Rabinowitz v. United States Motion for Leave to File and Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1962
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Rabinowitz v. United States Motion for Leave to File and Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants, 1962. aa75c4b7-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/e2c5a8ae-6a29-4775-8e11-0331d07d5059/rabinowitz-v-united-states-motion-for-leave-to-file-and-brief-amicus-curiae-in-support-of-appellants. Accessed November 01, 2025.
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United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
No. 21256
JONI RABINOWITZ,
Appellant,
vs.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Appellee
No. 21345
JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMON,
Appellants,
vs.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF
AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT
OF APPELLANTS
and
BRIEF OF NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD
AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT
OF APPELLANTS
ERNEST GOODMAN,
3220 Cadillac Tower,
Detroit 26, Michigan?
SAMUEL ROSENWEIN,
220 No. California Street,
Burbank, California 842-5667,
Attorneys for National Lawyers
Guild Amicus Curie.
Interstate Brief 6 Record Co., 356 Congress St, E.. Detroit 26, Michigan
SUBJECT INDEX
Page
Motion for Leave to File Brief Amicus Curiae in
Support of Appellants........................................ 1
Brief of National Lawyers Guild Amicus Curiae in
Support of Appellants........................................ 3-13
Interest of the National Lawyers Guild... . 3-4
Statement ..................................................... 4
Argument ..................................................... 5-13
I. The historic role of the Grand Jury
is that of guardian against oppres
sive governmental action. ............... 5-8
II. The Grand Jury serves in its his
toric role because of its representa
tive character................................... 8-10
III. The Constitution and our historical
heritage are particularly under
mined by the practice of racial ex
clusion from Grand Juries............... 11-13
INDEX TO AUTHORITIES CITED
Cases
Beck v. Washington, 369 U.S. 541, 582-83, 82 S. Ct.
955 [dissenting opinion]...................................... 8
College’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 550.................. 6
Earl of Shaftesbury’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 759' 6
Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43, 59................................. 8
Smith v. 'Texas, 311 U.S. 128,130, 61 S. Ct. 164,165.. 10
Thiel v. Southern Pac. Co., 328 UJS. 217, 2!20‘, 66 S.
Ct. 984, 985.......................................................... 10
United States v. Wells, 163 F. 313, 324...................... 8
XI
Miscellaneous Page
Burnstein, Grand Jury Secrecy, 22 Law In Transi
tion 93 [1962]....... ,............................................. 9
Edwards, The Grand Jury 27 (1906)......................... 5
Edwards, The Grand Jury 1-44 ([1906].................... 6
Kennedy & Briggs, Grand Jury ‘System 10 [1955]... 6
Kuh, The Grand Jury “ Presentment” : Foul Blow or
Fair Play? 55 Colum. L. Rev. 1103, 1108 [1955] 6
Weinstein and Shaw, Grand Jury Reports—-A Safe
guard of Democracy, 1962 Wash. TJ.L.Q1 191
[1962] ....................*............................................ 10
Younger, The People’s Panel, 74-75........................... 9
IN THE
United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
— f—
No. 21256
JONI RABINOWITZ,
Appellant,
vs,
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee
-------- f _ — .
No. 21345
JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMQN,
Appellants,
vs.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee
----- ♦-----
MOTION FOE LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF
AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT
OF APPELLANTS
-----*---- -
The National Lawyers Guild moves for leave to file the
attached Brief Amicus Curiae. The interest of the Guild
in the ease is set forth in the brief.
ERNEST GOODMAN,
SAMUEL ROSENWEIN,
Attorneys for National Lawyers Guild.
3
IN THE
United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
— +— -
No,, 21256
JONI RABINQWITZ,
Appellant,
vs,
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee
-----+---- -
No. 21345
JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMON,
Appellants,
vs,
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee
— — 4 ---- -
BRIEF OF NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD
AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT
OF APPELLANTS
---- #----
INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD
The National Lawyers Guild is a national bar associa
tion which, throughout its history, has supported the in
dependence of the institutions of bar, bench and jury as
bulwarks in the struggle to preserve the civil liberties of
all. It was the first national bar association to admit all
members of the bar without regard to color. It also ac-
4
lively engages in the legal arena for the elimination of dis
crimination and segregation in all forms.
The appellants were active participants in the struggle
to assist those citizens denied their constitutional rights
in the state of Georgia. They were indicted by a racially
constituted Federal Grand Jury.
The Guild believes that justice can never be secured until
racial considerations are eliminated as factors in the func
tioning of every aspect of the judicial process—including
the Grand Jury.
For these reasons it seems appropriate that the Guild
submit its views as amicus curiae in this case.
STATEMENT
This brief is limited to the grand jury issue. On this
question, amicus does not repeat the arguments briefed
by appellant or other amici. The emphasis of the discussion
which follows is on the historical development of the grand
jury in England and in the United States as an institu
tional device intended to assure the fair and impartial ad
ministration of criminal justice. That history, it is sub
mitted, casts significant light on the importance of main
taining exacting standards in the selection of members of
a grand jury to the end that the grand jury, as an instru
ment of public justice, shall be truly representative of the
community. On the record here, it does not appear that
the grand jury was legally selected, and such an invalidly
constituted jury, it is submitted, does not meet the con
stitutional and democratic standards which history de
mands.
5
ARGUMENT
L
THE HISTORIC ROLE OF THE GRAND JURY IS THAT
OF GUARDIAN AGAINST OPPRESSIVE
GOVERNMENTAL ACTION
The formative period in the history of the grand jury
saw that body develop into the accusatory arm of the
government. By the Fourteenth Century, the form of the
grand jury, and its function of handing down indictments
was much as it is today. [See, Edwards, The Gramd Jwy
27 (1906).] This function of the grand jury was soon ex
panded to include its more significant role—defender of
the people’s liberty.
The history was summarized by Mr. Justice Field, sitting
as Circuit Justice, as follows:
“The institution of the grand jury is of very an
cient origin in the history of England; it goes back
many centuries. For a long period its powers were
not clearly defined; and it would seem, from accounts
of commentators on the laws of that country, that
it was at first a body which not only accused, but
which also tried public offenders. However this
may have been in its origin, it was, at the time of
the settlement of this country, an informing and
accusing tribunal only * * *. And in the struggles
which at times arose in England between the powers
of the king and the rights of the subject, it often
stood as a barrier against persecution in his name;
until, at length, it came to be regarded as an in
stitution by which the subject was rendered secure
against oppression from unfounded prosecution of
the crown.”
(Charge to Grand Jury, 30 Fed. Cases 992, 993,
No. 18,255.)
6
The independence of the grand jury was established by
College’s Case, (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 550, and the Earl of
Shaftesbury’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 759. In each
case, the accused was charged with treason, but the grand
jury found a bill “ignoramus” (the jury knows nothing
of the charge). When the jurors in College’s case were
asked why they had refused to indict, the answer was that
they had acted “ ‘according to their consciences and that
they would stand by it.’ ” (Kuh, The Grand Jury “ Present
ment” : Foul Blow or Fair Play? 55 Colum. L. Key. 1108,
1108 [1955].)
The true significance of these early cases can best be
understood when it is realized that the grand jurors’ politi
cal sympathies were with the accused, not with the king.
In this sentiment they had the agreement of many people.
(For an extensive discussion of the early history of the
grand jury, see, Edwards, The Grand Jury 1-44 [1906].
See also, Kennedy & Briggs, Grand Jury System 10 [1955];
Kuh, op. cit., supra, 1108.) The action of the jury had a
dual character: it was a demonstration of independence
from the government and a reflection of popular support
for the accused. The king’s solution to the action of the
juries was the obvious: pick a new jury and get the desired
indictment. This was done in the case of Stephen College,
who was eventually executed. (Kuh, op. cit., supra, 1108;
Edwards, op. cit., supra, 30.) But the grand jury had,
by then, taken its place as protector of the people.
In Colonial America the grand jury was noted as an
instrument of the people. The most celebrated example of
the democratic role of the early American grand jury is
in the case of John Peter Zenger. Zemger, editor and pub
lisher of the Weekly Journal, a New York paper, used his
paper to express anti-royalist sentiment. In 1735 a grand
7
jury twice refused to indict him for libel. (Edwards,
op. tit., supra, 32.) Again, the grand jury acted as an in
strument of the people; as a barrier against oppression.
Its primary concern at the time of the Zenger trial was
to insure liberty and freedom of the press for the people.
By the end of the Colonial period in American history,
the grand jury had established itself as an indispensable
arm of democratic government. Juries “ enforced or re
fused to enforce laws as they sawT fit and stood guard
against indiscriminate prosecution by royal officials.”
(Younger, op. \dt., supra, 26.) The colonists were so firmly
convinced that the grand jury was “a necessary and funda
mental safeguard of individual rights against governmental
oppression” (17 U. Miami L. Rev. 110 [1962]) that they
overtly manifested such belief in the Fifth and Sixth
Amendments of the United States Constitution.
The importance of the grand jury as an instrument of
democracy did not end with the revolution. Grand juries
supervised law enforcement activities of sheriffs and eon-
stables, and watched the activities of public officials. “At
the time of the Alien and Sedition trials Judge Harry Innes
advised a Frankfort, Kentucky, grand jury that its proper
place was ‘as a strong barrier between the supreme power
of the government and the citizens,’ rather than an instru
ment of the state * * * Innes told the grand jurors that
their duty was to shield the innocent from ‘unjust persecu
tions.’ ” (Younger, op. cit., supra, 54-55.)
From the early post-Revolutionary days to the present,
grand juries have been thought of as a means of protect
ing citizens from injustice. Again, in the words of Justice
Field:
“ In this country, from the popular character of
our institutions, there has seldom been any contest
8
between the government and the citizen, which re
quired the existence of the grand jury as a pro
tection against oppressive action of the government.
Yet the institution was adopted in this country from
considerations similar to those which gave it its
chief value in England, and is designed as a means,
not only of bringing to trial persons accused of
public offenses upon just grounds, but also as a
means of protecting the citizen against unfounded
accusation, whether it come from government or be
prompted by partisan passion or private enmity # # #
“ [TJhere is a double duty cast upon the jurors of
this district; one a duty to the government, or more
properly speaking, to society, to see that parties
against whom there is a just ground to charge the
commission of a crime, shall be held to answer the
charge; and on the other hand, a duty to the citizen
to see that he is not subjected to prosecution upon
accusations having no better foundation than public
clamor or private malice.”
(30 Fed. Cases, supra, at 993;
See also :
Beck v. Washington, 369 U.S. 541, 582-83, 82 S.
Ct. 955 [dissenting opinion];
Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43, 59.)
II.
THE GRAND JURY SERVES IN ITS HISTORIC ROLE BECAUSE
OF ITS REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTER
Two significant characteristics of the grand jury have
made it possible for that institution to function “ as a safe
guard against arbitrary or oppressive action.” (United
States v. Wells, 163 F. 313, 324.) Secrecy is the first of
9
these. Briefly, it was necessary for jurymen to deliberate
in secret in order to protect themselves from royal dis
pleasure. It still remains an important safeguard against
harassment of grand jurors. (See, generally, Burnstein,
Grand Jwny Secrecy., 22 Law In Transition 93 [1962].)
The other feature of importance is the grand jury’s repre
sentative character. The earliest American grand juries
were elected, usually by the town meeting. They reflected
the revolutionary tenor of the colonists, and were in the
lead in opposing the imperial government. (Younger, op.
cit., s%pra, 27.)
The broad, popular character of the grand jury of the
frontier is described by Younger (The People's Panel 74-
75) as follows:
“ Jurymen were indistinguishable from other per
sons gathered at the county seat to trade and enjoy
themselves. The only thing that set them apart
from their neighbors was the summons they had
received from the sheriff, telling them to appear for
grand jury duty at the approaching session of the
court. In most western territories and states the
clerk of the court chose the grand jurors by lot from
the list of eligible persons * # * All qualified electors
were eligible for jury duty in most western areas.
In only a few states was land ownership a prerequi
site. However, as in the Colonial period, the re
quirements were not high. Preemption claimants
and those who had made their first payment on gov
ernment land were regarded as landowners.”
The relationship of the composition of the grand jury
to its function was recognized by Chief Justice Shaw, Su
preme Judicial Court of Massachusetts.
“ Coming from the various parts of the country,
first designated by their townsmen, as persons well
fitted by their capacity, integrity, and personal
10
worth of character, to discharge the important func
tions of jurors, and then for each particular service,
designated by lot, without regard to sect or party,
rank or condition, the Grand Jury may justly be
regarded as a fair representation of the county,
participating in all the interests and feelings of the
people, and well acquainted with their condition and
circumstances. They bring with them all the local
knowledge and information, which are requisite to
enable them to perform their important duties with
efficiency, impartiality, and success.”
(Charge to Grand Jury, 8 Am. Jurist 216.)
The modern grand jury is thought to be as much a
representative of the people as it was in the past.
“A grand jury is a short-lived, representative,
non-political body of citizens functioning without
hope of personal aggrandizement. It comes from
the citizens at large and soon disappears into its
anonymity * * *”
(Weinstein and Shaw, Grand Jury Reports—A
Safeguard of Democracy, 1962 Wash. U.L.Q.
191 [1962].)
The historical position of the jury, in this case the grand
jury, has been recognized by the Supreme Court. Thus,
it has been said: “ It is a part of the established tradition
in the use of juries as instruments of public justice that
the jury be a body truly representative of the community.”
Smith v. Terns, 311 IJ.S. 128, 130, 61 S, Ct. 164, 165. To
the same effect is Thiel v. Southern, Pac. Go., 328 IJ.S. 217,
220, 66 S. Ct. 984, 985.
Unless a grand jury has been selected in a manner which
permits it to carry out its historic function—-people’s rep
resentative and guardian against oppression—it is respect
fully submitted it has been improperly selected.
11
III.
THE CONSTITUTION AND OUR HISTORICAL HERITAGE ARE
PARTICULARLY UNDERMINED BY THE PRACTICE OF
RACIAL EXCLUSION FROM GRAND JURIES
A n official policy which, denies participation in the in
strumentalities of justice to one class of citizens because
of race is, of course, a denial of the equal protection of the
laws, and a subversion of the true administration of crimi
nal justice. Such policy, moreover, strikes at the very heart
of a grand jury system where fair representation of a
cross-section of the community is integral to the historic
function of the grand jury.
In the Southern States, the disparity between the quali
fied Negro population and those Negroes who appear on
grand and petit jury lists is so great as to make it plain
that the requisite representative character of such juries
is non-existent. In 1960, the twelve iSouthern States ( Ala
bama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi,
North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee,
Texas and Virginia) had a total population of 45,781,599
persons. Bureau of the Census, World Almanac (1962)
255. Of this population, 10,180,688, or some 22%, were
non-white, predominantly Negroes. Bureau of the Census,
World Almanac (1962 ) 257. In the same year, these South
ern States had a population of voting age (generally 21
years, except Florida where the voting age is 18) totaling
26,528,885. Statistical Abstract of the United States (1962)
374. At the same time, there were 5,131,042 non-whites, or
20%, of similar voting age in such Southern States. The
Black Belt, which extends from Tidewater, Virginia down
12
the Coast of the Carolinas, and westward across Central
Georgia and Alabama to the Mississippi Delta; up through
Mississippi and Louisiana into Tennessee and Arkansas,
touching Florida and 'Texas (1981 Report of United States
Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, p. 143) has an even
greater percentage of qualified Negro inhabitants. Swpra,
331-341.
There is every indication that a substantial number of
Negroes in the Southern States are eligible for service
on grand and petit juries, but repeated investigations have
demonstrated that in many sections of the South “ the
only service rendered by Negroes in the courts of justice
is janitorial”. 1961 Report of the United States Commis
sion on Civil Rights, vol. 1, p. 179. There are counties in
the Southern States in which Negroes constitute the ma
jority of the residents but take no part in government
either as voters or jurors, swpra, p. 179. It is common
knowledge that Negro citizens are qualified educationally
and by other legal standards but are excluded from serv
ing as jurors solely because of their race or color. The
inference is plain from long-continued exclusion of Negroes
from any jury service in the Southern States that whole
sale discrimination exists in law and in fact. “ The serious
and continuing nature of the problem is revealed by the
frequency of cases in which the issue of jury exclusion
is raised and by local situations which the facts in those
cases disclosed; by the plain statements of judges and of
ficial observers; and by various field studies conducted by
the Commission’s staff.” 1961 Report of the United States
Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 5, p. 90.
13
It is plain, in the light of the aforesaid, that the grand
jury system which functions in the Southern States is in
large measure alien to onr historic traditions and to
American concepts of even-handed justice.
Respectfully submitted,
ERNEST GOODMAN,
3220 Cadillac Tower,
Detroit 26, Michigan.
SAMUEL ROSENWEIN,
220 No. California St.,
Burbank, California 842-5667,
Attorneys for National Lawyers
Guild Amicus Curiae.