. S., 296, 313, Mr. Justice Gray
said:
“But the right of alienation is an inherent and in
separable quality of an estate in fee simple. In a
devise of land in fee simple, therefore, a condition
against all alienation is void, because repugnant to
the estate devised. Lit., Sec. 360; Co. Lit., 206b, 223a;
4 Kent Com., 131; McDonogh v. Murdock, 15 How.,
367, 373, 412. For the same reason, a limitation over,
in case the first devisee shall alien, is equally void,
whether the estate be legal or equitable. Howard v.
Carusi, 109 IT. S., 725; Ware v. Cann, 10 B. & G,
433; Shaw v. Ford, 7 Ch. D., 669; In re Dugdale, 38
Ch. D., 176; Corbett v. Corbett, 13 P. D,, 136; Steib
v. Whitehead, 111 Illinois, 247, 251; Kelley v. Meins,
135 Mass., 231, and cases there cited. And on princi
ple, and according to the weight of authority (not
withstanding opposing dicta in Cowell v. Springs Co.,
100 U. S., 55, 57, and in other books), a restriction,
whether by way of condition or of devise over, on
any and all alienation, although for a limited time,
of an estate in fee, is likewise void, as repugnant to
the estate devised to the first taker, by depriving him
during that time of the inherent power of alienation.
Roosevelt v. Thurman, 1 Johns., Oh. 220; Mandlebaum
v. McDonell, 29 Mich., 77; Anderson v. Cary, 36 Ohio
St., 506; Twitty v. Camp, Phil. Eq. (No. Car.) 61; In
re Rosher, 26 Ch. D., 801.”
Especial attention is called to the exhaustive opinion
in Manierre v. Welling, 32 R. I., 104, where many cases
are cited and ably reviewed, and where one of the import
ant conclusions reached in the case next to be cited was
adopted:
“We are entirely satisfied there has never been a
time since the statute quia emptores when a restric-
33
tion in a conveyance of a vested estate in fee sim
ple, in possession or remainder, against selling for a
particular period of time, was valid by the common
law. And we think it would be unwise and injurious
to admit into the law the principle contended for by
the defendant’s counsel, that such restrictions should
be held valid, if imposed only for a reasonable time.
It is safe to say that every estate depending upon
such a question would, by the very fact of such a
question existing, lose a large share of its market
value. Who can say whether the time is reasonable,
until the question has been settled in the Court of
last resort; and upon what standard of certainty can
the Court decide it? Or, depending as it must upon
all the peculiar facts and circumstances of each par
ticular case, is the question to be submitted to a jury?
The only safe rule of decision is to hold, as I under
stand the common law for ages to have been, that a
condition or restriction -which would suspend all
power of alienation for a single day, is inconsistent
with the estate granted, unreasonable and void.”
Equally important is the classic opinion of Mr. Jus
tice Christiancy in Mandlebaum v. McDonell, 29 Mich.,
79, from which the foregoing excerpt is taken. That deci
sion was approved not only by this Court in Pottei v.
Couch, 141 IT. S., 315, 316, but also by the English Court
of Chancery in Tie Posher, L. B. 26 Ch. Div., 801, an un
usual compliment, especially since it resulted in the re
jection of the decision of Sir George Jessel in lie Macleay,
L. E. 20 Eq., 186.
The significance of this proposition is regarded as a
justification for the citation of the following pertinent
decisions.
In Smith v. Clark, 10 Md., 186, a devise of a woodlot
to the testator’s wife and daughters “ on the express con
dition that the same is not at any time to be cleared or
34
converted into arable land,” and a further condition that
the land “ shall be at all times held together by those
who may be entitled to the same by virtue of the will,”
was held to be void.
In McCullough’s Heirs v. Gilmore, 11 Pa. St., 370, the
testator declared it to be his will and desire that a certain
farm “ fall into the possession of W, laying this injunction
and prohibition not to leave the same to any but the le
gitimate heirs of W ’s father’s family at his W ’s decease.”
This restraint on the power of alienation was held to be
void.
In Bennett v. Chapin, 77 Mich., 527, it was held that
when a restriction in a conveyance of a vested estate in
fee simple, in possession or remainder, is against selling
for a particular time, such restriction is invalid. Mr.
Justice Long said:
“ Such restraints are not favored in the law. It is
true that many restrictions or qualifications upon the
rights of the devisee or grantee may be made effectual
by making the estate itself dependent upon such con
dition ; but where the estate granted is absolute, such
restriction can impose no legal obligation upon the
devisees, or limit their power over the estate, when
the observance or violation of the restriction can
neither promote nor prejudice any interest but their
own. This rule was very fully discussed by this Court
in Mandlebaum v. McDonell, 29 Mich., 87, and in
support of this principle the Court cited Hall v. Tufts,
18 Pick., 459; Bank v. Davis, 21 Id., 42; Brandon v.
Robinson, 18 Yes., 429; Doebler’s Appeal, 64 Pa. St.,
9; Craig V. Wells, 11 N. Y., 315.
Aside from these reasons, however, we think the re
strictions upon the sale cannot be upheld. ISTo such
restrictions are valid. When a restriction in a con
veyance of a vested estate in fee simple, in possession
or remainder, is against selling for a particular time,
35
such a restriction is invalid. When a person is en
titled absolutely to property, any provision postpon
ing its transfer or payment to him is void. Gray,
in his rules against Perpetuities, thus states the rule:
‘Suppose property is given to trustees in trust to
pay the principal to A when he reaches thirty. When
any other person than A is interested in the prop
erty, when, for instance, there is a gift over to B if
A dies under thirty, the trustee will retain the prop
erty for the benefit of B ; but when no one but A is
interested in the property, when, should he die before
thirty, his heirs or representatives would be entitled
to it, when, in short, the direction for postponement
has been made for A ’s supposed benefit, such direc
tion is void, in pursuance of the general doctrine that
it is against public policy to restrain a man in the
use or disposition of the property in which no one but
himself has any interest.’
The principle is generally held to be that all rights
of property are alienable, and that a condition or re
striction which would suspend all power of alienation
for any length of time is inconsistent with the estate
granted, and void.”
In Attioater v. Attwater, 18 Beavan, 330, a devise of cer
tain real estate to A “to become his property on attain
ing the age of twenty-five years, with the injunction never
to sell it out of the family, but if sold at all it must be
to one of his brothers hereinafter named,” wms held to be
in restraint of alienation, and void.
In Billing v. Welch, Irish Rep., 6 Common Law, 88, a
covenant by the grantee of land that he, his heirs and as
signs would not alien, sell or assign to any one except his
or their child or children without the license of the
grantor, was declared void on the authority of the opinion
of Lord Romilly in Attwater v. Attwater, supra.
In Schermerhorn v. Negus, 1 Denio, 148, a provision in
36
a devise to children that no part of the land should he
aliened by any of the children or their descendants ex
cept to each other or their descendants, was held bad.
To the same effect are the decisions in Johnson v. Pres
ton, 226 111., 447, 462, and Pardue v. Givens, 54 N. C.,
306.
In Anderson v. Carey, 36 Ohio St., 506, the testator de
vised a farm to his two sons, Thomas and Lincoln, upon
condition that they should not be allowed to sell and dis
pose of it until the expiration of ten years from the time
his son Lincoln arrived at full age, except to one another,
nor to mortgage or encumber it in any manner whatsoever
except in the sale to one another. It was held that the
restraint attempted to be imposed was void as repugnant
to the devise and contrary to public policy. Mr. Justice
Mcllvaine said:
“ Instead of giving to his sons an estate in the land
less than a fee simple the intent and purpose was to
give them the fee simple but to eliminate therefrom
this inherent element of alienability for a limited
period or to incapacitate his devisees, although sui
juris, from disposing of their property for the same
limited period, to wit, until the younger should ar
rive at thirty-one years of age—each and both of
which purposes was repugnant to the nature of the
estate devised. By the policy of our laws it is of the
very essence of an estate in fee simple absolute, that
the owner, who is not under any personal disability
imposed by law, may alien it or subject it to the pay
ment of his debts at any and all times; and any at
tempt to evade or eliminate this element from the
fee simple estate, either by deed or by will, must be
declared void and of no force. * * * In holding
that such restraint is repugnant to the nature of the
estate devised and is void as against public policy,
which, in this State, in the interests of trade and com-
27
procedure was pursued in Smoot v. Heyl, 227 U. S., 518,
and in Walker v. Gish, 260 U. S., 447.
In the first of these cases it was also decided that the ap
peal brought the entire case here, thus enabling this Court
to determine not merely the question of constitutionality,
but all other questions involved in the record.
Horner v. United States, No. 2, 143 U. S., 570;
Penn Mutual Life Ins. Go. v. Austin, 168 U. S.,
695.
This is in conformity with the procedure under Section
238 of the Judicial Code as laid down in numerous cases.
Pursuing the procedure thus authorized we will proceed
to discuss other questions presented by the record and set
forth in the assignments of error—
II.
The covenant the enforcement of which has been
decreed by the Courts below Is contrary to public
policy.
(1) The public policy of this country is to be ascer
tained from its Constitution, statutes and decisions, and
the underlying spirit illustrated by them.
The constitutional provisions considered under Point I
unmistakably indic;ite that the segregation of colored peo
ple from white people and the statutory prohibition
against the occupancy by colored persons of houses in re
stricted areas, are contrary to the genius of our institu
tions. An act which the legislature is prohibited from
doing or authorizing must in its essence, necessarily be
opposed to public policy. So, likewise, whatever the leg
islative branch of the Government inhibits must he an
offence against public policy.
28
As has been shown, Section 1978 of the Revised Stat
utes declares that all citizens of the United States shall
have the same right in every State and Territory as is en
joyed by white citizens thereof, to inherit, purchase, lease,
sell, hold and convey real and personal property. One
would suppose that, if in the face of such a declaration
a contract is entered into calculated to prevent the inheri
tance, purchase, lease, sale, holding and conveyance of
real property by colored citizens of the United States in
any State or Territory, such a contract is repugnant to
our policy. It certainly was not intended that, if the white
citizens of Washington agreed among themselves that
they would not sell or lease any real property lying within
the territorial limits of that city to a colored person, such
an agreement would be enforceable as consonant with the
controlling public policy.
And so when this Court has announced that legislation
looking to the prevention of the acquisition of realty with
in a specified district by colored persons, is contrary to
the Constitution and laws, it would seem to follow that
a covenant between the white residents of that same dis
trict intended to prevent the acquisition of realty by col
ored persons, was contrary to our public policy.
In Vidal v. Girard’s Executors, 2 How., 127, Mr. Justice
Story pointed out that the policy of Pennsylvania on a
particular subject was indicated by its Constitution and
laws and judicial decisions. This view has been frequently
adopted.
Hartford Fire Ins. Co. v. Chicago, M. & St. P.
R. R. Co., 70 Fed. Rep., 201, 202;
Hollins v. Drew Theological Seminary, 95 Y. Y.,
172;
Cross v. United States Trust Co., 131 1ST. Y., 344;
People V. Hawkins, 157 1ST. Y., 12.
In Messer smith v. American Fidelity Co., 232 N. Y.,
161, 163, Judge Cardozo said:
39
Winsor v. Mills, 157 Mass., 362; 32 N. E. Rep.,
352;
Latimer v. Waddell, 119 1ST. C., 370; 26 S. E. Rep.,
122;
Re Schilling, 102 Mich., 612;
Zillmer v. Landgutb, 94 Wis,, 607; 69 if. W. Rep.,
568;
Jones v. Port Huron Engine & Thresher Go., 171
111., 502; 49 if. E. Rep., 700.
That the natural operation of such a covenant as that
under consideration is opposed to the public welfare, is il
lustrated by the allegations of the bill of complaint. It
there appears (Rec., pp. 4, 5) that after Mrs. Corrigan had
entered into the contract to sell her residence to Mrs. Cur
tis, a number of the other parties to the covenant protested
against her act. Whereupon Mrs. Corrigan wrote to these
persons stating “ in effect that her personal interests made
it imperative that she dispose of said lands and premises at
once.” She offered, however, to sell the premises to them
on the same terms as were provided in the contract of sale
to Mrs. Curtis, provided they would indemnify her, but the
plaintiff alleges “that such proposal last named has not
been and will not be accepted by plaintiff, nor, so far as
plaintiff is aware and believes, by any of the other parties
to said indenture or covenant.”
By reason of this covenant Mrs. Corrigan, therefore,
however imperative her needs, is prevented from selling
her property to a willing purchaser at a price which her
co-covenantors are unwilling to pay. She is thus at their
mercy, as are her creditors. The market value of her prop
erty is consequently seriously impaired, and as the years
go on and surrounding conditions are likely to change, its
marketability may become more and more lessened, and
with it its assessable value, to the serious detriment of the
public.
40
(3) Independently of our public policy as deduced from
the Constitution, statutes and decisions, with respect to
the segregation of colored persons and the fact that the
covenant sued upon is in restraint of alienation, we con
tend that such a contract as that now under consideration
militates against the public welfare.
There can be no permissible distinction between citi
zens based on race, creed or color if we are to remain a
free and harmonious nation. To have it appear in the
judicial annals of onr courts that one part of our citizenry
may enter into contracts which are derogatory to another
part, is intolerable, unless we are to abandon our most
cherished traditions. If the different component elements
constituting the body of American citizens can vote to
gether and serve under the same flag, perform the same
civic duties, pay the same taxes and cooperate in the de
velopment of onr national resources, to say that a part
of them shall not breathe the same air or live in the same
neighborhood or pursue the same business as the other
part, because they are colored, is to sow the seeds of dis
cord and would tend to destroy that unity and harmony
which should prevail in a free country.
The restrictive covenant in the present case relates to
the ownership and occupation of property in a residen
tial district. If such a covenant is valid, then what would
prevent similar covenants with respect to districts devoted
to commerce or manufacture? What would there he to
prevent a similar covenant concerning the sale or holding
of store property on Fifth Avenue or Broadway in the
City of New York, on Pennsylvania Avenue in the City
of Washington, on Chestnut Street in the City of Phila
delphia, on State Street in the City of Chicago, to negroes
or to any person or persons of the negro race or blood?
What would prevent such a contract with regard to land
devoted to mining or to agriculture, to forestation or to
any other lawful human activity?
But why need this discussion he limited to a covenant
41
restricting tlie sale, conveyance, lease or gift of land to
negroes or to any person or persons of the negro race or
blood? Following the precedent created by the decisions
rendered in the Court below, similar covenants have made
their appearance in various parts of the country restric
tive of sales and leases of land not only to negroes, but
also to Jews. It will not take long before the prohibition
will be extended to Catholics, and the entire Ku Flux
Klan program of elimination might be made effective by
means of restrictive covenants. By means of like cove
nants differences might be made between rich and poor,
between members of different churches, between the ad
herents of different political parties, between the descend
ants of those of different origins, between native and natu
ralized citizens, between those who have come from the
Forth and the South, the East and the West. It would
lead to positive public misfortune and were our Courts
to sanction such covenants it would give rise to untold
evils.
It is also significant that the covenant forbids the use
or occupancy by or the sale, conveyance, lease, rental or
gift to “any person or persons of the negro race or blood.”
That would mean that a person who has flowing in his
veins a single corpuscle of negro blood would come within
the prohibition of the covenant. It would have included
Alexander Dumas, and thousands of men and women, one
of whose remote ancestors, not only of an antecedent third
or fourth generation, but of the tenth generation back,
might have been a negro. How is that damning taint to
be ascertained? Who is to determine when negro blood
changes its color? Are the courts to make the miscro-
scopic and biological tests which will determine whether
an intending purchaser or occupant of premises coming
within the scope of this covenant is to be precluded from
the ownership or occupancy of so sanctified a piece oif
land?
Let us now consider the decisions bearing on the aspect
42
of the covenant coming within this subdivision of our
argument.
We have already referred to Gondolfo v. Hartman, 49
Fed. Rep., 181, as discountenancing such covenants.
A similar case is Title Guarantee & Trust Co. v. Gar-
rott, 42 Cal. App., 150, 152, where the Court refused to
enforce a condition in a deed providing for forfeiture in
case of the sale or lease of property to any person of
African, Chinese or Japanese descent.
At page 157 the Court said:
“ The rule that conditions restraining alienation,
when repugnant to the estate conveyed, are void, is
founded on the postulate that the conveyance of a
fee is a conveyance of the whole estate, that the right
of alienation is an inherent and inseparable quality
of an estate in fee simple, and that, therefore, a con
dition against alienation is repugnant to and incon
sistent with, the estate conveyed. To transfer a fee
and at the same time restrain the free alienation of
it is to say that a party can grant and not grant, in
the same breath. But the rule is not founded exclu
sively on this principle of natural law. It rests also
on grounds’ of clear public policy and convenience in
facilitating the exchange of property, in simplifying
its ownership and in freeing it from embarrassments
which are injurious not only to the possessor, but to
the public at large.”
At page 160:
“ If the continuation of the estate in the grantee
may be made to depend upon his not selling or leasing
to persons of African, Chinese, or Japanese descent,
it may be made to depend upon his not selling or
leasing to persons of Caucasian descent, or to any
but Albinos from the heart of Africa, or blond Eski
43
mos. It is impossible on any known principle to say
that a condition not to sell to any of a very large class
of persons, such as those embraced within the cate
gory of descendants from African, Chinese, or Japa
nese ancestors, shall not be deemed an unreasonable
restraint upon alienation, but that the proscribed
class may be so enlarged that finally the restriction
becomes unreasonable and void. Where shall the di
viding line be placed? What omniscience shall tell
us when the restraint passes from reasonableness to
unreasonableness ? Who can know whether he has
title to land until the question of reasonableness has
been passed upon by the court of last resort? No
matter how large or how partial and infinitesimal the
restraint may be; the principles of natural right, the
reasons of public policy, and that principle of the com
mon law which forbids restraints upon the disposi
tion of one’s own property, are as effectually over
thrown by the one as by the other.”
A petition to have the case heard in the California Su
preme Court was unanimously denied September 8, 1919.
In the opinion subsequently rendered in Los Angeles In
vestment Co. v. Gary, 181 Cal., 680, which will be pres
ently discussed, the Court referred in terms of praise and
approval to the opinion of Judge Finlayson in Title Guar
antee & Trust Go. v. Garrott, adding:
“ The decision in that case was presented to us for
consideration by a petition for rehearing, and the peti
tion was denied because of our conclusion that the
decision was correct, a conclusion from which wTe see
no reason for departing.”
Consequently the Supreme Court of California likewise
decided that a condition or covenant that property con
veyed “ shall not be sold, leased or rented to one not of
u
the Caucasian race until after January 1, 1930,” was void
at common law as against public policy, irrespective of
the fact that tlie restraint on alienation was but partial
and was limited to persons of a particular class or to a
comparatively brief period.
In State v. Darnell, 166 N. C., 300, 302, 303, 81 S. E.
Rep., 338, an ordinance was adopted by the Board of
Aldermen of Winston, N. C., pursuant to a provision of
the city charter authorizing them to pass any ordinance
which they deemed proper for the good order and general
welfare of the city if it does not contravene the laws and
Constitution of the State, which made it unlawful for
any colored person to occupy as a residence any house
upon any street on which a greater number of houses are
occupied by white people than are occupied by colored
people, and containing a similar provision as to whites.
This ordinance was declared void in an interesting opinion
by Chief Justice Clark, who pointed out that such legisla
tion was similar in its character and tendency to that
which years ago prescribed in Ireland limits beyond which
the native Irish or Celtic population could not reside, thus
creating what was called the “Irish Pale,” and similar
more recent legislation in Czaristic Russia, where the Jews
were restricted in the right of residence in a limited terri
tory known as the so-called Jewish Pale of Settlement. In
each instance the consequences were tragic and resulted
in infinite harm, and constituted powerful incentives to
disorder and revolution. The following passage in his
opinion calls attention to the underlying vice of the ordi
nance then under consideration, in terms which we regard
as equally applicable to the covenant involved in the
present case:
“We do not think that the authority conferred by
Section 44 of the Charter to enact ordinances for the
‘general welfare of the city’ can justly be construed
as intended by the Legislature to authorize an ordi
45
nance of this kind which establishes a public policy
which has hitherto been unknown in the legislation
of our State. To do so would give the words ‘general
welfare’ an extended and wholly unrestricted scope
which we do not think the Legislature could have con
templated in using those words. If the Board of Al
dermen is thereby authorized to make this restriction
a bare majority of the board could, if they may ‘deem
it wise and proper,’ require Republicans to live on
certain streets, and Democrats on others, or that Pro
testants shall reside only in certain parts of the town,
and Catholics in another, or that Germans or people
of German descent should reside only where they were
in the majority, and that Irish and those of Irish
descent should dwell only in certain localities, desig
nated for them by the arbitrary judgment and per
mission of a majority of the aldermen. They could
apply the restriction as well to business occupations
as to residences, and could prescribe the localities
allotted to each class of people without reference to
whether the majority already therein is of the pro
scribed race, nationality, or political or religious
faith.
“Besides, an ordinance of this kind forbids the
owner of property to sell or to lease it to whomsoever
he sees fit, as well as forbids those who may be desir
ous of buying or renting property from doing so where
they can make the best bargain. Yet this right of
disposing of property, the jus cRsponendi, has always
been held one of the inalienable rights incident to
the ownership of property which no statute will be
construed as having power to take away.”
It has been frequently laid down that even a restriction
as to the manner of using land, in order to be valid, must
not be contrary to public policy.
Whitney V. Union Railway Co., 11 Gray, 359;
46
DeGray v. Monmouth Beach Club House Co., 50
N. J. Eq., 329, 24 Atl. Rep., 388;
Brewer v. Marshall, 19 1ST. J. Eq., 537.
The Covenant is Not Ancillary to the Main Purpose of a
Valid Contract and therefore is an Unlawful
Restraint.
Thus far we have treated the covenant the enforcement
of which the Courts below have decreed, in its general as
pects. It now becomes important to call attention to an
outstanding fact, namely, that at the time when the cove
nant was entered into, the various parties who executed
it, severally owned the twenty-four parcels of lands de
scribed therein and on which at the time there had been
erected separate dwelling houses. None of them at the
time of its execution and in connection therewith acquired
from any of the others title to the lands which they re
spectively owned. None of them, had entered into a con
tract with the others to which the covenant was an inci
dent or ancillary. We have, therefore, an agreement be
tween twenty-four adjoining landowners whereby they
agreed among themselves not to sell, convey, lease, rent
or give the premises owned by them respectively to ne
groes or to any person Or persons of the negro race or
blood.
While it may be claimed that this covenant was not one
relating to trade or commerce, in the strict sense of the
term, nevertheless, in these later days, the tendency of
the law has been to encourage the transferability of real
estate with the same facility as has long existed in the
case of personalty. The public policy of today favors the
ready transfer of realty from one person to another. In
Manierre v. Willing, 32 R. I., 104; 78 Alt. Rep., 519, Mr.
Justice Parkhurst, quoting the opinion of Mr. Justice
Christiancy in Mandlebaum v. McDonell, 29 Mich., 79,
expressed the prevailing policy when he said:
47
“ and certainly, in a country like ours, where lands
are as much an article of sale and traffic as personal
property, and the policy of the State has been to
encourage both the acquisition and easy and free
alienation of lands, such restrictions ought not be en
couraged by the Courts.”
The same idea was expressed by Mr. Justice Garber in
Test Oil Co. v. LaTourrette, 19 Okla., 214, 91 Pac. Rep.,
1025, 1028:
“In this country land is one of the chief objects of
trade and investment—‘mud and civilization go to
gether’. As the latter advances the transfer of the for
mer becomes' more frequent. Just in the degree that
the temporary owner of a tract of land is permitted to
impress his notions or caprices upon the fee restricting
its future alienation, just in that degree does it ham
per the terms and facility of its exchange in trade and
destroy that continuance which has given it the repu
tation of being the subject of safe and sound invest
ment. Hence restrictions upon the alienation of the
fee in land are repugnant to trade and commerce, and
are looked upon with disfavor by the law.”
Moreover, as has been shown under the preceding sxib-
division of this argument, long before the rule of public
policy which forbade restraint of trade in merchandise
or the like, came into being, contracts in restraint of the
alienation of realty had been treated as opposed to public
policy. Hence it is our contention that the covenant now
under consideration, which, as an independent agreement
between the parties thereto, limits the sale of land or its
occupancy to a certain class of human beings and excludes
other of God’s children from the right to occupy or pur
chase it, in the aspect of public policy comes at least
within the rules applicable to the restraint of trade in
personalty.
48
In United States v. Addyston Pipe Go., 85 Fed. Rep.,
271, affd. 175 U. S., 211, Mr. Chief Justice Taft, then writ
ing for the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit,
classified the decisions in which covenants in partial re
straint of trade had been upheld. They involved agree
ments (1) by the seller of property or business not to bom-
pete with the buyer in such a way as to derogate from the
value of the property or business sold; (2) by a retiring
partner not to compete with the firm; (3) by a partner
pending the partnership not to do anything to interfere by
competition or otherwise with the business of the firm; (4)
by the buyer of property not to use the same in competi
tion ivith the business retained by the seller; and (5) by
an assistant, servant or agent not to compete with his mas
ter or employer after the expiration of his time of service.
Referring to this classification, it was added (p. 281) :
“Before such agreements are upheld, however, the
Court must find that the restraints attempted thereby
are reasonably necessary (1, 2 and 3) to the enjoy
ment by the buyer of the property, good-will or inter
est in the partnership bought; or (4) to the legitimate
needs of the existing partnership; or (5) to the pre
vention of possible injury to the business of the seller
from the use by the buyer of the thing sold; or (6) to
protection from the danger of loss to the employer’s
business caused by the unjust use on the part of the
employee of the confidential knowledge acquired in
such business. * * * It would be stating it too
strongly to say that these five classes of covenants in
restraint of trade include all of those upheld as valid
at the common law; but it would certainly seem to
follow from the tests laid down for determining the
validity of such an agreement that no conventional
restraint of trade can be enforced unless the covenant
embodying it is merely ancillary to the main purpose
of a lawful contract, and necessary to protect the cove
49
nantee in the enjoyment of the legitimate fruits of the
contract, or to protect him from■ the dangers of an im-
just use of those fruits by the other party. In Horner
v. Graves, 7 Bing., 735, Chief Justice Tindal, who
seems to be regarded as the highest English judicial
authority on this branch of the law (see Lord Mac-
naghten’s judgment in Nordenfeldt v. Maxim Norden-
feldt Co. (1894) App. Cas. 535, 567) used the follow
ing language:
‘We do not see how a better test can be applied to
the question whether this is or is not a reasonable re
straint of trade than by considering the restraint is
such only as to afford a fair protection to the interests
of the party in favor of whom it is given, and not so
large as to interfere with the interests of the public.
Whatever restraint is larger than the necessary pro
tection of the party requires can be of no benefit to
either. It can only be oppressive. It is, in the eye of
the law, unreasonable. Whatever is injurious to the
interests of the public is void on the ground of public
policy.’
This very statement of the rule implies that the con
tract must be one in which there is a main purpose, to
which the covenant in restraint of trade is merely an
cillary. The covenant is inserted only to protect one
one of the parties from the injury which, in the execu
tion of the contract or the enjoyment of its fruits, he
may suffer from the unrestrained competition of the
other. The main purpose of the contracts suggests the
measure of protection needed, and furnishes a suffi
ciently uniform standard by which the validity of
such restraints may be judicially determined.”
See also 13 Corpus Juris, title “ Contract,” Section 420,
page 477, and cases cited.
In the present case there is an utter absence of those ele
ments which in the case cited were deemed to justify cove
nants in partial restraint of trade.
50
That this principle is applicable to restrictive covenants
affecting real estate appears from the decisions collated
in 3 Williston on Contracts, Sec. 1642.
This doctrine does not owe its existence to the Sherman
Act, or any other similar legislation. It is a principle
enforced by the courts both at common law and in equity,
long prior to such legislation.
As applicable to this discussion, we take the liberty of
quoting extensively from the opinion of Mr. Justice
Hughes in Dr. Miles Medical Co. v. Park & Sons Co., 220
U. S., 373. The question there involved was as to whether
a manufacturer, in connection with the sale of his product,
may affix conditions as to the use of the article sold or as
to the prices at which purchasers may dispose of it. There
the condition was ancillary to a sale. Yet it was held, for
reasons about to be pointed out, that such conditions were
contrary to public policy, and, therefore, void. Mr. Jus
tice Hughes said:
“But because a manufacturer is not bound to make
or sell, it does not follow that in case of sales actually
made he may impose upon purchasers every sort of re
striction. Thus a general restraint upon alienation is
ordinarily invalid. ‘The right of alienation is one of
the essential incidents of a right of general property
in movables, and restraints upon alienation have been
generally regarded as obnoxious to public policy,
which is best subserved by great freedom of traffic in
such things as pass from hand to hand. General re
straint in the alienation of articles, things, chattels,
except when a very special kind of property is in
volved, such as a. slave or an heirloom, have been gen
erally held void. ‘If a man,’ says Lord Coke, in Coke
on Littleton, section 360, ‘be possessed of a horse or
any other chattel, real or personal, and give his whole
interest or property therein, upon condition that the
donee or vendee shall not alien the same, the same is
void, because his whole interest or property is out of
51
Mm, so as lie liatli no possibility of reverter; and it is
against trades and traffic and bargaining and con
tracting between man and man.’ Park v. Hartman,
153 Fed. Rep., 24. See also Gray on Restraints, on
Alienation, Sections 27, 28.”
At page 406 tbe opinion continues:
“With respect to contracts in restraint of trade, the
earlier doctrine of the common law has been substan
tially modified in adaptation to modern conditions.
But the public interest is still the first consideration.
To sustain the restraint, it must be found to be reason
able both with respect to the public and to the parties
and that it is limited to what is fairly necessary, in the
circumstances of the particular case, for the protec
tion of the covenantee. Otherwise restraints of trade
are void as against public policy. * * * ‘The true view
at the present time’, said Lord M’acnaghten in N&rden-
feldt v. Maxim Nordenfeldt & Go., 1904, A. 0., page
565, ‘I think, is this: The public have an interest
in every person’s carrying on his trade freely: so has
the individual. All interference with individual lib
erty of action in trading, and all restraints of trade of
themselves, if there is nothing more, are contrary to
public policy, and therefore void. That is the general
rule. But there are exceptions: restraints of trade and
interference with individual liberty of action may be
justified by the special circumstances of a particular
case. It is a sufficient justification, and indeed it is
the only justification, if the restriction is reasonable—-
reasonable, that is, in reference to the interests of the
parties concerned and reasonable in reference to the
interests of the public, so framed and so 'guarded as
to afford adequate protection to the party in whose
favor it is imposed, while at the same time it is in no
way injurious to the public.’
52
The present case is not analogous to that of a sale of
good will, or of an interest in a business, or of the
grant of a right.to use a process of manufacture. The
complainant has not parted with any interest in its
business or instrumentalities of production. It lias
conferred no right by virtue of which purchasers of its
products may compete with it. It retains complete
control over the business in which it is engaged, man
ufacturing what it pleases and fixing such prices for
its own sales as it may desire. Nor are we dealing
with a single transaction, conceivably unrelated to the
public interest. The agreements are designed to main
tain prices, after the complainant has parted with the
title to the articles, and to prevent competition among
those who trade in them.”
Let us apply the principle of this decision to the case
now under consideration. Here the various covenantors
merely combined among themselves to restrain one an
other and their respective heirs and assigns either per
manently or for a period of twenty-one years, from selling
property belonging to them respectively, in the ownership
of which they continued, to negroes or any person or per
sons of the negro race or blood. They thereby limited the
number of possible purchasers. The effect would be either
unduly to depress or unduly to increase the price at which
the property might be sold. At all events it tended to
restrict competition. The covenant happened to exclude
from the list of possible purchasers or occupants negroes
or persons of the negro race or blood. That excluded up
wards of ten million citizens of the United States, or ten
per cent, of the entire population. If Catholics and Jews
had been added to the number of those blacklisted, if
would have limited the possible purchasers to the extent of
upwards of twenty million more of our citizens, or an
additional twenty per cent, of the population.
If a covenant like that under consideration, entered into
53
by white persons, is valid, then a corresponding covenant
by colored land-owners restricting the sale of their prop
erty so as to exclude all white persons or those of the
Caucasian race or blood as possible purchasers, would be
equally permissible. That would affect at least 100,000,000
of our population. Is that, not a reductio ad ahswrdum of
the contention that covenants of this character are not.
opposed to public policy?
If the various dealers in woolen cloth or shoes or pre
pared articles of food carrying on business in Washington
had covenanted with each other not to sell or to give any of
their products to these several classes of human beings
coming within the ban of their displeasure, it is believed
that our courts would not long hesitate to declare such a
covenant as contrary to public policy. How does the il
lustration differ in principle from the covenant now under
discussion? The fact that in the one case the covenant re
lates to the acquisition of a habitation and in the other of
articles of clothing or of food, does not constitute a valid
ground for differentiation. As was said by Mr. Justice
Holmes in Block v. Hirsh, 256 U. S., 156, “housing is a
necessary of life.” It is as much a necessity for those of
the negro race or blood as it is for those of the white race.
If covenants of this character are valid in relation to the
property on one city block, they would be equally appli
cable to a hundred, or, if there were so many, a thousand
city blocks in the City of 'Washington, and since, as was
said in the opinion in the case just cited, “ the space in
Washington is necessarily monopolized in comparatively
few hands” , the cumulative effect of such covenants would
be to drive out of the City of Washington, and for that
matter out of the District of Columbia, all or most of the
persons of the negro race or blood whose bxisiness or occu
pation or interest it is to pursue their respective vocations
in that City or District as it is a matter of public interest
that they should pursue their vocations there. Such a
scheme is not an unheard of conception. It was attempted
54
in In re Lee Sing, 43 Fed. Rep., 359. According to the
census of 1920 the white popualtion of the District num
bered 326,860 and the negro population 109,966, or nearly
a quarter of the entire population. It is also interesting
to note parenthetically that the covenant would prac
tically preclude the white owner of any one of the houses
affected by it, to permit domestic servants of the negro
race or blood to live upon his premises.
It surely cannot be said that our courts are more tender
in their consideration for those affected by trade and com
merce in personal property than they are for the welfare
of those human beings who desire to establish homes and
to acquire the ownership or the right of occupancy of a
place which they may call their own.
Mrs. Curtis is certainly entitled to as much freedom
from restraint upon her right to acquire a habitation where
she and her family may lay their heads, as were the ven
dees of the patent medicine of Dr. Miles Medical Company
to be free from the restrictions as to price imposed by the
vendor of that panacea. She should not for a moment be
lost sight of in this controversy. Her liberty to acquire
property is as much involved as is the liberty of Mrs.
Corrigan to sell hers. The right of both of them to con
tract with respect to the premises here in question is to
be determined, that is, the right of disposition by the one,
and the right of acquisition by the other.
In the aspect of the case now under discussion, namely,
that of a covenant containing a restraint on the right
of alienation or of use or occupation which is not inci
dental to and in support of another contract, or a sale
of property or of a business, it is a subject of serious con
sideration as to whether such a covenant entered into, as
in this case, by twenty-four different individuals, would
not constitute a common law conspiracy. The decision
in Gallan v. Wilson, 127 U. S., 540, 555, 556, would so
indicate.
That case was cited in Granada Lumber Co. v. Missis
sippi, 217 U. S., 440, 441, where Mr. Justice Lurton said:
55
‘‘But when the plaintiffs-in-error combine and agree
that no one of them will trade with any producer or
wholesaler who shall sell to a consumer within the
trade range of any of them, quite another case is pre
sented. An act harmless wdien done by one may be
come a public wrong when done by many acting in
concert, for it then takes on the form of conspiracy,
and may be prohibited or punished if the result be
hurtful to the public or to the individual against
whom the concerted action is directed” (Gallon v.
Wilson, 127 IT. S,, 555, 556).
To the same effect is Eastern States Lumber Assn. v.
United States, 234 IT. S., 600, 614.
While it is true that in the first of these cases, the ques
tion directly involved related to the constitutionality of a
statute of Mississippi, and that the second was an action
brought under the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, it is never
theless believed that the principle invoked was one which
related to a common law conspiracy.
(4) We are not unmindful of the eases relied upon in
the court below to sustain the enforcement of this cove
nant. We contend that these decisions are not only un
sound but also distinguishable.
They are:
Los Angeles Investment Co. v. Gary, 181 Cal.,
680;
Queensboro Land Co. v. Cazeaux, 136 La., 724;
Koehler v. Rowland, 275 Mo., 573;
Parmalee v. Morris, 218 Mich., 625.
(a) So far as they undertake to sustain the validity of
such a covenant as that now under discussion, we contend
that the conclusions reached are erroneous, since they dis
regard the legitimate scope and effect of the decision in
Buchanan v. Worley and of Sections 1977 and 1978 of the
Revised Statutes and the mischief that is inherent in such
56
a covenant. They fail to differentiate between restrictions
in deeds which prohibit the use of property for certain pur
poses, such as that considered in Cowell v. Springs Co., 100
U. S., 57, and a covenant which constitutes a segregation
of negroes from other citizens. They likewise overlook the
distinction between such a case as the present and cases
like Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S., 537, and the Berea
College Case, 211 IT. S., 45, which was fully pointed out in
Buchanan v. Warley and in Carey v. City of Atlanta, 143
Ga., 192.
(6) In Los Angeles Investment Co. v. Gary, supra, the
Court as has already been pointed out, approved of the de
cision in Title Guarantee & Trust Co. v. Garrott, supra, in
so far as to hold that a condition or covenant in partial
restraint on alienation, whether limited to a particular
class of persons or to a comparatively brief period, was
void because contrary to public policy. The Court, how
ever, held that so much of the covenant which it then had
under consideration as provided “nor shall any person or
persons other than of Caucasian race be permitted to oc
cupy said lot or lots,” was not a restraint upon alienation,
but upon the use of the property, and was, therefore,
valid.
The decision was by a divided court which consisted
of five members, two of whom, Mr. Chief Justice Angel-
lotti and Mr. Justice Lennon, having dissented. It like
wise appears from the opinion of Mr. Justice Olney, that
the Court had “not been favored by either brief or argu
ment on behalf of the respondents,” that is, the parties
against whom the condition was sought to be enforced.
Moreover, the question of public policy in its broad aspects
was not discussed.
The prevailing opinion further contains the striking
qualification:
“ In connection with this decision it may be well
to add that what we have said applies only to re
57
straints upon use imposed by way of condition, and
not to those sought to be imposed by covenant merely.
The distinction between conditions and covenants is
a decided one and the principles applicable quite dif
ferent.”
Furthermore, it would seem that, if a restriction upon
alienation is opposed to public policy, a covenant which
would seek to prevent the use and occupancy of property
by its owner would be equally contrary to public policy.
It would tend to produce the same evils as those which
brought about the rule with respect to restraints on aliena
tion. The right to use and occupy property is an essential
incident of ownership. It was so recognized in Buchanan
v. Warley (see p. 7, supra). Of what avail would be the
right to acquire the title of property, if the grantee may
not take it into his possession and enjoy its use? If Mrs.
Curtis could not be debarred from becoming the owner
of the fee of the premises which Mrs. Corrigan was ready
to convey to her, was her right of ownership to be limited
to the leasing of the property to white tenants? The dis
tinction sought to be drawn leads to a palpable absurdity.
(c) In Queensborough Land Go. v. Caseawx, supra, and
Kohler v. Rowland, supra, the Court had under consid
eration conditions in deeds which provided for forfeiture
were the premises conveyed to be sold or leased by the
grantee to a negro. In both cases it was held that the
conditions did not constitute unlawful restraints upon
the power of alienation.
Commenting on these decisions in his opinion in Title
Guarantee & Trust Co. v. Garrott, Mr. Justice Finlayson
said :
“With neither of them do we agree. The Louisiana
case was decided in accordance with the principles of
the civil law, and can throw but little, if any, light
upon the construction of our Code provision, based,
as it is, on the common law of England—a body of
law that, ever since the statute quia- emptores, has
58
more and more treated land as an article of sale and
traffic, as much so as personal property. In the Mis
souri ease the Court in one brief paragraph disposes
of this difficult question out of hand, citing but one
case, Cowell v. Colorado Springs Co., 100 U. S., 55, to
sustain its statement that, ‘it is entirely within the
right and power of the grantor to impose a condition
or restraint upon the power of alienation in certain
cases to certain persons, or for a certain time, or for
certain purposes.’ In short, the Missouri court’s deci-
cision is based upon a dictum of Mr. Justice Field—
a dictum by one of the country’s most learned jurists,
it is true, but a dictum nevertheless which, so far as
it refers to a time limitation upon alienation, is con
trary to all the well-reasoned cases, such as Handle-
baum v. McDonell, supra, and in so far as it refers
to restraints that are partial as to persons or classes
of persons, is, we believe, contrary to logic and con
trary to the clear implication of the Supreme Court
of this State in Murray v. Green, 61 Cal., 367, 368,
that any restraint whatever upon the power of aliena
tion, however partial or temporary, or of whatever
character, is violative of Section 711 of our Civil
Code, and, furthermore, it is dictum that is pregnant
with uncertainties that necessarily would produce the
greatest inconvenience in the world of trade and com
merce, for no one could say whether any particular
restriction was reasonable until the question had been
litigated to the court of last resort, and no judge could
know what standard of certainty should be employed
to determine the question.”
Further referring to Cowell v. Colorado Springs Co.,
Mr. Justice Finlayson pointed out:
“ What that learned jurist (Mr. Justice Field) said
about restraint upon alienation was dictum pure and
59
simple and not in accord with the weight of authority
nor the better reasoned cases. That that part of the
excerpt from the opinion of Mr. Justice Field Avherein
he animadverts upon restraints upon alienation, is dic
tum, the Federal Supreme Court itself has declared
in the subsequent case of Potter v. Couch, 141 U. S.,
315.”
In this connection it is likewise proper to refer to the
comments of Professor Gray upon Cowell v. Springs Co.,
and other similar cases, in Sections 40, 52-54 of the second
edition of his scholarly work on “ Restraints on the Aliena
tion of Property.”
(d) Parmalee v. Morris, supra, like Los Angeles Invest
ment Co. v. Gary, Kohler v. Rowland and Queensborough
Land Co. v. Cazeaux, was a case arising on a condition con
tained in a deed which conveyed property which was the
subject of the restriction. In neither of these cases was
there a covenant between independent owners of land each
of whom had acquired a title free from condition or i*e-
striction of the character sought to be created. Moreover,
Parmalee v. Morris was decided on the authority of the
other three cases, and, therefore, depends upon the sound
ness of the reasoning of those cases, which, we contend,
does not subserve the public welfare.
The opinion of Mr. Justice Moore in Parmalee v. Morris
seems to proceed on a misunderstanding of a legitimate
argument presented in opposition to the validity of such a
condition. The fallacy of the conclusion reached becomes
evident from these excerpts from the opinion:
“ Suppose the situation was reversed and some negro
who had a tract of land platted it and stated in the
recorded plat that no lot should be occupied by a Cau
casian, and that the deeds that were afterwards ex
ecuted contained a like restriction; would any one
think that dire results to the white race would fol
low an enforcement of the restriction?”
60
We answer that such a restriction would be as vicious
as that of which we are now complaining. If the negroes
possessed the wealth of the Caucasians and could acquire
property just as the Caucasians are now enabled to acquire
it, would it not lead to unfortunate consequences if such
a condition were aimed at a Caucasian by a negro?
Let us continue the argument to its legitimate conse
quences, and suppose that it was a Catholic who had con
veyed lands with the condition that it should not be oc
cupied by a Protestant, or vice versa, or if one of German,
Irish, French or Italian descent had conveyed property on
the condition that it was not to be occupied by an English
man or a Scotchman or by one who was a native of New
England, or California, or Iowa, or Tennessee. Would it
not be said at once that such a restriction boded mischief
to the public good?
The opinion continues:
“ The issue involved in the instant case is a simple
one, i. e., shall the law applicable to restrictions, as to
occupancy contained in deeds to real estate be en
forced, or shall one be absolved from the provisions
of the law simply because he is a negro?”
Our answer is that the provision is void, not “ simply”
because the person against whom it is sought to be en
forced is a negro, but because it is contrary to the genius
of our American institutions, to the spirit of the Consti
tution, and to the peace, quiet, good order, unity, harmony
and dignity of the people of the United States.
The attack is made on this covenant because it is op
posed to the fundamental principles on which our Gov
ernment rests, that all men are created equal and that
they are entitled to the protection of their lives, their
liberty, and their property. It is believed that our courts
will not, by their decrees, effectuate a purpose which de
stroys our cherished traditions and which would recognize
61
and tend to create a system of caste. The moment that
there is a differentiation in our courts between white and
black, Catholic and Protestant, Jew and non-Jew, hatreds
and passions will inevitably be aroused, and that which
has been most noble and exalted and humane in Ameri
can life will have been shattered. Great as are the mental
and spiritual sufferings of those against whom the shafts
of prejudice and intolerance are aimed, the lasting in
jury is, however, inflicted upon the civilization of a coun
try which connives at a covenant such as that which has
been enforced by the decrees here sought to be reviewed.
Mrs. Curtis may well say to the covenantors, in the words
of the unknown Negro poet celebrated by Thomas Went
worth Higginson:
“ I go to de jedgment in de evenin’ of de day
When I lay my body down,
An’ my soul an’ your soul will meet in de day
When I lay dis body down.”
(5) Here the appellee has resorted to a court of equity
to enforce a covenant which, so far as Mrs. Curtis is con
cerned, who was a stranger to the covenant, is oppressive
and unreasonable and lacking in equity.
She was not a party to the agreement. She is a victim
of its prohibitions. It is an impairment of her right to
acquire real property as conferred by Section 1978 of the
Revised Statutes, and, consequently, it is believed that a
court of equity should not make itself a party to effectuate
the scheme whereby it is sought to deprive her of the rights
secured to her by the Constitution and the statutes of the
United States and its public policy.
4 Pomeroy’s Equity Jurisprudence, 3d ed., Secs.
1404, 1405;
Cathcart v. Robinson, 5 Peters, 263;
Pope Mfg. Co. v. Gormully, 144 U. S., 236, 237;
Curran v. Holyoke Water Co., 116 Mass., 90.
62
III.
It is respectfully submitted that the decrees appealed
from should be reversed and the motion to dismiss the
bill of complaint granted.
JAMES A. COBB,
HENRY E. DAVIS,
WILLIAM H. LEWIS,
JAMES P. SCHICK,
Attorneys for Appellants.
Mookfield Storey,
Louis Marshall,
A rthur B. Spingarn,
Herbert K. Stockton,
of Counsel.