Rabinowitz v. United States Motion for Leave to File and Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants
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January 1, 1962

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Rabinowitz v. United States Motion for Leave to File and Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants, 1962. aa75c4b7-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/e2c5a8ae-6a29-4775-8e11-0331d07d5059/rabinowitz-v-united-states-motion-for-leave-to-file-and-brief-amicus-curiae-in-support-of-appellants. Accessed April 28, 2025.
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United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit No. 21256 JONI RABINOWITZ, Appellant, vs. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Appellee No. 21345 JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMON, Appellants, vs. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANTS and BRIEF OF NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANTS ERNEST GOODMAN, 3220 Cadillac Tower, Detroit 26, Michigan? SAMUEL ROSENWEIN, 220 No. California Street, Burbank, California 842-5667, Attorneys for National Lawyers Guild Amicus Curie. Interstate Brief 6 Record Co., 356 Congress St, E.. Detroit 26, Michigan SUBJECT INDEX Page Motion for Leave to File Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants........................................ 1 Brief of National Lawyers Guild Amicus Curiae in Support of Appellants........................................ 3-13 Interest of the National Lawyers Guild... . 3-4 Statement ..................................................... 4 Argument ..................................................... 5-13 I. The historic role of the Grand Jury is that of guardian against oppres sive governmental action. ............... 5-8 II. The Grand Jury serves in its his toric role because of its representa tive character................................... 8-10 III. The Constitution and our historical heritage are particularly under mined by the practice of racial ex clusion from Grand Juries............... 11-13 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES CITED Cases Beck v. Washington, 369 U.S. 541, 582-83, 82 S. Ct. 955 [dissenting opinion]...................................... 8 College’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 550.................. 6 Earl of Shaftesbury’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 759' 6 Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43, 59................................. 8 Smith v. 'Texas, 311 U.S. 128,130, 61 S. Ct. 164,165.. 10 Thiel v. Southern Pac. Co., 328 UJS. 217, 2!20‘, 66 S. Ct. 984, 985.......................................................... 10 United States v. Wells, 163 F. 313, 324...................... 8 XI Miscellaneous Page Burnstein, Grand Jury Secrecy, 22 Law In Transi tion 93 [1962]....... ,............................................. 9 Edwards, The Grand Jury 27 (1906)......................... 5 Edwards, The Grand Jury 1-44 ([1906].................... 6 Kennedy & Briggs, Grand Jury ‘System 10 [1955]... 6 Kuh, The Grand Jury “ Presentment” : Foul Blow or Fair Play? 55 Colum. L. Rev. 1103, 1108 [1955] 6 Weinstein and Shaw, Grand Jury Reports—-A Safe guard of Democracy, 1962 Wash. TJ.L.Q1 191 [1962] ....................*............................................ 10 Younger, The People’s Panel, 74-75........................... 9 IN THE United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit — f— No. 21256 JONI RABINOWITZ, Appellant, vs, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee -------- f _ — . No. 21345 JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMQN, Appellants, vs. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee ----- ♦----- MOTION FOE LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANTS -----*---- - The National Lawyers Guild moves for leave to file the attached Brief Amicus Curiae. The interest of the Guild in the ease is set forth in the brief. ERNEST GOODMAN, SAMUEL ROSENWEIN, Attorneys for National Lawyers Guild. 3 IN THE United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit — +— - No,, 21256 JONI RABINQWITZ, Appellant, vs, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee -----+---- - No. 21345 JACKSON, THOMAS, WELLS, KING AND CHATMON, Appellants, vs, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee — — 4 ---- - BRIEF OF NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPELLANTS ---- #---- INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD The National Lawyers Guild is a national bar associa tion which, throughout its history, has supported the in dependence of the institutions of bar, bench and jury as bulwarks in the struggle to preserve the civil liberties of all. It was the first national bar association to admit all members of the bar without regard to color. It also ac- 4 lively engages in the legal arena for the elimination of dis crimination and segregation in all forms. The appellants were active participants in the struggle to assist those citizens denied their constitutional rights in the state of Georgia. They were indicted by a racially constituted Federal Grand Jury. The Guild believes that justice can never be secured until racial considerations are eliminated as factors in the func tioning of every aspect of the judicial process—including the Grand Jury. For these reasons it seems appropriate that the Guild submit its views as amicus curiae in this case. STATEMENT This brief is limited to the grand jury issue. On this question, amicus does not repeat the arguments briefed by appellant or other amici. The emphasis of the discussion which follows is on the historical development of the grand jury in England and in the United States as an institu tional device intended to assure the fair and impartial ad ministration of criminal justice. That history, it is sub mitted, casts significant light on the importance of main taining exacting standards in the selection of members of a grand jury to the end that the grand jury, as an instru ment of public justice, shall be truly representative of the community. On the record here, it does not appear that the grand jury was legally selected, and such an invalidly constituted jury, it is submitted, does not meet the con stitutional and democratic standards which history de mands. 5 ARGUMENT L THE HISTORIC ROLE OF THE GRAND JURY IS THAT OF GUARDIAN AGAINST OPPRESSIVE GOVERNMENTAL ACTION The formative period in the history of the grand jury saw that body develop into the accusatory arm of the government. By the Fourteenth Century, the form of the grand jury, and its function of handing down indictments was much as it is today. [See, Edwards, The Gramd Jwy 27 (1906).] This function of the grand jury was soon ex panded to include its more significant role—defender of the people’s liberty. The history was summarized by Mr. Justice Field, sitting as Circuit Justice, as follows: “The institution of the grand jury is of very an cient origin in the history of England; it goes back many centuries. For a long period its powers were not clearly defined; and it would seem, from accounts of commentators on the laws of that country, that it was at first a body which not only accused, but which also tried public offenders. However this may have been in its origin, it was, at the time of the settlement of this country, an informing and accusing tribunal only * * *. And in the struggles which at times arose in England between the powers of the king and the rights of the subject, it often stood as a barrier against persecution in his name; until, at length, it came to be regarded as an in stitution by which the subject was rendered secure against oppression from unfounded prosecution of the crown.” (Charge to Grand Jury, 30 Fed. Cases 992, 993, No. 18,255.) 6 The independence of the grand jury was established by College’s Case, (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 550, and the Earl of Shaftesbury’s Case (1681) 8 How. St. Tr. 759. In each case, the accused was charged with treason, but the grand jury found a bill “ignoramus” (the jury knows nothing of the charge). When the jurors in College’s case were asked why they had refused to indict, the answer was that they had acted “ ‘according to their consciences and that they would stand by it.’ ” (Kuh, The Grand Jury “ Present ment” : Foul Blow or Fair Play? 55 Colum. L. Key. 1108, 1108 [1955].) The true significance of these early cases can best be understood when it is realized that the grand jurors’ politi cal sympathies were with the accused, not with the king. In this sentiment they had the agreement of many people. (For an extensive discussion of the early history of the grand jury, see, Edwards, The Grand Jury 1-44 [1906]. See also, Kennedy & Briggs, Grand Jury System 10 [1955]; Kuh, op. cit., supra, 1108.) The action of the jury had a dual character: it was a demonstration of independence from the government and a reflection of popular support for the accused. The king’s solution to the action of the juries was the obvious: pick a new jury and get the desired indictment. This was done in the case of Stephen College, who was eventually executed. (Kuh, op. cit., supra, 1108; Edwards, op. cit., supra, 30.) But the grand jury had, by then, taken its place as protector of the people. In Colonial America the grand jury was noted as an instrument of the people. The most celebrated example of the democratic role of the early American grand jury is in the case of John Peter Zenger. Zemger, editor and pub lisher of the Weekly Journal, a New York paper, used his paper to express anti-royalist sentiment. In 1735 a grand 7 jury twice refused to indict him for libel. (Edwards, op. tit., supra, 32.) Again, the grand jury acted as an in strument of the people; as a barrier against oppression. Its primary concern at the time of the Zenger trial was to insure liberty and freedom of the press for the people. By the end of the Colonial period in American history, the grand jury had established itself as an indispensable arm of democratic government. Juries “ enforced or re fused to enforce laws as they sawT fit and stood guard against indiscriminate prosecution by royal officials.” (Younger, op. \dt., supra, 26.) The colonists were so firmly convinced that the grand jury was “a necessary and funda mental safeguard of individual rights against governmental oppression” (17 U. Miami L. Rev. 110 [1962]) that they overtly manifested such belief in the Fifth and Sixth Amendments of the United States Constitution. The importance of the grand jury as an instrument of democracy did not end with the revolution. Grand juries supervised law enforcement activities of sheriffs and eon- stables, and watched the activities of public officials. “At the time of the Alien and Sedition trials Judge Harry Innes advised a Frankfort, Kentucky, grand jury that its proper place was ‘as a strong barrier between the supreme power of the government and the citizens,’ rather than an instru ment of the state * * * Innes told the grand jurors that their duty was to shield the innocent from ‘unjust persecu tions.’ ” (Younger, op. cit., supra, 54-55.) From the early post-Revolutionary days to the present, grand juries have been thought of as a means of protect ing citizens from injustice. Again, in the words of Justice Field: “ In this country, from the popular character of our institutions, there has seldom been any contest 8 between the government and the citizen, which re quired the existence of the grand jury as a pro tection against oppressive action of the government. Yet the institution was adopted in this country from considerations similar to those which gave it its chief value in England, and is designed as a means, not only of bringing to trial persons accused of public offenses upon just grounds, but also as a means of protecting the citizen against unfounded accusation, whether it come from government or be prompted by partisan passion or private enmity # # # “ [TJhere is a double duty cast upon the jurors of this district; one a duty to the government, or more properly speaking, to society, to see that parties against whom there is a just ground to charge the commission of a crime, shall be held to answer the charge; and on the other hand, a duty to the citizen to see that he is not subjected to prosecution upon accusations having no better foundation than public clamor or private malice.” (30 Fed. Cases, supra, at 993; See also : Beck v. Washington, 369 U.S. 541, 582-83, 82 S. Ct. 955 [dissenting opinion]; Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43, 59.) II. THE GRAND JURY SERVES IN ITS HISTORIC ROLE BECAUSE OF ITS REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTER Two significant characteristics of the grand jury have made it possible for that institution to function “ as a safe guard against arbitrary or oppressive action.” (United States v. Wells, 163 F. 313, 324.) Secrecy is the first of 9 these. Briefly, it was necessary for jurymen to deliberate in secret in order to protect themselves from royal dis pleasure. It still remains an important safeguard against harassment of grand jurors. (See, generally, Burnstein, Grand Jwny Secrecy., 22 Law In Transition 93 [1962].) The other feature of importance is the grand jury’s repre sentative character. The earliest American grand juries were elected, usually by the town meeting. They reflected the revolutionary tenor of the colonists, and were in the lead in opposing the imperial government. (Younger, op. cit., s%pra, 27.) The broad, popular character of the grand jury of the frontier is described by Younger (The People's Panel 74- 75) as follows: “ Jurymen were indistinguishable from other per sons gathered at the county seat to trade and enjoy themselves. The only thing that set them apart from their neighbors was the summons they had received from the sheriff, telling them to appear for grand jury duty at the approaching session of the court. In most western territories and states the clerk of the court chose the grand jurors by lot from the list of eligible persons * # * All qualified electors were eligible for jury duty in most western areas. In only a few states was land ownership a prerequi site. However, as in the Colonial period, the re quirements were not high. Preemption claimants and those who had made their first payment on gov ernment land were regarded as landowners.” The relationship of the composition of the grand jury to its function was recognized by Chief Justice Shaw, Su preme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. “ Coming from the various parts of the country, first designated by their townsmen, as persons well fitted by their capacity, integrity, and personal 10 worth of character, to discharge the important func tions of jurors, and then for each particular service, designated by lot, without regard to sect or party, rank or condition, the Grand Jury may justly be regarded as a fair representation of the county, participating in all the interests and feelings of the people, and well acquainted with their condition and circumstances. They bring with them all the local knowledge and information, which are requisite to enable them to perform their important duties with efficiency, impartiality, and success.” (Charge to Grand Jury, 8 Am. Jurist 216.) The modern grand jury is thought to be as much a representative of the people as it was in the past. “A grand jury is a short-lived, representative, non-political body of citizens functioning without hope of personal aggrandizement. It comes from the citizens at large and soon disappears into its anonymity * * *” (Weinstein and Shaw, Grand Jury Reports—A Safeguard of Democracy, 1962 Wash. U.L.Q. 191 [1962].) The historical position of the jury, in this case the grand jury, has been recognized by the Supreme Court. Thus, it has been said: “ It is a part of the established tradition in the use of juries as instruments of public justice that the jury be a body truly representative of the community.” Smith v. Terns, 311 IJ.S. 128, 130, 61 S, Ct. 164, 165. To the same effect is Thiel v. Southern, Pac. Go., 328 IJ.S. 217, 220, 66 S. Ct. 984, 985. Unless a grand jury has been selected in a manner which permits it to carry out its historic function—-people’s rep resentative and guardian against oppression—it is respect fully submitted it has been improperly selected. 11 III. THE CONSTITUTION AND OUR HISTORICAL HERITAGE ARE PARTICULARLY UNDERMINED BY THE PRACTICE OF RACIAL EXCLUSION FROM GRAND JURIES A n official policy which, denies participation in the in strumentalities of justice to one class of citizens because of race is, of course, a denial of the equal protection of the laws, and a subversion of the true administration of crimi nal justice. Such policy, moreover, strikes at the very heart of a grand jury system where fair representation of a cross-section of the community is integral to the historic function of the grand jury. In the Southern States, the disparity between the quali fied Negro population and those Negroes who appear on grand and petit jury lists is so great as to make it plain that the requisite representative character of such juries is non-existent. In 1960, the twelve iSouthern States ( Ala bama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia) had a total population of 45,781,599 persons. Bureau of the Census, World Almanac (1962) 255. Of this population, 10,180,688, or some 22%, were non-white, predominantly Negroes. Bureau of the Census, World Almanac (1962 ) 257. In the same year, these South ern States had a population of voting age (generally 21 years, except Florida where the voting age is 18) totaling 26,528,885. Statistical Abstract of the United States (1962) 374. At the same time, there were 5,131,042 non-whites, or 20%, of similar voting age in such Southern States. The Black Belt, which extends from Tidewater, Virginia down 12 the Coast of the Carolinas, and westward across Central Georgia and Alabama to the Mississippi Delta; up through Mississippi and Louisiana into Tennessee and Arkansas, touching Florida and 'Texas (1981 Report of United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, p. 143) has an even greater percentage of qualified Negro inhabitants. Swpra, 331-341. There is every indication that a substantial number of Negroes in the Southern States are eligible for service on grand and petit juries, but repeated investigations have demonstrated that in many sections of the South “ the only service rendered by Negroes in the courts of justice is janitorial”. 1961 Report of the United States Commis sion on Civil Rights, vol. 1, p. 179. There are counties in the Southern States in which Negroes constitute the ma jority of the residents but take no part in government either as voters or jurors, swpra, p. 179. It is common knowledge that Negro citizens are qualified educationally and by other legal standards but are excluded from serv ing as jurors solely because of their race or color. The inference is plain from long-continued exclusion of Negroes from any jury service in the Southern States that whole sale discrimination exists in law and in fact. “ The serious and continuing nature of the problem is revealed by the frequency of cases in which the issue of jury exclusion is raised and by local situations which the facts in those cases disclosed; by the plain statements of judges and of ficial observers; and by various field studies conducted by the Commission’s staff.” 1961 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 5, p. 90. 13 It is plain, in the light of the aforesaid, that the grand jury system which functions in the Southern States is in large measure alien to onr historic traditions and to American concepts of even-handed justice. Respectfully submitted, ERNEST GOODMAN, 3220 Cadillac Tower, Detroit 26, Michigan. SAMUEL ROSENWEIN, 220 No. California St., Burbank, California 842-5667, Attorneys for National Lawyers Guild Amicus Curiae.