Reno v. Bossier Parish School Board Brief of Appellee
Public Court Documents
October 2, 1995
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Reno v. Bossier Parish School Board Brief of Appellee, 1995. f68b16f5-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/e2152514-f662-4c87-9e0b-e2b37de01473/reno-v-bossier-parish-school-board-brief-of-appellee. Accessed November 01, 2025.
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Nos. 95-1455 & 95-1508
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1995
--------------- ♦---------------
JANET RENO, ATTORNEY GENERAL
OF THE UNITED STATES,
Appellant, and
GEORGE PRICE, et al,
Appellants,
v.
BOSSIER PARISH SCHOOL BOARD,
Appellee.
--------------- ♦----------------
On Appeal From The
United States District Court
For The District Of Columbia
--------------- «--------------------------
BRIEF OF APPELLEE BOSSIER PARISH
■---------- ♦------------
Jam es J, T h o r n t o n
642 Stoner Avenue
Shreveport, LA 71101
(318) 221-6294
M ic h a e l P. M c D o n a l d
H a n s B ader
C en ter for
I n d iv id u a l R ig h t
1300 19th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
(202) 833-8400
M ic h a el A. C arvin*
D avid H . T h o m pso n
S h a w , P ittm a n , P otts
& T row bridge
2300 N Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
(202) 663-8000
"Counsel of Record
COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO., (800) 225-6964
OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................... i
STATEMENT..................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT . . . 6
ARGUMENT....................................................................... 8
I. There Is No Legal Basis For Importing The Results
Standard Of Section 2 Into Section 5 .................. 8
II. The Court Below Considered All Evidence Relevant
To Section 5 Purpose And Only Rejected Evidence
Relevant Solely To Section 2 .................................. 27
III. The Court Below’s Factual Finding That The
School Board Acted Without A Discriminatory Pur
pose Is Not Clearly Erroneous................................ 39
CONCLUSION.................................................................... 50
*
C ases
Allen v. State Bd. of Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969 ).... 14
Anderson v. City o f Bessemer City, 470 U.S. 564
(1985).................................................................................. 40
Ansonia Bd. o f Educ. v. Philbrook, 479 U.S. 60 (1986) . . . . 22
Arizona v. Reno, 887 F. Supp. 318 (D.D.C. 1995)........... 9
Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Hous. Dev. Corp.,
429 U.S. 252 (1977).................................... 29, 33, 36, 49
Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130
(1976).................................................. 9, 10, 13, 19, 20, 21
Blanchett v. Connecticut Gen. Ins. Corp., 419 U.S.
102 (1974)........................................................................... 24
Board o f Curators o f the Univ. o f Missouri v.
Horowitz, 435 U.S. 78 (1978)......................................... 38
Burlington N. R.R. Co. v. Oklahoma Tax Comm’n, 481
U.S. 454 (1987)................................................................. 14
Burton v. Sheheen, 793 F. Supp. 1329 (D.S.C. 1992)............ 9
Bush v. Vera, __ U.S. ___ , 116 S. Ct. 1941 (1996)
..........................................................................................passim
Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. 380 (1991).....................16, 18
City of Lockhart v. United States, 460 U.S. 125
(1983).............................................................. 11, 13, 14, 25
City of Pleasant Grove v. United States, 479 U.S. 462
(1987).................................................................................. 39
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page
in
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued
Page
Coastal States Marketing v. Hunt, 694 F.2d 1358 (5th
Cir. 1983) ........................................................................... 48
Connecticut Nat’l Bank v. Germain, 503 U.S. 249
(1992)................................................................................... 15
Consumer Prod. Safety Comm'n v. GTE Sylvania,
Inc., 447 U.S. 102 (1980)............................................... 15
Davis v. Michigan Dep’t o f Treasury, 489 U.S. 803
(1989)................................................................................... 14
Edward J. DeBartolo Corp. v. Florida Gulf Coast
Bldg. & Constr. Trades Council, 485 U.S. 568
(1988)................................................................................... 23
Freeman v. Pitts, 503 U.S. 467 (1992)................................ 39
Garcia v. United States, 469 U.S. 70 (1984)................... 14
General Elec. Co. v. Gilbert, 429 U.S. 125 (1976)........ 23
Georgia v. Reno, 881 F. Supp. 7 (D.D.C. 1995).............. 9
Georgia v. United States, 411 U.S. 526 (1973)............... 13
Holder v. Hall, __ U.S. __ , 114 S. Ct. 2581
(1994)........................................................13, 14, 17, 19, 26
Johnson v. DeGrandy, __ U.S. ___ , 114 S. Ct. 2647
(1994).............................................................. 12, 27, 34, 41
Johnson v. Miller, 864 F. Supp. 1354 (S.D. Ga. 1994) . . . . 44
League of United Latin Amer. Citizens v. Clements,
999 F.2d 831 (5th Cir. 1993)............................................... 26
Lemon v. Bossier Parish School Bd., 240 F. Supp. 709
(W.D. La. 1965), a ff’d, 370 F.2d 847 (5th Cir.
1967)............................................................................. 38
IV
Litton Fin. Printing Div. v. NLRB, 501 U.S. 190
(1991).................................................................................... 22
Magnolia Bar Ass'n v. Lee, 994 F.2d 1143 (5th Cir.),
cert, denied, 510 U.S. 994 (1993) .................................... 4
Miller v. Johnson, __ U.S. __ , 115 S. Ct. 2475
(1995)............................................................................ passim
Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974)......................... 38
Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980)......... 17, 21, 36, 38
Morris v. Gressette, 432 U.S. 491 (1977).......................... 25
Morse v. Republican Party of Va., __ U.S. ___ , 116
S. Ct. 1186 (1996)........................................................... 19
National Labor Relations Bd. v. Catholic Bishop, 440
U.S. 490 (1979)................................................................. 23
New York v. United States, 874 F. Supp. 394 (D.D.C.
1994).........................................................................9, 31, 46
New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144 (1992)........... 24
Pasadena City Bd. o f Educ. v. Spangler, 427 U.S. 424
(1976).................................................................................. 39
Patterson v. Shuman, 504 U.S. 753 (1992)....................... 15
Pennhurst State School <£ Hosp. v. Halderman, 465
U.S. 89 (1984)................................................................... 24
Pennsylvania v. Union Gas Co., 491 U.S. 1 (1989)....... 24
Personnel Adm’r v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256 (1979)........... 33
Pierce v. Underwood, 487 U.S. 552 (1988)............... 22, 24
PPX Enter., Inc. v. Audiofidelity, 746 F.2d 120 (2d
Cir. 1984) ...................................................................
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued
Page
48
v
Presley v. Etowah County Comm’n, 502 U.S. 491
(1992)................................................................................... 24
Public Employees Retirement Sys. v. Betts, 492 U.S.
158 (1989)........................................................................... 14
Puerto Rico Dep’t o f Consumer Affairs v. Isla Petro
leum Corp., 485 U.S. 495 (1988)...................................... 22
Pullman-Standard v. Swint, 456 U.S. 273 (1982)................ 39
Reno v. Bossier Parish School Bd., __ U.S. ___ , 116
S. Ct. 1540 (1996)..............................................................5
Rogers v. Lodge, 458 U.S. 613 (1982)................. 29, 34, 35
Shaw v. Hunt, __ U .S .____116 S. Ct. 1894 (1996)
.......................................................................................... passim
Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993)........................................14
South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301 (1966)....... 25, 37
Southern Christian Leadership Conference v. Ses
sions, 56 F.3d 1281 (11th Cir. 1995), cert, denied,
__ U.S. __ , 116 S. Ct. 704 (1996)...........................4, 5
Texas v. United States, Civ. A. No. 94-1529 (D.D.C.
Apr. 24, 1995)............................................................. 31, 32
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986)...................... passim
United States v. Board of Comm’rs, 435 U.S. 110
(1978)................................................................................... 13
Wards Cove Packing Co., Inc. v. Antonio, 490 U.S.
642 (1989)........................................................................... 42
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976)................. 20, 21
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued
Page
VI
Watson v. Fort Worth Bank <£ Trust, 487 U.S. 977
(1988) ................................................................................ 42
Westwego Citizens for Better Gov’t v. City o f West
wego, 906 F.2d 1042 (5th Cir. 1990)..................................... 5
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973)............... 20, 21, 34
Will v. Michigan Dep’t of State Police, 491 U.S. 58
(1989) ................................................................................. 24
S tatutes and R ules
28 C.F.R. §§ 51.53-51.58............................................ 1, 2, 23
28 U.S.C. § 2201............................................................. 24, 25
42 U.S.C. § 1971(d)............................................................... 14
42 U.S.C. § 1973b(8)............................................................. 13
42 U.S.C. § 1973c..............................................9, 14, 25, 26
Fed. R. Evid. 201 .....................................................................5
Fed. R. Evid. 401 ...................................................................37
La. Rev. Stat., tit. 18 § 1363(A).............................................45
L egislative M aterials
128 Cong. Rec. 3,841 (1982)................................. 15
128 Cong. Rec. S6930 (daily ed. June 17, 1982). 16
128 Cong. Rec. 7,095 (1982)................................. 15
128 Cong. Rec. 14,938 (1982)................................ 16
H.R. Rep. No. 227, 97th Cong., 1st Sess. 33 (1981).. .. 15, 17
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued
Page
vn
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued
Page
S. Rep. No. 417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 12
(1982)..............................................................15, 16, 20, 21
Voting Rights Act: Hearing Before the Subcommittee
on the Constitution of the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 79 (1982)................... 15
O ther A uthorities
A. Thernstrom, Whose Votes Count? (1987).....................15
Boyd & Markman, The 1982 Amendments to the Vot
ing Rights Act: A Legislative History, 40 Wash. &
Lee L. Rev. 1347 (1983).................................................. 15
10A Wright & Miller, Federal Practice and Pro
cedure § 2759 (1983)....................................................... 25
1
STATEMENT
1. Bossier Parish is located in northwestern Louisiana,
and, according to the 1990 Census, has a voting age popula
tion that is 17.6% black, and an overall black population of
20.1%. App. 2a.1 The Parish is governed by a 12-member
Police Jury. Although no electoral district of the Police Jury
has ever had a majority of black voters, two black candidates
have been consistently elected since 1979 to represent a
37.9% black district, and the current incumbent, Jerome
Darby, was reelected without opposition in a 26.9% black
district (District 7) under the new 1991 plan. App. 85a; App.
2a; J.A. 55-60.
On April 30, 1991, all the members of the Police Jury,
including the black member serving on its Reapportionment
Committee, approved a plan containing two districts with
substantial black populations. App. 3a. Specifically, District
Four was 45.2% black, and District Seven was 43.9% black.
App. 85a (1 59). The plan was submitted to the Justice
Department on May 28, 1991, and on July 29, 1991, the
Attorney General precleared it. The Police Jury submitted all
materials required under the Attorney General’s Section 5
guidelines and in no way misled the Department of Justice. 28
C.F.R. §§ 51.53-51.58.
Given that the School Board and the Police Jury had
shared the same district boundaries until 1980, the School
Board approached the Police Jury to formulate a redistricting
plan. App. 4a. The Police Jury rejected this overture. App.
29a. State law expressly prohibited the School Board from
changing, splitting, or consolidating the precincts established
1 In this brief, citations are to the Appendix (“App.”) filed with the
jurisdictional statement of Janet Reno, et al., on March 11, 1996, including
the numerous stipulations of the parties which are designated herein by
reference to the paragraph number; to the Joint Appendix (“J.A.”) filed on
August 1, 1996; to the transcript of the hearing of the D.C. District Court
on April 10 and 11, 1995 (“Tr.”); to the exhibits submitted at that time by
the appellee (“Plaintiff’s Exh”), and the appellant, Janet Reno (“U.S.
Exh.”); and to the brief of appellant-intervenors (“A-I”).
2
by the Police Jury for the Police Jury’s 1991 redistricting
plan. J.A. 265a-266a. It was therefore required to use those
existing 1991 precincts as redistricting units for its own plan.
And as the parties stipulated: “[i]t is impossible to draw, on a
precinct level, a black-majority district in Bossier Parish
without cutting or splitting existing precinct lines.” App. 115a
(f 152).
Subsequently, George Price, president of the local chap
ter of the NAACP and an appellant-intervenor in this case,
submitted his own plan to the School Board that included two
majority-black districts, the maximum possible number of
such districts and roughly proportional (2/12) to the Parish’s
black population. App. 6a. The plan was drawn by William
Cooper, of the American Civil Liberties Union, Testimony of
W. Cooper at 1, for the exclusive purpose of “creating] two
majority black districts,” J.A. 260, wholly without regard to
precinct boundaries. The NAACP plan subordinates tradi
tional redistricting principles, such as compactness and
respect for the political boundaries of towns, the Police Jury
districts and precincts. A district court in a related case said
of a modified, “improved” version of the NAACP plan, that it
“most nearly resembles an octopus as it stretches out to the
nooks and crannies of the parish in order to collect enough
black voting age population to create not one, but two, major
ity black districts in Bossier.” J.A. 38. Although the Board’s
plan, like all prior redistricting plans, preserves all town lines
outside of Bossier City in the Parish, the NAACP plan splits
the boundaries for all three. Plaintiff’s Trial Exh. 11 (second,
eighth and twelfth pages of the Exhibit).2
In direct contravention of Louisiana law, the NAACP
plan split 46 precincts, 65 times. Plaintiff’s Exh. 11, pp. 1-26;
App. 29a. (Some of the precincts suffered more than a single
split; thus requiring that they become three or more new
precincts.) Of these, 17 precincts would have had less than 20
people in them. Plaintiff’s Exh. 11, pp. 1-26. The Parish’s
district attorney and cartographer advised the Board, at the
2 This exhibit has been lodged with the Court.
3
September 3, 1992 meeting where the NAACP plan was
presented that its massive number of precinct splits violated
state law, and then it was rejected as a viable redistricting
alternative. App. 6a; App. 99a (1 102). The School Board
shortly thereafter on September 17, 1992, adopted the Police
Jury plan that already had been precleared. App. 7a. At the
September 3, 1992 meeting, the School Board also responded
to NAACP concerns by granting its request that a black be
appointed to the vacant seat on the Board. App. 30a.
Although it had precleared the identical Police Jury plan
in 1991, and although there was no retrogression of minority
voting strength of the School Board plan precleared in the
1980’s, the Justice Department objected under Section 5 to
the School Board plan on August 30, 1993. The Attorney
General found a discriminatory “purpose” because, although
“state law prohibits” the NAACP “alternative plan” from
legally being adopted, this did not “necessarily” foreclose
adoption of the maximization alternative. App. 156a. (School
Board “is not free to adopt a plan that unnecessarily limits the
opportunity for minority voters. . . . ”) (emphasis added).
The NAACP plan’s subordination of basic districting
principles was done solely in order to replace a plan with two
districts having a black population of 44% and 47%, with a
plan that had two black majority districts. Yet this creation of
such “safe” black districts was wholly unnecessary to provide
black voters with a “viable” opportunity to elect their prefer
red candidates. There is no competent evidence of racial bloc
voting in any, local Bossier Parish elections, and the “foresee
able impact” (and actual result) of the Board’s plan was that
two black candidates would be elected to the Board. Speci
fically, the Justice Department’s own expert was concededly
unable to find any racial bloc voting in any election for any
Bossier Parish office, pursuant to either the “extreme case
analysis [or] bivariate ecological regression analysis”
endorsed by the Gingles plurality opinion. Thornburg v. Gin-
gles, 478 U.S. 30, 52-53 (1986); J.A. at 115-21. The only
election where racial bloc voting was found was one “exog
enous” state judicial race (held not just in Bossier Parish),
which obviously reflects different voting patterns than those
4
for local representative office. J.A. 113-15.3 Even in this
single race, the “racial polarization” led to the black candi
date receiving 35.7% of the vote in a parish with a 17.6%
black voting age population, a difference of 18.1%. J.A. 57.
Moreover, even absent such sophisticated evidence, the
raw election results themselves demonstrate that white bloc
voting, assuming it exists at all, is not sufficient to “usually”
defeat black preferred candidates. Gingles, 478 U.S. at 49.
Two different black candidates have been consistently elected
in a 37.9% (and 27.9% in 1991) black Police Jury district
since 1979, a black candidate defeated a white opponent in a
run-off in a 25.6% district for the Bossier City Council and
black aldermen have been elected in three of the Parish’s
towns, one of whom was elected at-large in a town (Haugh-
ton) with a 30.1% black population. J.A. 55-59. In total, of
the 14 “black against white” elections held in Bossier Parish
jurisdictions with black populations of between 18% and 43%
before the School Board adopted its plan, black candidates
who even arguably had black voter support won six, or 43%,
of the elections. J.A. 55-59. Of the two School Board races
analyzed, the black candidates running against a long-stand
ing white incumbent in a 30.1% black district lost by 59 and
65 votes, respectively, and the United States expert found no
statistically significant racial bloc voting in these races. J.A.
57, 59, 116-17; direct Testimony of Jeff Darby at 3; direct
Testimony of Johnny Gipson at 2. Since black candidates
were elected in districts and towns ranging from 25.6% to
37.9% black populations, two different School Board candi
dates received approximately 50% of the vote against the
white incumbent in a 30.1% black district, and the one
“racially polarized” exogenous election provided the black
candidate with 18.1% higher vote tally than the black voting
age population, it is clear, even without the concessions of the
3 See, e.g., Southern Christian Leadership Conference v. Sessions, 56
F.3d 1281,1293 (11th Cir. 1995), cert, denied___ U.S.___ 116 S. Ct. 704
(1996); Magnolia Bar Ass'n v. Lee, 994 F.2d 1143, 1149 (5th Cir.), cert,
denied, 510 U.S. 994 (1993).
5
United States voting rights expert, that a plan with two
districts with black percentages in the mid-40s would provide
black voters with a viable opportunity to elect black candi
dates of their choice. The Court need not speculate about this,
however, because, as the appellant-intervenors admit, when
elections were held under the Board’s “intentionally discrimi
natory” plan in 1994, two black candidates were elected to the
Board, one of them from a 26.7% black district.4
Bossier Parish successfully brought a declaratory judg
ment action in the three-judge District of Columbia court to
obtain preclearance under Section 5. The district court
rejected the appellants’ argument that a Section 2 violation
affords grounds for denying preclearance under Section 5.
4 Appellant-intervenors concede that the elections resulted in two
black candidates being placed on the School Board, but argue, relying on
this Court’s denial of the Motion to Supplement the Record, that such
“evidence of events that occurred after the Board’s decision cannot
illuminate its intent at the time it made the decision.” Intervenor-
Appellants’ Br. 6 n.2. See Reno v. Bossier Parish School Bd.,___U.S.
___i 116 S. Ct. 1540 (1996). This is an odd contention since both
appellants relied heavily on 1993 elections and events (the disbanding of
the new “bi-racial committee”) which occurred “after the Board’s
decision.” However that may be, the most recent elections are relevant to
show the absence of any racial bloc voting or potential “results,” and to
refute the appellants’ erroneous assertion that “the School Board adopted a
plan ‘which guarantees that blacks would remain underrepresented on the
Board.’ ” U.S. Br. 19 (quoting App. 41a (quoting City of Port Arthur v.
United States, 517 F. Supp. 987, 1022 (D.D.C. 1981)) (emphasis added)).
Moreover, it is well established that a court may take judicial notice of any
fact that is not subject to reasonable dispute and is capable of accurate and
ready determination. See, e.g., Fed. R. Evid. 201. Accordingly, appellate
courts have routinely taken judicial notice of post-trial elections in voting
rights cases given their clear relevance to the proceedings. See, e.g.,
Southern Christian Leadership Conference v. Sessions, 56 F.3d at 1288
n. 13; Westwego Citizens for Better Gov’t v. City of Westwego, 906 F.2d
1042, 1045 (5th Cir. 1990) (noting that “given the long term nature and
extreme costs necessarily associated with voting rights cases, it is
appropriate to take into account elections occurring subsequent to trial.”)
(footnote omitted).
6
App. 11 a-12a. In two sentences of its 61-page post-trial brief,
the United States (but not the intervenor-appellants) argued
that, even if Section 2 is not properly before the court, the
court should nevertheless consider and rule upon “all the
evidence . . . demonstrating how clear the Section 2 violation
is.” U.S. Post-Trial Br. 36. The court was to engage in this
inquiry because, if the court found a Section 2 violation, it
could use the “School Board’s . . . awareness that the pro
posed plan might violate Section 2” to conclude that the
Board had a “discriminatory purpose in adopting the proposed
plan.” The district court refused to conduct “full-blown Sec
tion 2 litigation” in a Section 5 purpose case and thus refused
to consider “evidence relevant only to the section 2 viola
tion.” App. 23a; App. 9a n.6 (emphasis added). The court then
found an absence of discriminatory purpose. Although the
district court discounted some of the reasons advanced by the
Parish, because they were not the “real reasons,” it was
“satisfied” that two reasons were, in fact, “legitimate” -
“guaranteed preclearance” and “the absence of precinct
splits.” App. 27a-28a. The dissenting opinion, although agree
ing that Section 2 could not be imported into Section 5,
disagreed with the lower court’s discriminatory purpose anal
ysis, for essentially the reasons outlined by appellants in this
Court.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Throughout the 1990’s redistricting cycle, the Justice
Department extended and distorted its uniquely intrusive Sec
tion 5 powers to invalidate ameliorative redistricting plans, if
they were chosen in preference to alternative plans that con
sciously subordinated traditional districting principles for the
avowed purpose of maximizing the number of majority-
minority districts. The Department has done this principally
by finding a failure to adopt the maximizing alternative
reflected a racial purpose, even though such alternatives were
objectively inferior pursuant to nonracial districting princi
ples, or by invoking Section 2 “results,” which the Depart
ment interprets to require selection of the maximizing
7
alternative regardless of its adherence to traditional district
ing principles. In short, the Department has sought to convert
the benchmark for measuring Section 5 “effect” - the preex
isting system - into the benchmark for initially assessing
Section 2 “result” - the race-conscious maximizing alterna
tive — and found Section 5 violations for failure to adopt the
maximizing alternative, either directly by holding that the
failure to maximize constitutes a proscribed Section 2
“result,” or indirectly by finding that such a “failure” reflects
a discriminatory purpose, as supplemented by Section 2 evi
dence of racial bloc voting and historical discrimination.
In its racial gerrymander cases of the past two Terms, the
Court has expressly rejected any such understanding of Sec
tion 5 or Section 2, and otherwise prohibited interpreting
federal law to require the unconstitutional action of adopting
a race-conscious maximization plan that subordinates tradi
tional districting principles. Specifically, the Court has
explicitly rejected the notion that a Section 5 “purpose” may
be inferred from adopting a plan that more closely adheres to
traditional districting principles than the proposed maximiz
ing alternative and rejected the notion that Section 5 pre
clearance can be premised on a finding that the state’s
redistricting plan violates Section 2, particularly if the pur
ported Section 2 violation is the failure to adopt a maximizing
alternative. Moreover, in keeping with its decision that a
Section 2 violation cannot establish Section 5 purpose, this
Court has expressly held the Justice Department’s “purpose”
findings “insupportable,” without examining any of the Sec
tion 2 evidence concerning racial bloc voting and historical
discrimination that the Department urged upon it as relevant
to this issue.
Notwithstanding appellants’ efforts to wholly distort the
opinion below, the district court here articulated and engaged
in precisely the same analysis employed in those cases. The
court found no proscribed purpose, which is plainly correct
because all the Board did here was choose a nonretrogressive
plan identical to one that had been precleared by the Justice
Department a year earlier and rejected a race-conscious maxi
mizing alternative that is demonstrably inferior with respect
8
to a host of traditional districting principles, primarily
because it split 46 of 56 existing precincts, blit also with
respect to compactness and maintenance of existing municipal
and district boundaries. The court also correctly concluded
that, since Congress did not amend Section 5 in 1982 and
since the 1982 legislative history also uniformly makes clear
that Congress universally understood that Section 5 prohibits
only purposeful or retrogressive changes, preclearance cannot
be denied to a benign, nonretrogressive change regardless of
any unintended Section 2 “result” on minority voters. Having
so ruled, the court necessarily also rejected the Justice
Department’s fail-back argument that it should consider all
Section 2 evidence, such as racial bloc voting, that is
expressly designed to show that rejection of the maximizing
alternative has such a “result,” but inherently can say nothing
about the reason for rejecting such alternatives. Although
appellants desperately attempt to mislead the Court into
believing otherwise, this was the only such “Section 2 evi
dence” rejected by the district court; it manifestly did not
reject evidence that was actually probative of the Board’s
purpose simply because that evidence might also be relevant
to a Section 2 inquiry. This is made crystal clear by the
court’s explicit description of “Section 2 evidence” as that
“evidence relevant only to the section 2 inquiry” and further
confirmed by every statement and citation in the opinion
below.
ARGUMENT
I. There Is No Legal Basis For Importing The Results
Standard Of Section 2 Into Section 5
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act imposes a uniquely
severe burden on states seeking to operate their electoral sys
tems and enforce their laws. In a reversal of all basic principles
of federalism, and all normal presumptions of civil litigation,
Section 5 invalidates all otherwise proper local voting laws and
practices “unless and until” the submitting jurisdiction proves
that it has satisfied the substantive requirements of Section 5 to
either a District of Columbia three-judge court or the Attorney
9
General. Section 5, however, does at least set forth with some
specificity the substantive standard that covered jurisdictions
must satisfy to lift this burden, and the scope of the declaratory
judgments the three-judge court is authorized to issue; i.e., a
“declaratory judgment that such [changed voting] qualifica
tion . . . does not have the purpose and will not have the effect
of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or
color. . . . ” 42 U.S.C. § 1973c. It is well-established that the
effect’ prong of the Section 5 reaches only changes causing
retrogression in minority voting strength from what existed
under the status quo ante. Beer v. United States, 425 US 130
141 (1976).
Notwithstanding this plain and unequivocal language,
appellants seek to erect yet another obstacle under Section 5 to
implementing a voting change: a declaratory judgment that the
change does not violate Section 2 of the Act by creating a
discriminatory “result.” Although the United States does not
dispute that Section 5 itself proscribes only voting changes
with a discriminatory purpose or retrogressive effect, they
argue that the three-judge court (and the Attorney General)
nevertheless has the equitable authority - indeed, duty - to
enjoin changes free from such defects, but violative of Section
2, because Beer and Section 2’s legislative history “authorize”
such objections. This argument is simply lawless in the most
literal sense — it seeks to have the judiciary erect a substantive
prohibition on state governments that can be found nowhere in
the laws passed by Congress. This Court, of course, is not free
to draft its own statutes, and no amount of legislative history or
administrative interpretation can so empower it. It is little
wonder that the United States’ argument has been rejected out
of hand by every lower federal court to pass on it5 and is
irreconcilable with this Court’s binding precedent.
5 Arizona v. Reno, 887 F. Supp. 318, 320-21 (D.D.C. 1995); Georgia
v. Reno, 881 F. Supp. 7, 12 (D.D.C. 1995); New York v. United States, 874
R Supp. 394, 397-98 (D.D.C. 1994); Burton v. Sheheen, 793 F. Supp 1329
1351-52 (D.S.C. 1992).
10
1. The short, and complete, answer to appellants’ argu
ment is that this Court, in just the past two Terms, has already
squarely rejected the notion that a Section 5 objection can be
premised on any grounds other than an invidious purpose or
retrogressive effect. Indeed, these cases resolve the precise
question here by holding that Section 5 affords no basis for
objecting to a redistricting plan because it failed to create
additional “safe” minority districts, unless that failure was
motivated by an invidious purpose. In Miller v. Johnson,__
U.S. __ , 115 S. Ct. 2475 (1995), the United States argued
that race-conscious redistricting was warranted to prevent a
violation of Section 5. 115 S. Ct. at 2491-92. There, as here,
the alleged Section 5 violation was that a political jurisdiction
with racially polarized voting and historical discrimination
had failed to create a sufficient number of “reasonably” com
pact majority-minority districts. Id. In response, the Miller
Court squarely rejected this possible Section 5 defense
because “[ajmeliorative changes, even if they fall short of
what might be accomplished in terms of increasing minority
representation, cannot be found to violate section 5 unless
they so discriminate on the basis of race or color as to violate
the Constitution.” Id. at 2492 (quoting Days, Section 5 and
the Role o f the Justice Department, and B. Grofman & C.P.
Davidson, Controversies in Minority Voting 56 (1992)). The
“State’s policy of adhering to other districting principles
instead of creating as many majority-minority districts as
possible does not support an inference that the plan ‘so
discriminates on the basis of race or color as to violate the
Constitution,’ and thus cannot provide any basis under § 5 for
the Justice Department’s objection.” Id. at 2492 (quoting
Beer, 425 U.S. at 141) (emphasis added). The Court rejected
the Justice Department’s contrary interpretation as an “insup
portable” expansion of “its authority under the statute beyond
what Congress intended” that raised “troubling and difficult
constitutional questions.” Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2492-93.
Accordingly, the Miller Court squarely held that a Section 5
objection was warranted only if a redistricting change is
retrogressive or has a discriminatory purpose sufficient to
violate the Constitution.
11
The Court reaffirmed this holding just last Term in
another case remarkably similar to the instant one, Shaw v.
Hunt, __ U .S .____116 S. Ct. 1894 (1996) (“Shaw II’’). In
that case, the district court and Justice Department argued that
race-conscious redistricting was appropriate because it was
necessary to avoid both a Section 2 and a Section 5 violation.
This Court again found that the Justice Department’s “maxim
ization policy” of requiring an additional black majority dis
trict “is not properly grounded in § 5 and the Department’s
authority thereunder.” 116 S. Ct. at 1904. “Here once again
we . . . find that creating an additional majority-black district
was not required under a correct reading of § 5” because the
nonretrogressive redistricting plan did not violate “the pur
pose prong of § 5” and thus “cannot violate § 5.” Id. at 1903.
Of particular relevance, in Shaw II, the “United States
attempted] to distinguish this case from Miller” by pointing
to the North Carolina State “legislature’s determination that it
may be susceptible to a § 2 challenge” - an issue that had not
been directly addressed in Miller. Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904
n.6. The Court rejected this understanding of Section 5 and
Miller because “we doubt that a showing of discriminatory
effect under § 2, alone, could support a claim of discrimina
tory purpose under § 5.” Id. Accord Bush v. Vera, __ U.S.
__ , 116 S. Ct. 1941, 1963 (1996) (race-conscious redistrict
ing not justified by “state[’s] interest in complying with VRA
§ 5” because the “State went beyond what was reasonably
necessary to avoid retrogression”); City o f Lockhart v. United
States, 460 U.S. 125, 134 (1983) (“Since the new plan did not
increase the degree of discrimination against blacks, it was
entitled to § 5 preclearance.”) (emphasis added).
In this case, the United States again seeks to distinguish
Miller (although not Shaw II) on the ground that “Miller did
not address the issue whether preclearance should be withheld
on the basis of a Section 2 violation. . . . ” U.S. Br. 43-44. But
this is indistinguishable from the argument - squarely
rejected in Shaw - that a Section 2 “results” violation could
justify finding a Section 5 violation. Moreover, even if the
Court had not already specifically rejected this particular
variation on the United States’ consistent “maximization”
12
theme, it eertainly has squarely held that there is not “any
basis under § 5 for [an] . . . objection” except discriminatory
purpose or retrogressive effect. Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2492. See
Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904 (voting change “cannot violate § 5
unless [there is discriminatory purpose]”) (quoting Miller,
115 at 2492).
Moreover, the United States defines a “§ 2 violation,” as a
situation “where racially-polarized voting deprives minority
voters of an equal opportunity to elect their chosen candidates,
and it is possible to create ‘more than the existing number of
reasonably compact districts with a sufficiently large minority
population to elect candidates of their choice.’ ” U.S. Br. 44
(quoting Johnson v. De Grandy,__ U .S.___ , 114 S. Ct. 2647,
2655 (1994)). The United States boldly asserts that “Miller
did not hold that preclearance must be granted in the face of
[such a § 2 violation].” Id. But, of course, Miller did precisely
and unequivocally hold that “§ 5 cannot be violated” simply
by showing that a racially polarized political jurisdiction did
not “create” a “possible” majority-minority district: “In utiliz
ing § 5 to require States to create majority-minority districts
wherever possible, the Department of Justice expanded its
authority under the Statute beyond what Congress intended
and we have upheld.” 115 S. Ct. at 2493. To be sure, in
Miller, as here, the United States specific argument was that
the failure to maximize constituted discriminatory purpose,
rather than a § 2 discriminatory result. See Department of
Justice Letter of Aug. 30, 1993, App. 154a, App. 156a-157a.
Nevertheless, Miller rejected any such maximization policy as
“far removed” from any proper (and constitutional) under
standing of Section 5. Id. at 2493. If it is an unjustified
distortion of Section 5 to interpret its language as requiring
maximization, it is obviously an even greater distortion to
require such maximization by importing Section 2 into Sec
tion 5, without any basis for doing so in the statutory text.
And, as noted, Shaw II rejected any such misinterpretation of
Miller's holding. See also Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904 (“Fail
ure to maximize cannot be the measure of § 2.”) (quoting
Johnson, 114 S. Ct. at 2660).
13
But even assuming that the lower court’s understanding
of Section 5’s scope is not mandated by "stare decisis, espe
cially in such sensitive political contexts as the present,”
Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1964, it is, as we presently show, certainly
required by any rational principle of statutory construction.
2. When Section 2 was amended in 1982 to incorporate
the “results” standard, the life of Section 5 was also extended
for another 25 years. 42 U.S.C. § 1973b(8). Other than this
extension, however, neither the substantive language nor any
other provision of Section 5 was amended in any way. As
noted, it was well established in 1982, pursuant to this Court’s
1976 decision in Beer, that Section 5 “effects” reached only
changes which caused a retrogression of minority voting
strength. Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. at 141 (“[TJhe
purpose of § 5 has always been to insure that no voting-
procedure changes would be made that would lead to a retro
gression in the position of racial minorities with respect to
their effective exercise of the electoral franchise.”); City of
Lockhart v. United States, 460 U.S. at 134 (quoting Beer). As
the United States correctly notes, it is a well-established
canon of statutory construction, particularly for the Voting
Rights Act, that congressional reenactment of a statute with
out change incorporates this Court’s prior interpretations of
the statute. United States v. Board of Comm'rs, 435 U.S. 110,
134 (1978); Georgia v. United States, 411 U.S. 526, 533
(1973) (“After extensive deliberations in 1970 on bills to
extend the Voting Rights Act, during which the Allen case was
repeatedly discussed, the Act was extended for five years,
without any substantive modification of § 5.”)
Moreover, since 1982 this Court has repeatedly recog
nized that the substantive scope of Section 5 and Section 2 are
markedly different, because Section 5 has a much more “lim
ited substantive goal.” Bush v. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1963. See
Holder v. Hall, __ U.S. __ , 114 S. Ct. 2581, 2587 (1994)
(“[T]he two sections differ in structure, purpose and applica
tion.”); Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2493 (Section 5’s goal is
“ ‘freezing election procedures in the covered areas unless the
changes can be shown to be non-discriminatory.’ ”) (quoting
Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. at 140). Specifically, the
14
Court has consistently ruled that “effect” means only “retro
gression.”6 Accordingly, it is even clearer now than it was in
1982 that the effect prong of Section 5 invalidates only new
voting changes that “increase the degree of discrimination
against blacks [or other minorities].” City of Lockhart, 460
U.S. at 134. Plainly it does not reach changes that simply fail
to improve minority voting strength or otherwise embody the
“results” standard of Section 2.
Moreover, no language in Section 5 cross-references Sec
tion 2, no language anywhere in the Voting Rights Act incor
porates Section 2 into Section 5 or otherwise implies that
Section 2’s substantive standards govern Section 5 determina
tions. Nor are Section 5 courts granted jurisdiction to address
Section 2 challenges. To the contrary, the authority and juris
diction of the three-judge court in the District of Columbia is
strictly limited to issuing a declaratory judgment on whether
the voting change has a discriminatory purpose or retrogres
sive effect. 42 U.S.C. § 1973c.7 Conversely, the three-judge
district court simply has no subject matter jurisdiction over
Section 2 claims; that jurisdiction is vested exclusively in the
typical “district courts of the United States.” 42 U.S.C.
§ 1971(d). Accordingly, regardless of what the legislative
history contains, there is no basis for distorting or amending
the “plain meaning” of the language enacted into law.8
6 Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2493; Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904; Shaw v.
Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 654 (1993). See also Holder, 114 S. Ct. at 2587
(opinion of Kennedy, J.) (benchmark for measuring § 5 effect, but not § 2
result, is the “existing voting practice”); id. at 2589 (O’Connor, J.,
concurring) (same); City of Lockhart, 460 U.S. at 134 (The aim of “Section
5 was to prohibit only retrogressive changes.”).
7 City of Lockhart, 460 U.S. at 129 n.3. (Under Section 5, the issues
to be decided by a three-judge court are strictly limited.); Allen v. State Bd.
of Elections, 393 U.S. 544, 561-62 (1969).
8 “Legislative history is irrelevant to the interpretation of an
unambiguous statute.” Davis v. Michigan Dep't of Treasury, 489 U.S. 803,
808 n.3 (1989). Public Employees Retirement Sys. v. Betts, 492 U.S. 158,
172 (1989); Burlington N. R.R. Co. v. Oklahoma Tax Comm’n, 481 U.S.
454, 461 (1987); Garcia v. United States, 469 U.S. 70, 76 n.3 (1984);
15
We nevertheless note that the legislative history uni
formly reflects a universal understanding that the language of
Section 5 prohibits only changes with a discriminatory pur
pose or retrogressive effect. First, every expression of con
gressional intent confirms that Congress understood that it
was simply “extend[ingj the present coverage” of Section 5.
S. Rep. No. 417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 2 (1982) (“S. Rep.”)
(emphasis added). See id. at 7 (“Congress has decided to
retain Section 5.”). See also H.R. Rep. No. 227, 97th Cong.,
1st Sess. 1 (objective of 1982 Act is “to extend continuously
[Section 5]”) (1981) (“House Rep.”). Indeed, as the commen
tators have noted, not one witness at the Senate or House
Subcommittee Hearings in 1982 discussed changing Section 5
or otherwise suggested that changes to Section 5’s pre
clearance standard were needed.9 Even the two representa
tives who desired that a Section 5 objection be premised on a
Section 2 violation clearly stated their understanding that the
“effect” prong of Section 5 reached only “retrogression” and
that it differed from Section 2 “results.”10 The legislative
history otherwise confirms congressional awareness of the
Consumer Prod. Safety Comm’n v. GTE Sylvania, Inc., 447 U.S. 102, 119
(1980); Connecticut Nat’l Bank v. Germain, 503 U.S. 249, 253-254 (1992);
Patterson v. Shuman, 504 U.S. 753, 760 (1992).
9 See A. Thernstrom, Whose Votes Count? 300-01 n.10 (1987); Boyd
& Markman, The 1982 Amendments to the Voting Rights Act: A Legislative
History, 40 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 1347, 1420-21 n.365 (1983). Voting
Rights Act: Hearings Before the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the
Senate Comm, on the Judiciary, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 79-80 (1982).
10 Senator Kennedy: “As mentioned in this report, the section 2
standard is not the same as the section 5 standard. This means not only that
section 2 is governed by the totality of the circumstances factors, but it also
means that the retrogression requirement of Beer against United States
does not apply to section 2 cases - although of course, such a retrogression
would be relevant evidence in section 2 case.” 128 Cong. Rec. 7,095
(1982) (emphasis added). 128 Cong. Rec. 3,841 (statement of
Representative Sensenbrenner) (same).
16
obvious differences between the Section 2 “results” standard
and the Section 5 “effects” standard.11
Thus, even assuming a statute can be amended while its
language remains wholly unaltered, Congress’ deliberate and
conscious preservation of an existing preclearance process
that unequivocally did not reach nonretrogressive discrimina
tory results is irreconcilable with the conclusion that the 1982
Amendments were intended to inject such a results standard
into the Section 5 preclearance process. This truism was made
explicit in colloquies between one of the principal sponsors of
the Act, Representative Edwards, and two of his colleagues,
after the Senate Report had been written.12 Accordingly,
under any theory of statutory interpretation, there is no basis
for interpreting Section 5 to reach Section 2 results.13
11 2 Senate Hearings 80 (Sen. Dole) (“The Section 5 effects test is
different from the results test of White v. Regester.")-, S. Rep. at 68; 128
Cong. Rec. S6930-31 (daily cd. June 17, 1982) (remarks of Sen.
DeConcini); 1 Senate Hearings 89 (Attorney General Smith); 1 Senate
Hearings 671 (Sen. Hatch); 1 Senate Hearings 1689 (W. B. Reynolds).
12 Mr. LEVITAS. . . . I . . . inquire of the gentlemen from
California whether there is any portion of this legislation that
changes section 5 of the act, of the Voting Rights Act, or
changes the tests contained therein. Does it or does it not affect
section 5?
Mr. EDWARDS of California. If the gentleman will yield, I
believe the gentleman is referring to pre-clearance, section 5.
Mr. LEVITAS. That is right.
Mr. EDWARDS of California. No change was made.
Mr. FOWLER. .. . [IIs it true that the proposed amendments
sent over by the other body [Senate] do not change in any way
section 4 of the current Voting Rights Act?
Mr. EDWARDS of California. That is correct; the
preclearance provisions are not changed.
128 Cong. Rec. 14,938 (1982) (emphasis in original).
13 See Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. 380, 396 (1991) (“[W]e are
convinced that if Congress had such an intent, Congress would have made
it explicit in the statute, or at least some of the Members would have
17
Incredibly, neither appellant takes issue with any of the
foregoing. Neither appellant seriously argues that the effects
(or purpose) prong of Section 5 can be interpreted to prohibit
(benign) nonretrogressive changes. They do not seek to have
this Court overturn its consistent holdings, before and after
1982, that “effect” means only “retrogression.” They do not
and cannot cite any legislative history or any administrative
interpretations suggesting that Section 5’s “effect” or “pur
pose” invalidate an “ameliorative” change because of a pro
scribed Section 2 “result.”14
identified or mentioned it at some point in the unusually extensive
legislative history of the 1982 amendment.”); Holder, 114 S. Ct. at 2629
(Stevens, J. dissenting) (“When a statute has been authoritatively,
repeatedly, and consistently construed for more than a quarter century, and
when Congress has reenacted and extended the statute several times with
full awareness of that construction, judges have an especially clear
obligation to obey settled law.”).
14 According to the United States, a statement in the House
Committee Report articulating the rationale for amending Section 2 to
remove the “purpose” requirement, indicates that a Section 2 violation
should result in the denial of preclearance under Section 5. U.S. Br. 38
(quoting House Rep.). Even when taken out of context, however, that
passage does not say anything about Section 5, about Section 5 courts or
about those courts’ ability to entertain Section 2 claims. Of course, if the
passage did say that Congress was amending Section 2 to make its
prohibitions coextensive with Section 5, then Section 2 would prohibit only
“retrogression.” We doubt the United States would accept this result, even
though they elsewhere insist that it would be “anomalous” for Section 5
and Section 2 to have different standards. When restored to its context, the
quoted passage simply advances the primary rationale for why Congress
should overturn Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980) and adopt a non-
“purpose” standard for Section 2, as the immediately following paragraphs
make clear. See, e.g., House Rep. at 29 (“applying a ‘purpose’ standard
under Section 2 while applying a ‘purpose or effect’ standard under the
other sections of the Act would frustrate the basic policies of the Act.”).
But this does not suggest that the non-“intent” standard adopted for Section
2 would be identical to the Section 5 “effect” standard and, much more
important, there is absolutely no suggestion that Congress was modifying
in any way the Section 5 “effect” standard to track Section 2. In this regard,
18
Rather, they make the astonishing argument that a change
can be denied preclearance under Section 5 even if it satisfies
Section 5. In support of this non sequitur, they point to
legislative history and administrative interpretations which,
they claim, “authorize” Section 5 objections for actions which
Section 5 does not prohibit, but Section 2 does. While we deal
with the specifics of those arguments below, the dispositive,
and seemingly obvious, point is that a court cannot object
under Section 5 unless it can interpret Section 5 to prohibit
the proposed voting change.
the most that can be gleaned from the House Report is that Congress
thought that there would be gap in the Voting Rights Act’s protections if
Section 5 imposed a more difficult legal standard on states that Section 2
imposes. If that were the case, then discriminatory voting procedures
would be illegal only if they were changed and triggered Section 5
coverage, but precisely the same practices would be immune from Section
5 or Section 2 challenge if they were “either [unchanged since] 1965 or
because they arise in jurisdictions not covered by Section 5.” Id. at 28. Cf.
Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. at 401. But there is no such gap if Section 5
imposes a less onerous standard than Section 2, because voting procedures
which satisfy Section 5 can nonetheless be challenged under the generally
applicable Section 2. Finally, as this Court has already carefully described,
the House Report was describing a predecessor version of the Section 2 law
rather than that ultimately enacted, which contained only a subsection (a)
simply “provid[ing] that proof of discriminatory intent is no longer
necessary.” Chisom, 501 U.S. at 395. It was only in the Senate, after
“Senator Robert Dole’s compromise,” that a subsection (b) was added to
“provide guidance about how the results test is to be applied.” Id. at 399
n.26, 395. As Senator Dole made clear, “an added benefit of the
compromise is that it makes clear that the White approach should apply by
directly codifying language from that decision in Section 2,” which helped
because the “House report. . . was ambiguous as to whether to the White
test or the Section 5 effects test should apply.” 2 Senate Hearings 80.
Again, while there may have been ambiguity about how closely the new
Section 2 results test would follow the existing Section 5 effects standard,
no one suggested that the Section 5 standard was being modified or
expanded to encompass Section 2 results. As noted, this point was made
explicit by the Edwards-Levitas colloquy when the Senate Bill, with the
new subsection (b), was returned to the House.
19
If no federal law invalidates Bossier Parish’s redistricting
system, there is simply no bar to enforcing this ordinance and
holding elections under it. And if the three-judge court finds
that the redistricting plan is free from invidious purpose and
retrogression, the preemptive constraints of Section 5 have
been lifted and no federal law trumps the Board’s plan. If the
three-judge court decides to also issue an advisory opinion on
Section 2, this can be of no legal consequence because noth
ing in the Voting Rights Act makes such a Section 2 deter
mination a prerequisite to implementing a jurisdiction’s
voting changes and, in any event, the three-judge court has no
subject matter jurisdiction to rule on any Section 2 violation.
Accordingly, even if every Member of Congress clearly said
they wanted the three-judge court to deny preclearance to
laws that satisfied Section 5’s substantive precepts, there is
simply no law which would provide the court with the author
ity to do so and, indeed, any such action would be entirely
contrary to the statutory language Congress did enact.15
3. According to the Solicitor General, a Congress which
engaged in one of its most extensive and divisive debates over
whether Section 2 should be amended to incorporate the
ambiguous “results” test, nonetheless “intended” to broadly
expand the substantive scope of Section 5 beyond the “retro
gression” standard in Beer by incorporating the controversial
“results” standard into the Section 5 preclearance process.
Congress manifested this “intent,” albeit unaccompanied by
any statutory amendment implementing that intent, in two
ways.
First, Congress conveyed its understanding that Beer, of
all cases, had already “authorized” Section 5 objections for
15 Two Justices in Morse v. Republican Party ofVa.,__U.S.___ ,
116 S. Ct. 1186, 1201 (1996) (Opinion of Stevens, J.) opined that any
voting “practices and procedures [that] fall within the scope of
§ 2, . . . must also be subject to Section 5.” Of course, the question of
whether “for threshold coverage, §§ 2 and 5 have parallel scope” is an
entirely separate issue from whether the substantive legality of those
procedures need be adjudged by the same standards. Holder, 114 S. Ct. at
2589 (O’Connor, J., concurring).
20
violations of the White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973),
“results standard” embodied in Section 2. See U.S. Br. 37-38.
Beer purportedly authorized Section 5 “results” objections in
the following sentence: “[A]n ameliorative new legislative
apportionment cannot violate § 5 unless the new apportion
ment itself so discriminates on the basis of race or color as to
violate the Constitution." Beer, 425 U.S. at 141 (emphasis
added). Perhaps realizing that this sentence did not clearly
convey that ameliorative redistricting plans were impermissi
ble if they had a negative “result," Justice Stewart eliminated
any ambiguity by citing White v. Regester at the end of a
string cite in a footnote explaining, in dicta, why the plaintiffs
“could [not] rationally” argue that a Louisiana redistricting
plan’s failure to create compact black-majority districts
“remotely approach[ed]” establishing a constitutional viola
tion. Id. at 142 n.14. One sentence in a 1982 Senate Report
footnote stated that Beer held that an ameliorative change “is
not objectionable” unless the “change ‘itself so discriminates
on the basis o f race or color as to violate the Constitution,' ”
thus somehow suggesting that Section 5 authorized a “results”
objection under Beer. S. Rep. 12 n.31 (1982) (quoting Beer,
425 U.S. at 141) (emphasis added).
This is not a remotely plausible interpretation of Beer or
the sentence citing it in the Senate Report footnote. Beer's
explicit holding and rationale was that Section 5 “effect”
reached only retrogressive changes and therefore did not,
contrary to the holding of the lower court and the reasoning of
Justice Marshall’s vigorous dissent, reach White v. Regester
results. See Beer, 425 U.S. at 157-63 (Marshall, J., dissent
ing). The sentence in Beer cited by the United States does not
reverse that holding, but simply makes the obvious point that
intentionally discriminatory action is prohibited by Section 5.
Actions taken “on the basis o f race" are purposefully discrim
inatory and the Constitution only forbids purposeful discrimi
nation. Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239-41 (1976).
Moreover, the Beer court stated that such unconstitutional
discrimination would “violate § 5." Id. at 141 (emphasis
21
added). And, after Beer established the retrogression stan
dard, the only way an ameliorative voting change could vio
late Section 5 would be if it was motivated by the
discriminatory “purpose” outlawed by that statute.
More to the point, even if Justice Stewart (the author of
Bolden) was confused about whether the Constitution reached
unintentional discrimination in 1976, Congress well under
stood in 1982 that the Constitution embraced the purpose
standard in voting cases and elsewhere. The whole point of
amending Section 2 was, of course, to establish a statutory
“results” test that was different from the “exceedingly diffi
cult” and “subjective” purpose standard that Washington v.
Davis and Bolden had established for the Constitution. See
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. at 35, 71-74; S. Rep. at 28.
Thus, in 1982, it was impossible to have understood Beer's
reference to the constitutional standard, or the Senate
Report’s quotation of that reference, as denoting anything
other than the purpose test enunciated in Bolden and Davis,
which differed so markedly from the White v. Regester
“results” showing. Even if this were at all ambiguous, the
Senate Report itself states as clearly as possible that Congress
was deliberately differentiating the White “results” standard
of Section 2 from the Section 5 “effects” standard.16 Thus, no
one thought that “purpose” meant “results”; no one thought
“effect” meant anything other than retrogression and no one
thought Beer held that “purpose” or “effect” meant “results.”
To be sure, the Committee staffers who authored the
Senate Report then went on to express their desire that the
Attorney General (and perhaps three-judge Section 5 courts)
object not only to laws which violate the substantive scope of
Section 5, but “also” to those that “violate Section 2.” S. Rep.
at 12 n.31. But the relevant point is that neither this sentence,
nor any other in the legislative history, purports to suggest
16 “By referring to the ‘results’ of a challenged practice and by
explicitly codifying the White standard, the amendment distinguishes the
standard for proving a violation under Section 2 from the standard for
determining whether a proposed change has a discriminatory ‘effect’ under
Section 5 of the Act.” S. Rep. at 68.
22
that Section 5 outlawed the “results” proscribed by Section 2.
To the contrary, if Section 5’s substantive requirements did
mirror those of Section 2, then there could be no such thing as
a change which satisfied Section 5 but nonetheless violated
Section 2. That being so, the desires expressed in the Senate
Report concerning how Section 5 was to be enforced are
meaningless - it is neither law nor even legislative history.
“[U]nenacted approvals, beliefs, and desires are not laws.”
Puerto Rico Dep’t o f Consumer Affairs v. Isla Petroleum
Corp., 485 U.S. 495, 501 (1988). As in Isla Petroleum,
“[t]here is no text here . . . to which expressions of . . . intent
in legislative history might attach.” Id. at 501.17 The only
purpose of legislative history is to illuminate the meaning of
ambiguous statutory language, and the Senate Report does not
purport to relate to any statutory language, even assuming
there was some ambiguity in Section 5.
For essentially the same reason, the fact that the Justice
Department has issued administrative guidelines saying the
Attorney General will enter a Section 5 objection when “nec
essary to prevent a clear violation of amended section 2” is of
no consequence. 28 C.F.R. § 51.55(b)(2). Assuming arguendo
that the Attorney General’s interpretation of the Voting Rights
Act is entitled to any deference in these circumstances,18 the
17 Even if the Senate Report did purport to interpret the meaning of
Section 5, it could not affect the construction of that provision because
Section 5’s language was not changed in 1982. In Pierce v. Underwood,
487 U.S. 552, 567 (1988), this Court held that a Committee Report setting
forth a very definite view of a 1980 civil rights attorneys’ fee statute, at the
time the statute was reenacted in 1985 without change to its language, was
irrelevant to interpreting the statute’s meaning because, “[q]uite obviously,
reenacting precisely the same language would be a strange way to make a
change.”
18 As the district court correctly noted, such deference is not
appropriate given that an action seeking preclearance may be brought in
court in the first instance. Litton Fin. Printing Div. v. NLRB, 501 U.S. 190,
203 (1991). Furthermore, the Department’s guidelines are just that and are
not entitled to the deference afforded regulations. See, e.g., General Elec.
Co. v. Gilbert, 429 U.S. 125, 141 (1976); Ansonia Bd. of Educ. v.
23
relevant guidelines do not purport to “interpret” anything in
the Voting Rights Act or Section 5. Rather, in stark contrast to
the argument the Justice Department advances in this Court,
its guidelines clearly state that a “change affecting voting is
considered to have a discriminatory effect under Section 5 if
it will lead to a retrogression in the position of members of a
racial or language minority group. . . . ” 28 C.F.R. § 51.54(a).
Thus, the Justice Department concedes that effect encom
passes only retrogression, but not Section 2’s “result.” The
guidelines then go on to simply announce that even if a
change satisfies Section 5, the Department will withhold
preclearance if the change clearly violates Section 2. 28
C.F.R. § 51.55(b)(2). Thus, the guidelines nowhere contend
that Section 5 reaches changes with discriminatory results,
but quite candidly acknowledge that they must rely on Section
2 to invalidate such nonretrogressive changes. Since the Court
will not defer to an agency interpretation of unambiguous
statutory language, it obviously cannot defer to agency poli
cies that concededly rest on no statutory language.19 See
Philbrook, 479 U.S. 60, 69 n.6 (1986) (noting that administrative
“guidelines are properly accorded less weight than administrative
regulations declared by Congress to have the force of law.”). More
important, as in Miller, deference should not be accorded the Department’s
interpretation given the serious constitutional concerns it raises. 115 S. Ct.
at 2491 (citing Edward J. DeBartolo Corp. v. Florida Gulf Coast Bldg. &
Constr. Trades Council, 485 U.S. 568, 574-75 (1988)). See also National
Labor Relations Bd. v. Catholic Bishop, 440 U.S. 490 (1979). Not only is
the Equal Protection Clause implicated by the Department’s maximization
policy, but also this expansion of Section 5 would cause serious concerns
under the Tenth Amendment and federalism principles given the additional
burdens on States. Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2493.
19 Perhaps the United States’ silliest argument is that this Court
should give weight to the fact that a House Subcommittee in 1987
“endorsed” an Attorney General’s Guideline that resembled the Justice
Department’s current guideline on the interaction of Section 2 and Section
5. U.S. Br. 40-41. The fact that a handful of Representatives from a
different Congress, who were not amending the Voting Rights Act, viewed
favorably an Executive Branch enforcement policy says nothing about
24
Presley v. Etowah County Comm'n, 502 U.S. 491, 509 (1992)
(refusing deference to the Attorney General because Section 5
“unambiguous[ly]” does not cover changes to decisionmaking
authority).
Moreover, it is a cardinal “rule of statutory construction
that if Congress intends to alter the 'usual constitutional
balance between the States and the Federal Government,’ it
must make its intention to do so ‘unmistakably clear in the
language of the statute.’ ” Will v. Michigan Dep’t of State
Police, 491 U.S. 58, 65 (1989). See New York v. United States,
505 U.S. 144, 171 (1992); Pennsylvania v. Union Gas Co.,
491 U.S. 1, 7 (1989); Pennhurst State School & Hosp. v.
Halderman, 465 U.S. 89, 99 (1984). The United States’
attempt to increase Section 5’s burden on the states emphat
ically flunks this stringent test since there is no “language of
the statute” suggesting that Section 2 is incorporated into
Section 5, much less unmistakably clear language to this
effect.20
congressional intent five years earlier. Blanchette v. Connecticut Gen. Ins.
Corp., 419 U.S. 102, 132 (1974); Pierce, 487 U.S. at 566 (“[I]t is the
function of the courts and not the Legislature, much less a Committee of
one House of the Legislature, to say what an enacted statute means.’’) If we
are wrong in this, however, we respectfully submit that the Court is obliged
to solicit the views of the current House Subcommittee on Civil and
Constitutional Rights, who are entitled to similar deference and might well
have a very different view of the Justice Department’s Section 2 and
“maximization” policies.
20 Abandoning any pretense that their argument is supported by any
federal law, the United States makes the shocking suggestion that, even if
the Voting Rights Act does not authorize any such objection, Section 5
courts may, in the exercise of their “equitable discretion,” enjoin state law
practices merely because they offend the Court’s view of the “public
interest.” U.S. Br. 34-35. While district courts exercising the equitable
authority granted by 28 U.S.C. § 2201 obviously “may,” pursuant to
virtually unreviewable “discretion,” refuse to adjudicate declaratory
judgment actions brought before them, this plainly has no application to the
duties of courts exercising the extraordinary and unique powers under
Section 5. As the correlative responsibility of the Attorney General reflects,
25
We note finally that the appellants determined twisting of
Section 5 is wholly unnecessary to protect any voting rights
of minorities guaranteed by the 1982 Voting Rights Act.
Obviously, if any jurisdiction violates any Section 2 rights,
much less commits a “clear” violation, the Justice Department
and private intervenors can promptly bring a Section 2 law
suit to swiftly end any such deprivation.21 Here, the Board’s
Section 5 courts are not permitted to issue a declaratory judgment under
Section 2201, they must “expeditious[ly],” Morris v. Gressette, 432 U.S.
491, 504 (1977), issue such a declaratory judgment under the duties
imposed by 42 U.S.C. 1973c, because submitting jurisdictions are “entitled
to preclcarance,” Lockhart, 460 U.S. at 134, to relieve the temporary
“suspension of] new voting regulations pending scrutiny by federal
authorities,” South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301, 334 (1966),
unless the court finds that the change has the prescribed “purpose or
effect.” Cf. 42 U.S.C. § 1973c (Attorney General has 60 days to object). If
the Section 5 courts truly did enjoy the discretion granted by § 2201, they
could permissibly refuse to relieve Section 5’s preemption of state laws for
virtually any reason, including “inconvenience,” even if the changes
plainly did not violate either Section 5 or Section 2. 10A Wright & Miller,
Federal Practice and Procedure § 2759. Needless to say, this would be
blatantly unconstitutional. South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. at
335-36. But even if the specious analogy to Section 2201 is accepted, the
United States argument is still unavailing because § 2201 only authorizes
district courts to refrain from resolving the potential controversy and thus
maintaining the status quo where the presumptively valid state law remains
in effect. It obviously does not empower district courts to issue a
declaratory judgment that the state law satisfies the federal commands with
which it allegedly conflicts, but then nonetheless enjoin the state law
because it allegedly offends another law over which the court has no
jurisdiction, in order to serve the “public interest.” Yet the Justice
Department seeks just such an expansion of Section 5 courts’ substantive
powers (and necessarily, then, its own power) by arguing that a court may
declare compliance with Section 5’s purpose and effect, but then enjoin the
practice due to a perceived Section 2 violation, all in the name of the
Court’s inherent “discretion" to vindicate the public interest.
21 In this regard, the United States suggests that it would be
“anomalous” if courts resolving Section 5 questions could not also
adjudicate Section 2 disputes. But any such “anomaly" is, of course,
26
redistricting plan plainly did not violate Section 2 because
there was no “reasonable alternative” benchmark plan that
was either “compact” or did not subordinate traditional dis
tricting principles. Holder, 114 S. Ct. at 2589 (O’Connor, J.,
concurring); Gingles, 478 U.S. at 50. More important, as
shown above (infra p. 3-5), appellants would be utterly
unable to prove any racial bloc voting by white or black
citizens in local Bossier Parish elections and the one “exog
enous” state judicial race (held not just in Bossier Parish),
where racial bloc voting was found, obviously cannot show
that whites “usually” defeat black-preferred candidates. Gin
gles, -478 U.S. at 51. Thus, the Justice Department could
never have mounted a successful Section 2 suit, particularly
since the Fifth Circuit uses a more stringent test for bloc
voting than the Gingles plurality, which is precisely why the
Department has never challenged the Police Jury plan identi
cal to the “intentionally discriminatory” School Board plan
that so “clearly” violates Section 2. See, e.g., League of
United Latin Amer. Citizens v. Clements, 999 F.2d 831,
inherent in the fact that, as this Court has repeatedly confirmed, the two
statutes have different substantive standards. (See infra p. 13) The entities
covered by Section 2 and Section 5 are different, the burdens of proof are
different, the benchmarks for measuring racial impact are necessarily
different, the courts which adjudicate such disputes are different, the
triggering mechanisms (“change”) for coverage are different, and most
important, Section 5 imposes unique burdens on sovereign state
governments. Therefore, it would be quite “anomalous” indeed if Section 5
did not have a more “limited substantive goal” than the generally
applicable Section 2. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1963. Moreover, it is only by
accepting appellants’ argument that this Court would authorize
“relitigation” and potentially conflicting judgments. See U.S. Br. 24. If a
Section 5 court were, after a full trial, to affirmatively find no Section 2
violation and grant preclearance, the jurisdiction would have no res
judicata defense to a subsequent Section 2 suit because Section 5 clearly
states that neither the Attorney General’s preclearance “nor a declaratory
judgment entered under this section shall bar subsequent action to enjoin
enforcement of [the voting change].” 42 U.S.C. § 1973c.
27
850-55 (5th Cir. 1993) (requiring consideration of nonracial
causes of racial bloc voting).22
II. The Court Below Considered All Evidence Relevant
To Section 5 Purpose And Only Rejected Evidence
Relevant Solely To Section 2
The district court opinion clearly states, “[b]ecause we
hold . . . that section 2 of the Voting Rights Act . . . has no
place in this section 5 action, much of the evidence relevant
only to the section 2 inquiry is not discussed in this opinion.”
App. 9a n.6 (emphasis added). So far as we can discern,
appellants do not maintain that this constituted legal error if
Section 2 was not properly before the court below. Neither
appellant argues in this Court that all evidence relevant to
establishing a Section 2 “results” violation is relevant to the
Section 5 purpose inquiry, nor do they advance the non
22 Appellant’s Procrustean attempt to force Section 2 litigation into
the Section 5 proceeding is also wholly unworkable because of the two
statutes’ differing evidentiary burdens. And even if this Court were
inclined to rewrite Section 5’s plain requirements and place the Section 2
burden on the United States, this would merely complicate the submitting
jurisdiction’s task because they would have to await the United States’
discovery and presentation of complex evidence concerning racial bloc
voting, and all the voluminous “Senate Report factors” before it could
“rebut” this enormous evidentiary showing. See Gingles, 478 U.S. at 44-45
(listing “nonexclusive” Senate Report factors and “stressing]” that “other
factors may also be relevant.”). Moreover, the three-judge court “must”
examine all such “evidence in the totality of circumstances,” because
Section 2 violations were “intended by Congress to be judgments resting
on comprehensive, not limited, canvassing of relevant facts.” Johnson, 114
S. Ct. at 2657. Consequently, the extraordinary confusion and delay
engendered by injecting Section 2 issues into Section 5 cases would, as a
practical matter, preclude any jurisdiction from seeking preclearance from
the Section 5 courts, since timely resolution is essential under Section 5,
particularly in the redistricting context. This is, of course, the Justice
Department’s intended result, since it would then become the sole
practicable gateway for all Section 5 submissions and would have to
“prove” a Section 2 violation only to itself.
28
sequitur that the court should have considered that subset of
Section 2 evidence that is “irrelevant” to Section 5 purpose.
Consequently, in order to manufacture a “legal error” in
this straightforward “clearly erroneous” case, appellants dis
tort beyond recognition the legal principle actually announced
by the district court and devote the bulk of their briefs to
attacking the straw man thus created. Specifically, they argue
that some evidence is relevant to both Section 2 and Section 5
violations and that the court below excluded probative Sec
tion 5 purpose evidence solely because it was also relevant to
establishing a Section 2 violation. Appellants provide two
examples of evidence which was allegedly so excluded: the
racial impact of the Bossier Parish’s redistricting plan and the
official history of racial discrimination in Louisiana.
While we certainly agree that courts - in Section 5
proceedings or elsewhere - should not exclude evidence pro
bative of the legal question being resolved simply because it
is also relevant to another legal issue, the district court did
not in word or deed so exclude any such evidence probative
of the Section 5 purpose inquiry because it also shed light on
the Section 2 question. Any suggestion that the court did
reject evidence relevant to both Section 2 and Section 5 is, of
course, irreconcilable with the court’s plain statement that it
was not considering “evidence relevant only to the Section 2
inquiry.” App. 9a n.6 (emphasis added). Moreover, in apply
ing this standard, the court did consider the impact of the
Board’s redistricting plan and, indeed, devoted most of its
opinion to explaining why that alleged impact did not reflect
the racially discriminatory purpose. To be sure, the court
below did not yet again recite the familiar litany of the
Louisiana state legislature’s shameful prior discrimination
against black voters, for the very good reason that this history
sheds absolutely no light on the Bossier Parish School
Board’s purpose in adopting its redistricting plan. Indeed, the
court below’s method of analyzing the Section 5 discrimina
tory purpose issue mirrors precisely the analysis employed by
this Court to resolve the same issue in Miller and Shaw 11.
1. In Miller, as here, the Justice Department strenu
ously argued that its Section 5 “purpose” objection to the
29
initial Georgia redistricting plan was well-founded because
there was a “history of discrimination in voting” continuing
“into the 1980’s,” as well as substantial “racial bloc voting”
and the fact that “black candidates had in the past virtually
never been successful.” Brief of United States filed in Miller
v. Johnson, at 32-33. As here, the Justice Department argued
that such evidence was probative under Rogers v. Lodge, 458
U.S. 613 (1982) and the Arlington Heights factors for “racial
impact” and the “historical background of the decision.” Id.
See Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Hous. Dev.
Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 266-67 (1977). As noted, without any
reference or inquiry into these factors, the Court found the
Justice Department had “no reasonable basis” to infer a dis
criminatory purpose. Miller, 115 S. Ct. 2492. Rather, the
Court found no such purpose solely on the grounds that the
district court had “accepted” the Attorney General’s “detailed
explanation [that] the initial decision not to enact the max-
black plan” was due to its “policy of adhering to other
districting principles.” Id. Similarly, in Shaw II, the Court
found the Justice Department’s “purpose” argument “insup
portable” because North Carolina initially rejected the “sec
ond minority district” in order “to keep precincts whole, to
avoid dividing counties into more than two districts . . . ” and
other neutral redistricting principles. 116 S. Ct. at 1904
(emphasis added). Again, in reaching this determination, the
Court viewed as irrelevant North Carolina’s well-documented
history of racial discrimination and racially polarized voting.
See, e.g., Gingles, 478 U.S. at 38, 59.
Thus, in both cases, this Court resolved the Section 5
purpose inquiry solely by determining whether there were
legitimate and credible reasons for rejecting the plan with the
additional minority district and eschewed as irrelevant the
Section 2 evidence concerning prior voting discrimination
and racial bloc voting. As noted, the Shaw II opinion also
explicitly expressed its disagreement with the notion “that a
showing of discriminatory effect under § 2, alone, could
support a claim of discriminatory purpose under § 5.” 116 S.
Ct. at 1904 n.6. Since this is precisely the analysis articulated
and followed by the district court (albeit in far greater detail),
30
it is impossible to conclude that it erroneously excluded
probative Section 5 evidence.23
2. Apparently recognizing this, appellants seek to mis-
characterize the district court opinion as holding that other
wise probative evidence of discriminatory purpose somehow
becomes incompetent because it also is relevant to Section 2.
The district court said no such thing, as is made particularly
clear by analyzing the argument that the Justice Department
actually advanced below.
As part of its ongoing effort to have Section 5 courts
convert their analysis of the purpose of a voting change into a
full-blown Section 2 trial of the underlying system being
changed, the United States argued that, even if Section 2 is
not properly an issue before the Court, the Court should
nevertheless consider and rule upon “all the evidence . . .
demonstrating how clear the Section 2 violation is.” U.S.
Post-Trial Br. 36. See infra note 5. The Court was supposed to
engage in this seemingly pointless inquiry because, if the
Court found a Section 2 violation, it could use the “School
Board’s . . . awareness that the proposed plan might violate
Section 2” to conclude that the Board had a “discriminatory
purpose in adopting the proposed plan.” Id. It also identified
23 In a truly pathetic attempt to suggest that the district court did not
follow Miller's analysis, and that Miller considered Section 2 “results”
evidence, the Solicitor General maintains that Miller did consider such
results because “the Court considered the [redistricting] plan’s ameliorative
impact.” U.S. Br. 22 (citing 115 S. Ct. at 2492). To be sure, the Miller
Court, like the court below, did point out that the initial Georgia
redistricting “plans were ‘ameliorative’ and could not have violated § 5’s
non-retrogression principle.” Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2492. App. 10a (“And,
all parties agree that the School Board's proposed redistricting will not
have a retrogressive effect.”). Both courts then considered whether the
choice of the redistricting plan with a greater adverse impact (less “safe”
black seats) reflected a discriminatory purpose. Neither court, however,
examined the Section 2 results evidence concerning racial bloc voting or
prior historical discrimination that the Justice Department urged upon both
courts.
31
one subset of Section 2 evidence - “the history of discrimina
tion in Bossier Parish, especially discrimination affecting the
right to vote” - as “independently relevant to the purpose
issue.” Id. Thus, the Justice Department drew a clear distinc
tion between that subset of Section 2 evidence that was
“independently relevant” on its own terms to Section 5 pur
pose and the other “Section 2 evidence” that should be con
sidered to resolve whether there was a Section 2 violation.
The court below quite properly rejected the Justice
Department’s effort “to do indirectly what it cannot do
directly” by refusing to conduct “full-blown section 2 litiga
tion” on an issue not properly before it. App. 23a (quoting
New York v. U.S., 874 F. Supp. at 399). This in no way implies
the very different proposition that the court rejected evidence
that is “independently relevant” to the Section 5 purpose
inquiry simply because it might also be relevant to a Section 2
violation. As noted, the court’s explicit characterization of
“section 2 evidence” as “evidence relevant only to a Section 2
violation” eliminates any potential ambiguity on this point.
Moreover, every statement by the district court further dem
onstrates that it was rejecting only the Justice Department’s
back-door effort to introduce all Section 2 evidence by equat
ing the Section 2 violation with discriminatory purpose, but
was not making the indefensible ruling that otherwise mate
rial evidence of purpose somehow should be excluded
because it was also relevant to Section 2.24 Appellants can
24 The court stated that it would not resolve “alleged section 2
violations” even if advanced by appellants “under the guise of ‘purpose’
evidence.” App. 23a. (emphasis added). It did not say it refused to consider
legitimate evidence of Section 5 purpose because it also might be relevant
to establishing a Section 2 violation. Quoting Miller, Texas, and New York,
it noted that resolving whether a “voting-procedure change[ ] . . , ” was
motivated by a discriminatory purpose is a much narrower and different
inquiry than “full-blown section 2 litigation” challenging “the existence of
an allegedly discriminatory system.” App. 23a. In light of these “differing
standards,” the court, like this Court in Shaw, would not permit inapposite
“section 2 evidence to prove discriminatory purpose under Section 5.”
App. 23a-24a.
32
point to nothing in the opinion which suggests the district
court’s exclusion of the “section 2 evidence” urged upon it by
the U.S. was accompanied by an additional, sub silentio
exclusion of evidence relating to both “section 2” and Section
5.25 Thus, like the Section 5 courts in the New York and Texas
cases, the court below simply rejected the United States’
facially implausible argument that the existence of a Section 2
violation in the underlying system, or the submitting jurisdic
tion’s “awareness o f ’ that potential violation, somehow estab
lished discriminatory purpose in their choice of competing
redistricting plans; thus requiring consideration of “all” Sec
tion 2 evidence. Indeed, appellants now concede that Miller,
New York and Texas did not purport to exclude relevant
purpose evidence because it might come under the rubric of
Section 2 proof. U.S. Br. 21; A-I Br. 24. They therefore
cannot explain how the court below’s direct quotation of these
holdings somehow was intended to adopt a different rule.
3. Moreover, the district court’s consideration of the
evidence before it plainly shows it discussed all probative
evidence and did not erect some prophylactic ban against
evidence potentially relevant in a Section 2 case. Appellants
repeatedly maintain that the “court specifically refused to
consider the discriminatory effect of the challenged redistrict
ing plan on minority voters” because of its purportedly reflex
ive aversion to anything that looked like Section 2 evidence.
U.S. Br. 17; see A-I Br. 24. Appellants cannot cite any
passage in the district court containing this “specific refusal,”
however, because it is wholly a figment of their imaginations.
To the contrary, the district court quite clearly, thor
oughly and directly considered the adopted redistricting
25 The district court twice used the phrase, “section 2 evidence”
without explaining again that this referred to evidence “relevant only” to
the Section 2 violation. But the court had already provided this explanation
and, even when ripped from its context, the phrase “section 2 evidence”
does not connote evidence relevant to both Section 2 and Section 5.
Moreover, as noted, this discussion was in a context where the Justice
Department had drawn a clear distinction between “section 2 evidence”
and evidence “independently relevant” to Section 5 purpose.
33
plan’s effect on minority voters. Indeed, it devoted virtually
all of the relevant part of the opinion to resolving precisely
this question. To be sure, the court did not engage in the
ritualistic formula of independently listing “impact” as a
“important starting point” for analysis under Arlington
Heights. Rather, like Miller, Shaw II, and virtually all other
discriminatory purpose opinions, the court cut directly to the
dispositive question “started” by the existence of impact: did
the Board have “legitimate, nondiscriminatory motives” for
adopting its plan over the maximization plan offered by the
NAACP, i.e., a plan with less adverse impact. App. 27a n.14.
It would, of course, have been irrational and meaningless to
compare the relative merits of the NAACP plan and the
Board’s plan unless the court was considering the alleged
negative impact of the Board’s plan (as compared to the
NAACP plan) in resolving whether it was adopted “because
o f’ that impact. Personnel Adm’r v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256,
279 (1979) (“Discriminatory purpose . . . implies that a
decisionmaker” selected a course of action “ ‘because of,’ not
merely ‘in spite of,’ its adverse effects upon an identifiable
group.”). The court assumed that fewer safe black districts
negatively affected black voters’ electoral opportunities, but
found that such an impact was not violative of Section 5
because the failure to create such safe districts was done “in
spite of” that impact. Id. Thus, the court below engaged in
precisely the sort of inquiry this Court has used to resolve all
questions of discriminatory purpose, in the voting rights con
text and elsewhere.
To be sure, in assessing whether the racial impact was
justified because it was free of invidious purpose, the court
below did simply assume that fewer “safe” black seats nega
tively affected black voters. Accordingly, like Miller and
Shaw II, the court did not trudge through the antecedent
evidence of racial bloc voting, the depressed socio-economic
status of blacks in the Parish, Louisiana’s familiar history of
racial discrimination, or any of the similar Section 2 evidence
appellants urged upon it. But all such evidence is relevant
only to the question of whether the Board’s redistricting plan
had an adverse impact or “result,” which the district court
34
assumed it did, and says nothing about the Board’s purpose in
choosing that plan.
As the Gingles preconditions reflect, the probative value
of racial bloc voting and minority electoral success is to
“prove that the challenged electoral mechanism [an at-large
plan or single-member plan with majority white districts]
impairs the [minorities’] ability ‘to elect.’ ” Gingles, 478 U.S.
at 48-49 n.15. Similarly, the primary relevance of “historical
discrimination” is to show that such state action contributed
to “restrict[ing] the present opportunity of blacks effectively
to participate in the political process.” Rogers v. Lodge, 458
U.S. at 625. See Gingles, 478 U.S. at 69 (“Voting Rights Act
[is intended] to eradicate inequalities in political oppor
tunities that exist due to the vestigial effects of past purpose
ful discrimination.”).26 Accordingly, such evidence is
designed to show that, in light of “past and present reality,”
the electoral processes are not “equally open” to minority
voters, and thus seemingly neutral devices, such as at-large
systems, actually have a negative impact on minority voters.
Rogers, 458 U.S. at 622 (quoting White v. Regester, 412 U.S.
at 769-70). Moreover, in keeping with the avowed purpose of
amending Section 2 to replace the subjective “intent” inquiry
with the objective “results” analysis, virtually all other Sec
tion 2 evidence is also intended to show that a “certain
electoral law, practice or structure interacts with social and
historical conditions to cause an inequality in the oppor
tunities enjoyed by black and white voters. . . . ” Gingles, 478
U.S. at 47. See id. at 44-45 (listing Senate Report factors).
However, if a community is free of racial bloc voting and
historical suppression of minorities, “minority citizens are
able to form coalitions with voters from other racial and
ethnic groups, having no need to be a majority within a single
district.” Johnson, 114 S. Ct. at 2661 (emphasis added). Put
simply, then, the Section 2 evidence tells us why a black
majority district is needed to elect black candidates, but it
26 See also Rogers, 458 U.S. at 624-26.
says nothing about why a black majority district was not
created.
The district court was thus properly indifferent to
whether this Section 2 evidence might show that Bossier
Parish was an electoral community where white majority
districts actually had the “result” of diluting minority voting
strength, since it presumed that white majority districts had
such an effect in resolving the only relevant purpose question.
Consequently, the evidence establishing that white majority
districts had a negative impact was utterly superfluous or,
more accurately, could only harm appellants’ case by opening
up the question of negative impact that the court was prepared
to presume existed.
For this reason, the fact that Rogers found evidence of
racial bloc voting and socio-economic disparities attributable
to historical discrimination “relevant” in constitutional chal
lenges to existing at-large systems plainly does not suggest
that the courts must analyze such evidence in a Section 5
purpose case. In Rogers, in order to meet their burden, plain
tiffs needed to establish both that the at-large system pre
vented electoral success and that it had been “maintained for
the purpose of denying blacks equal opportunity to the politi
cal process in the county.” 458 U.S. at 627. Accordingly, the
presence of racially polarized voting, depressed black turnout,
as well as the causative effect historical discrimination played
in such phenomena, was not only “relevant,” but essential to
establishing state-sanctioned minority vote dilution. Such evi
dence was necessary to show that the facially neutral at-large
system had the foreseeable impact of perpetuating and exacer
bating “the lingering effects of past discrimination,” a prereq
uisite to finding discriminatory purpose. Id. at 626.
In a Section 5 case, however, there is no need to consider
this antecedent evidence establishing the-foreseeable negative
impact of majority white districts if the Court presumes such
foreseeable negative impact, in determining whether such
impact was the government’s purpose. In a typical constitu
tional challenge brought against a political jurisdiction such
as the Rogers case, plaintiffs must establish that the existing
35
36
electoral conditions render facially neutral, majoritarian elec
toral systems dilutive of minority voting strength, as a prereq
uisite to establishing that dilution was the government’s
deliberate purpose. In a Section 5 case where the submitting
jurisdiction has the burden, it is assumed, due to the racial
polarization and prior discrimination that renders the jurisdic
tion subject to Section 5 preclearance, that such racially-
charged electoral conditions exist and white majority districts
will thus have a foreseeable impact. Thus, courts proceed
directly to the only relevant question of whether such impact
is motivated by a discriminatory purpose. Consequently, the
district court was entirely correct that evidence concerning
current electoral conditions, and prior historical discrimina
tion, was superfluous (unless, of course, the submitting juris
diction put impact at issue by arguing that white majority
districts would have no negative impact because voting is
race-blind and minorities had overcome prior discrimination).
Thus, we cannot understand how the appellants can complain
that the district court relieved them of the obligation to
establish the Gingles preconditions and the ongoing effects of
prior official discrimination.
2. This is not to say, of course, that a “series of official
actions taken for invidious purposes” by the particular gov
ernmental actor is irrelevant to the question whether this
specific voting change was motivated by the same invidious
purposes. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267. Such “prior bad
acts” evidence is generally relevant to show that the decision
at issue was part of an intentionally discriminatory pattern.
However, none of the “historical discrimination” canvassed
by appellants or the dissenting opinion, and eschewed by the
district court, is remotely related to, or demonstrative of,
prior discrimination by the School Board in this case. Rather,
it is simply the familiar recitation of reprehensible actions by
the Louisiana state legislature “dating back to the Civil War,”
which are wholly unrelated to any action specifically under
taken by Bossier Parish, much less the current School Board.
U.S. Br. 4-5; A-I Br. 7. Even in a typical case, such “past
discrimination cannot, in the manner of original sin, condemn
government action that is not itself unlawful.” Mobile, 446
37
U.S. at 74. This is particularly true where, as here, the
condemned action is performed by “unrelated government
officials” such as the state legislature. Id. at 74 n.20.
Moreover, the irrelevance of such historical discrimina
tion is particularly obvious in the Section 5 context. All
covered jurisdictions, particularly Southern jurisdictions,
share the same sorry racial history and that, of course, is why
they are subject to Section 5’s extraordinary requirements in
the first place. See South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. at
310-13. More particularly, this history is the reason that these
governments are stripped of the normally strong presumption
of legitimacy and forced to carry the burden of disproving
discriminatory purpose. To add to that already onerous burden
by also using that history as a basis for finding a particular
governmental unit’s discrete decision discriminatory, even
when supported by credible nonracial reasons that would be
credited if undertaken by Northern jurisdiction, is indeed
impermissible “double counting.” App. 24a n.12. The fact
that the Bossier Parish School Board, like all other Section 5
jurisdictions, is situated in a State with a discriminatory
history which the Board is not responsible for and cannot
change, simply does not make it “more probable” that it
selected a redistricting plan for discriminatory purposes. Fed.
R. Evid. 401. This Court therefore properly ignored the exis
tence of such evidence in Georgia and North Carolina when it
resolved the discrete Section 5 purpose issue in Miller and
Shaw.
We are left, then, with one species of evidence that
appellants maintain does reflect on this School Board’s dis
criminatory animus: the fact that Louisiana schools were de
jure segregated and the Bossier Parish school system has not
yet been declared unitary. A-I Br. 7-8; U.S. Br. 5-6. Appel
lants maintain that this is directly probative evidence of the
Board’s racist actions and that the district court ignored such
evidence of “responsiveness” and “historical discrimination”
pursuant to its generalized exclusion of all evidence touching
on Section 2. Appellants are manifestly wrong on both counts.
First, the district court did independently consider the School
Board’s desegregation activities. App. 34a n.18. While the
38
court, quite properly, peremptorily dismissed such evidence
as reflecting any racial animus here, the relevant point is that
it did consider such evidence. It would not have done so had
it already, as appellants erroneously maintain, categorically
excluded all probative purpose evidence because such evi
dence was also relevant to the Section 2 “results” test. On the
merits, the fact that the Parish’s schools are not perfectly
racially balanced due to demographic changes and that an
advisory desegregation committee lapsed into disuse 20 years
ago is clearly not, as the district court properly found, “in any
way related to the School Board’s purpose in adopting the
Police Jury plan.”27 App. 34a n.18. Cf. Bolden, 446 U.S. at
27 The initial biracial committee last met twenty years ago in 1976,,
when perhaps one current Board member was serving. This committee was
established pursuant to a consent decree and was charged with
“recommend[ing] to the School Board ways to attain and maintain a
unitary system and to improve education. . . . ” App. 103a (I 111). This
plainly implies that it was intended merely to ease the transition to a unitary
system, not serve as a permanent governmental bureaucracy. Given this
limited role, it is entirely understandable that the interest of the volunteer
citizens who served on the committee waned over time. There is nothing in
the record suggesting that the Department of Justice, the other Lemon
plaintiffs or the black community ever complained about its dormancy. The
appellants’ attempt to draw a discriminatory inference from the
establishment and disbandment of a newly constituted biracial committee
is equally misguided. In fact, the School Board demonstrated its
responsiveness to the black community by voluntarily establishing this
committee in 1993 at the request of the NAACP. App. 104a (1 113). As the
district court found, the committee was dismissed when it exceeded its
advisory role in achieving a unitary system and instead began to involve
itself in matters relating to educational, rather than desegregation, policy.
As the Court has often recognized, such policy “is committed to the control
of state and local authorities.” See, e.g., Board of Curators of the Univ. of
Missouri v. Horowitz, 435 U.S. 78, 91 (1978); Milliken v. Bradley , 418
U.S. 717, 741-742 (1974). Nor is there any evidence suggesting that any of
the School Board’s attendance lines violate the court’s orders. Therefore,
the racial imbalance in five schools complained of by the appellants is
necessarily attributable to demographic factors over which the School
Board has no control and against which it has no duty to countervail. See
39
73-74 (Even purposeful discrimination against blacks in
employment and public services by the current defendant
government is “relevant only as the most tenuous and circum
stantial evidence of the constitutional invalidity of the elec
toral system. . . . ”). While the Justice Department was
apparently intent on litigating their ongoing desegregation
case with the Parish, as well as the Section 2 case, in this
Section 5 proceeding, the district court’s discounting of such
desegregation evidence was proper, and certainly not “clearly
erroneous.”
In sum, the Justice Department has unsuccessfully
mounted a sustained campaign to have Section 5 courts strike
down legitimate changes to underlying electoral systems on
the grounds that the underlying electoral system is racially
polarized and has a discriminatory lineage. Since the submit
ting jurisdictions are not responsible for private citizens’
voting patterns or for prior historical discrimination, and
since neither those patterns nor that history would be altered
regardless of which voting change is selected, this evidence is
clearly irrelevant to the focused inquiry on why the submitting
jurisdiction chose the nonretrogressive plan it did.
III. The Court Below’s Factual Finding That The School
Board Acted Without A Discriminatory Purpose Is
Not Clearly Erroneous
Findings of fact, particularly those relating to motive or
intent, may “not be set aside unless clearly erroneous.” Pull
man-Standard v. Swint, 456 U.S. 273, 287 (1982).28 Given
Pasadena City Bd. of Educ. v. Spangler, All U.S. 424, 436-37 (1976)
(holding that a district court is “not entitled to require [a school board] to
rearrange its attendance zones each year so as to ensure that the racial mix
desired by the court was maintained in perpetuity”); Freeman v. Pitts, 503
U.S. 467, 494 (1992).
28 See id. at 288 (“[Findings] as to the design, motive and intent with
which men act are peculiarly factual issues for the trier of fact” (quoting
United States v. Yellow Cab Co., 338 U.S. 338, 341 (1949)); City of
40
that the district court’s factual findings are amply supported
by the record, there is no plausible basis for characterizing its
findings as clearly erroneous.
Indeed, once again, there is “no reasonable basis” for
appellants’ argument that the Board selected the Policy Jury
plan in preference to the NAACP alternative because of a
discriminatory purpose. Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2492. The Board
was offered a choice between two alternative redistricting
plans. As the undisputed facts establish, one plan had been
precleared by the Justice Department, supported by the black
member of the Police Jury’s Reapportionment Committee,
enhanced minority voting strength and clearly complied with
state law and traditional districting principles, such as com
pactness and maintaining the integrity of municipal, district
and precinct boundaries. J.A. 47; J.A. 42. The other alterna
tive concededly constituted a facial violation of state law
which the School Board was without power to change,
required more than doubling the number of existing precincts,
split every municipal boundary in the Parish, grossly departed
from the Police Jury districts and created black majority
districts that were plainly not compact under any normal
definition of that term. J.A. 48-49; plaintiff’s Exh. 11. It was
further conceded that the sole, not only “predominant,” rea
son for so “subordinat[ing] [traditional] districting principles”
was to racially discriminate in favor of black voters. J.A. 260;
Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1901 (quoting Miller, 115 S. Ct. at
2488).
Indeed, so far as we can discern, this case is unique in the
annals of discriminatory purpose jurisprudence in that the
minority proponents cannot offer a single nonracial reason
for adopting the minority-enhancing alternative. Appellants
cannot cite one traditional districting principle in which the
Pleasant Grove v. United States, 479 U.S. 462, 469 (1987) (holding that
under Section 5, “findings, both as to the purpose [of adopting a voting
change] and with respect to the weight of evidence regarding the purpose
of the [changes] at issue, are findings of fact that we must accept unless
clearly erroneous”). Anderson v. City o f Bessemer City, 470 U.S. 564, 573
(1985).
41
proposed NAACP alternative is superior to the Police Jury
plan. Conversely, in several key respects - compliance with
political boundaries, maintaining precincts, compactness,
compliance with state law - the NAACP maximization alter
native is both obviously inferior to the Police Jury plan and,
in fact, materially indistinguishable in purpose and effect
from the racial gerrymanders this Court has repeatedly struck
down as unconstitutional. Indeed, the deficiencies in the
NAACP alternative are so apparent that even appellants aban
doned it as a viable plan at trial, seeking to substitute the post
hoc alternative “Cooper” plans (which nevertheless retained
all of the deficiencies outlined above).
Moreover, there is no assertion or showing that the Police
Jury plan in any way “packs” or “fragments” any concentra
tion of minority voters or otherwise “split (or lumped) minor
ity neighborhoods that would have been grouped into a single
district (or spread among several) if the [Board] had
employed the same line-drawing standards in minority neigh
borhoods as it used elsewhere in the jurisdiction.” Johnson,
114 S. Ct. at 2659. To the contrary, as is demonstrated by the
fact that the Police Jury plan was precleared after careful
scrutiny by the Justice Department, the plan kept intact any
reasonable concentration of minority voters that was feasible
under neutral principles and state law. In a Parish with a
20.1% black population, this resulted in the creation of two
districts with 45% and 43.7% black populations, respectively,
and four districts with black populations of between 21 and
29%. J.A. 47. It merely did not seek, as the NAACP plan
concededly did, to unite through a conscious gerrymander
widely dispersed black concentrations that never would have
been united were their racial composition different.
As even this brief review demonstrates, appellants’ real
complaint is not that the Board subordinated neutral princi
ples in order to discriminate against minority voters, but that
they failed to subordinate such principles in order to discrimi
nate in favor of minority voters. The Justice Department
candidly said as much to the district court, when it explicitly
argued that if “the Bossier Parish School Board declined to
take race into account [to prefer minorities this] would indeed
42
violate Section 5.” App. 24a n.12. As in Miller and Shaw II,
then, the Justice Department expressly equates a failure to
maximize with a discriminatory purpose, at least absent some
absolutely compelling reason that necessarily forecloses max
imization. See, e.g., DOJ Objection Letter, App. 156a (School
Board “is not free to adopt a plan that unnecessarily limits the
opportunity for minority voters to elect their candidates of
choice.”) (emphasis added).
The Court should again reject the Justice Department’s
attempt to equate racial discrimination with the failure to
engage in racially preferential treatment for minorities. Most
fundamentally, this is because the assertion that race-blind
actions constitute intentional racial discrimination is a classic
oxymoron. Somewhat less directly, but no less significantly,
basing a “purpose” finding on the failure to engage in race-
based redistricting creates an inexorable hydraulic pressure
on governments to adopt an unconstitutional racial gerry
mander that subordinates traditional districting principles. Cf.
Watson v. Fort Worth Bank and Trust, 487 U.S. 977, 993
(1988); Wards Cove Packing Co., Inc. v. Antonio, 490 U.S.
642, 653 (1989). As this Court has noted, local governments
must be given leeway to reconcile the potential tension
between the “results” demands of Section 2 with the Constitu
tion’s command to avoid race-conscious redistricting that
subordinates neutral principles. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1961; id.
at 1969 (O’Connor, J., concurring). If this Court were now to
require district courts, notwithstanding Rule 52, to infer dis
criminatory purpose when the government simply rejects a
concededly race-conscious gerrymander that violates state
law and traditional principles, it will have destroyed that
leeway by forcing governments to engage in such gerry
manders. This would be particularly ill-advised because, even
assuming there is some inevitable potential tension between
Section 2 and the Equal Protection Clause, there is obviously
no such tension between the “purpose” requirement of Section
5 and the “purpose” requirement of the Fourteenth Amend
ment: both are plainly satisfied by racial neutrality towards
all groups. Indeed, this Court has already held that such a
“race-neutral” plan is the only constitutionally permissible
43
remedy for violating Section 5’s purpose requirement. Shaw
II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904 n.6 (“Even if discriminatory purpose
could be shown, the means of avoiding such a violation could
be race-neutral, and so we also doubt that the prospect of
violating the purpose prong of § 5 could justify a race-based
redistricting plan. . . . ”). Since race neutrality is the touch
stone of any liability or remedy, it is virtually, if not theo
retically, impossible that a redistricting plan which more
directly adheres to neutral redistricting standards than the
maximizing alternative reflects racial animus, and it is quite
impossible to hold a contrary finding “clearly erroneous.” As
we now show, the plan selected by Bossier Parish was just
such a redistricting plan, which cannot be found to violate
Section 5 without both redefining discriminatory “purpose”
and compelling the adoption of an unconstitutional racial
gerrymander.
1. The short, and dispositive, explanation for why the
Board had a completely legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason
for rejecting the proposed NAACP alternative is that this
alternative (or even any variant thereof)29 * facially violated a
state law that the Board was powerless to evade. The Board
was required to use the precincts created by the Police Jury
(and used by the Police Jury for its districts) as the “building
blocks” for the Board’s districts. Louisiana law is quite
unequivocal on this point: “[t]he boundaries of any election
district for a new apportionment plan from which members of
a school board are elected shall contain whole precincts
established by the parish governing authority [i.e., the
Police Jury]. . . . ” J.A. 265-66. The failure to abide by this
29 Given that the Cooper plans were not even formulated until after
the School Board had adopted its plan, they are clearly irrelevant to this
proceeding. In any event, these plans clearly subordinate traditional
rcdistricting principles to racial considerations. Even the “best” of these
plans splits all but one of the Parish’s towns, results in 31 precinct splits
and is not compact. J.A. 51. See Plaintiff’s Exh. 10 (lodged with the Court).
44
mandatory requirement renders the School Board’s redistrict-
ing plan “null and void.”30 J.A. 266.
The Police Jury established 56 precincts for this decade in
1991, which the School Board was thus obliged to use to build
its own districts. The district lines in the NAACP plan, how
ever, cut 46 of those precincts, some of them more than once,
for a total of 65 different precinct splits. App. 29a; Plaintiff’s
Exh. 11. The appellants seek to portray this as a mere inconve
nience. To the contrary, these 65 separate violations of state
law rendered the NAACP plan a nullity and did indeed “legally
preclude the Board from considering the plan.” U.S. Br. 9.
Appellants maintain that another entity, the Police Jury,
could have helped the School Board evade this state law. What
they mean by this is that the School Board would have been in
technical compliance with the requirement that their precincts
be coextensive with the Police Jury’s, if the Police Jury had
voluntarily decided to create 65 additional precincts to track
the School Board’s precincts under the NAACP plan. What
appellants cannot provide is any rational, nonracial reason why
the Police Jury (or the Board) would ever engage in such a
bizarre, costly and confusing exercise.
Every objective reason strongly counseled against more
than doubling the existing number of precincts in this poor
rural parish. This Court has already vividly described the
“electoral nightmare” and “multiplied” costs caused by
racially-motivated line drawings which required Harris County,
Texas to almost double its existing precincts and “thrust voters
into new and unfamiliar precinct alignments, a few with popu
lations as low as 20 voters.” Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1959. See Shaw
II, 116 S. Ct. at 1904 (traditional districting principles fur
thered by “keep[ing] precincts whole”); Johnson v. Miller, 864
F. Supp. 1354, 1367, 1376 (S.D. Ga. 1994) (criticizing precinct
30 In an attempt to confuse this issue, appellants state that the Police
Jury had modified the precincts used in the 1980’s when it adopted its 1991
redistricting plan. This is quite true, but entirely beside the point. No state
law prohibits the Police Jury from changing its prior precincts to reflect
population shifts and conform with its new districts, but once it has done
so, the Board must use those precincts to build its districts.
45
splits). The situation in Bossier Parish was even worse than
that envisioned for Texas and Harris County. The number of
precincts would have increased 115%, from 56 to 121, and 17
of those 65 new precincts would have had less than 20 people
in them. Plaintiff’s Exh. 11, pp. 1-26. In addition to producing
the problems noted in Vera, the cost of each new precinct was
approximately $850 or, in the aggregate, $55,250, for every
state, federal and local election.31 J.A. 171. Finally, but per
haps most important, “cutting across pre-existing precinct lines
and other natural or traditional divisions, is not merely eviden
tially significant; it is part of the constitutional problem insofar
as it disrupts nonracial bases of political identity, and thus
intensifies the emphasis on race.” Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1962.
On a subjective level, of course, the Police Jury (and the
Board) never would have believed that such massive, racially-
motivated addition of precincts was necessary to secure the
Justice Department’s Section 5 approval since the Department
had just precleared the Police Jury’s districts and precincts a
year before. Moreover, as the district court noted, the Police
Jury had previously “rebuffed the School Board’s earlier over
tures” for “joint rcdistricting,” and, after the Justice Depart
ment objected to the Board’s plan, “[ojnce the idea of
redistricting the police jury districts was presented, the Police
Jury dismissed it real quickly.” App. 29a; App. 91a, (j[ 79).
After the Justice Department’s objection, it is hardly surprising
that the Police Jury wanted to maintain the status quo since a
massive alteration of precinct boundaries, predicated on the
need to depart from intentionally discriminatory Police Jury
district lines, would have been a damaging admission of the
Police Jury’s own liability. The School Board therefore had
every objective and subjective reason not to quixotically
request that the Police Jury conspire with it to wreak costly
31 Appellants suggest that such costs could have been potentially
reduced through joint polling places for a number of precincts. This would
have saved little, however, because the law expressly requires that each
precinct have at least one voting machine, even if it is in a shared polling
place (in order to be able to accurately tally the votes cast in each precinct).
La. Rev. Stat., tit. 18 § 1363(A).
46
havoc on the electoral system, and the Police Jury had every
such reason to refuse.
Though appellants must concede that there is no legiti
mate, nonracial reason for destroying the existing precinct
system, they apparently claim that such reasons were post hoc
pretexts invented by the Board.32 * But the undisputed facts
establish that the contemporaneous explanation for rejecting
the NAACP alternative was that the district attorney and the
Board’s cartographer both correctly informed the Board that
the NAACP’s massive precinct splitting was a facial violation
of state law. App. 6a; App. 99a (1 102). Moreover, although the
Police Jury and School Board used different district lines for
the first time in the 1980’s, they had never split precinct lines
and there is no evidence that any of the redistricting plans
submitted for the Board’s consideration by its cartographer
created such splits. The United States says that precinct split
ting in Louisiana is “quite common,” but this is a deliberate
distortion of the record. While, as the stipulation cited by the
Justice Department reflects, differing district lines may be
“common,” appellants’ own witness was able to cite only 3
such examples, and all of those apparently were done to
32 They further argue that the district court did not believe this
pretextual explanation, but erroneously found an absence of discriminatory
purpose because the Board “could have” not wanted to destroy precincts.
U.S. Br. 30; App. 38. This is plainly untrue. The Court’s opinion noted that
the contemporaneous explanation for rejecting the NAACP plan was the
precinct splits. App. 6a. It further noted that the School Board had “offered
a host of non-discriminatory reasons for adopting the Police Jury plan.”
App. 27a. It rejected some offered explanations because they were not “the
real reasons,” but was “satisfied that at least two of these are ‘legitimate’ ”
- “guaranteed preclearance” and “no precinct lines would need redrawing.”
App. 27a-28a (quoting New York, 874 F. Supp. at 400). This plainly
demonstrates that the Court was clearly accepting only the “real reasons”
motivating the Board at the time of the decision, not manufacturing or
crediting untrue post hoc rationalizations. When the opinion later said, after
canvassing the merits of avoiding precinct splits, that the Board “entirely
reasonably could have” desired no precinct splits, it was obviously
concluding that the Board’s subjective motivation was also objectively
credible and important. App. 29a.
47
accommodate Justice Department objections. J.A. 240; J.A.
137-138. None remotely approached the massive 65 precinct
splits of the NAACP plan; the greatest number of splits in
other jurisdictions was eight. J.A. 238. Even assuming prac
tices in other parishes somehow undermines Bossier Parish’s
longstanding, uniform practice of preserving Police Jury pre
cincts, the fact that a handful of other parishes buckled to the
Justice Department’s demands to split a few precincts hardly
casts doubt on the legitimacy of the Board’s adherence to state
law or its refusal to engage in futile, costly and irrational
efforts to have the Police Jury help it evade this important
requirement.
Since it is impossible to create a black majority district
without splitting a very significant number of precincts, and
since there was neither any rational reason to, nor reasonable
hope of, evading the state law prohibition against such precinct
splits, this reason alone sufficed for the Board to reject the plan
and for the district court to find no purpose. App. 115a (<][ 152);
J.A. 167. We nevertheless note that the Police Jury plan had a
host of other legitimate nondiscriminatory advantages over the
NAACP’s proposed racial gerrymandering. In the past two
Terms, the Court has accepted adherence to each such tradi
tional redistricting principle as a refutation of any discrimina
tory purpose finding and found departures from each such
principle sufficient to condemn racial gerrymanders.
First, the NAACP’s proposed lines were at war with every
other political boundary in the Parish. Most obviously, while
the School Board plan tracked precisely the Police Jury’s
districts, the maximization alternative used completely differ
ent district lines. Plaintiff’s Exh. 11 (first page). Such complete
divergence between district lines greatly compounded the
“voter confusion” caused by the precinct splits because it
prevented “[communities] [from] sharing] . . . representatives”
with common interests. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1959; see Shaw II,
116 S. Ct. at 1904 (a legitimate nondiscriminatory principle is
to “avoid dividing counties into more than two districts.”).
Similarly, while the Police Jury plan and all prior redistricting
plans scrupulously maintained the integrity of municipal
48
boundaries within the Parish, the maximizing alternative exhib
ited “utter disregard of city limits” by splitting all three towns
in the Parish. Vera, 116 S. Ct. 1959; Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2484.
A black majority district in the northern part of the Parish was
not possible unless these small towns were split “in order to
capture pockets of [black] residents” living within municipal
limits. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1959.
With respect to compactness, while the School Board’s
northern district (District 4) is a square, regularly shaped
district, the NAACP creates two long, narrow jagged districts
(Districts 2 and 12) that are “somewhat hooked-shaped
. . . with finger-like extensions” that “wind in a snake-like
fashion . . . until it gobbles in enough enclaves of black
neighborhoods.” Shaw II, 116 S. Ct. at 1899; Vera, 116 S. Ct.
at 1954-55. Similarly, in Bossier City, the NAACP’s black-
majority and adjacent districts (Districts 1 and 6) are even
skinnier, more distended and less compact than the northern
districts.33 This is in contrast, again, to the School Board’s
33 Appellants cite to a stipulation that purports to demonstrate the
compactness of their proposals for the black-majority district in Bossier
City. App. 1, | 36. This stipulation, however, has no bearing on and makes
no reference to the plans proposed by the appellants. Instead, when placed
in context, it suggests that it was obvious, apparently to some unnamed
members of the Police Jury in 1991, that one “reasonably compact”
majority-black district could be established within Bossier City. This
subjective assessment of some of the Police Jurors has no reference to the
objective feasibility of creating a “reasonably compact” black-majority
district in Bossier City. Furthermore, even if the Court were inclined to
adopt a broad construction of the stipulation at issue, the facts relating to
the stipulation were contested at trial. The parties introduced substantial
evidence reflecting on the feasibility of creating a “reasonably compact"
majority-black district in Bossier City. See, e.g., Plaintiff’s Exh. 11; J.A.
48-49, J.A. 51-52, J.A. 260-61. Thus, the stipulation should be disregarded.
PPX Enter., Inc. v. Audiofidelity, 746 F.2d 120, 123 (2d Cir. 1984) (a court
is entitled to disregard a stipulated fact where “substantial” evidence is
presented to contradict such stipulation); Coastal States Marketing v. Hunt,
694 F.2d 1358, 1369 (5th Cir. 1983) (asserting that a court has “not only the
right but the duty” to relieve a party from a pretrial stipulation where
“substantial evidence” is presented to contradict the stipulation).
49
districts that are quite compact, especially given population
concentrations, the bordering river and Parish boundaries. The
Plan’s departures from compactness are inherently required to
create both black majority districts. This is evidenced by the
fact that the best version of any such plan, (“Cooper I”) was
condemned by a federal district court, “as resembling] an
octopus, as it stretches out to the nooks and crannies of the
parish in order to collect enough black voting age population to
create not one, but two majority-black districts in Bossier.”
J.A. 38. Even a cursory glance at the maps reveals that both
black majority districts are far less compact, and more
unwieldy, than the Georgia district struck down in Miller. Cf.
Miller, 115 S. Ct. at 2477, 2495.
The only “flaw” appellants seek to identify in the Police
Jury plan is that it did not sufficiently provide for “incumbency
protection” because it “paired” incumbents in two districts.34
While the Board may have initially perceived this as a “flaw”
in the Police Jury plan, it is certainly not a “flaw” in relative
terms. As appellants elsewhere argue when it fits their pur
poses, and as is evident from the NAACP plan’s dramatic
departure from the 1980’s district configurations, that plan
would have disrupted incumbents’ desired and existing dis
tricts more substantially than the Police Jury plan. U.S. Br. 26
n.15. Thus, even if the desire of “representatives [to] select
[their] people” should be elevated to the status of a beneficial
redistricting principle serving the public interest, the NAACP’s
plan is worse in this regard as well. Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1954.
Thus, contrary to appellants’ argument, if incumbency was a
“factor usually considered important by the decisionmaker [it
did] not strongly favor a decision contrary to the one
reached . . . ” and thus provides no basis for an “inference of
discrimination.” U.S. Br. 27 (quoting Arlington Heights, 429
U.S. at 267 & n. 17). To be sure, some Board members probably
did initially resist the Police Jury plan because of the “pairs”
and desired a plan that better “protected” everyone. This
34 There is no evidence that the appellants newly-discovered “a
school building in every district” rule was ever a redistricting principle in
the Parish, or that the NAACP plan adhered to it at all. U.S. Br. at 26-27.
50
potential defect, from a self-interested perspective, of the
Police Jury plan, however, was outweighed by the fact that,
among any of the plans arguably consistent with state law and
districting principles, the Police Jury plan alone “guaranteed
preclearance” in the face of the NAACP’s opposition. App.
28a. Such accommodation of competing interests hardly sug
gests a discriminatory purpose, but simply reflects the normal
selection process among imperfect alternatives that typifies all
redistricting decisions.35
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment below should be
affirmed.
J am es J . T hornton
642 Stoner Avenue
Shreveport, LA 71101
(318) 221-6294
M ichael P. M cD onald
H ans B ader
Center for Individual Rights
1300 19th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
(202) 833-8400
Respectfully submitted,
M ichael A. C arvin*
D avid H . T hompson
S haw, P ittm an , P otts &
T row bridge
2300 N Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
(202) 663-8000
*Counsel of Record
35 The sum total of appellants’ purpose case thus reduces to the
complaint that the district court failed to sufficiently discount the Board’s
appointment of a black member for the only vacancy available and did not
put the most nefarious possible spin on certain hearsay statements that
Board members allegedly conveyed to the appellant-intervenor and other
civil rights advocates in the community. App. 30a-31a. This quibbling over
the import (or existence) of, at worst, ambiguous acts and statements is of
no consequence because “such questions of credibility are matters for the
District Court” and this Court will not “second-guess the district court’s
assessment of the witness’s testimony.” Vera, 116 S. Ct. at 1957. In any
event, as even the dissenting opinion conceded, the Board members’
alleged “statements standing alone would certainly be insufficient to show
discriminatory purpose.” App. 53a.