Jones v. Alfred H Mayer Company Memorandum for the United States as Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
October 2, 1967
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Jones v. Alfred H Mayer Company Memorandum for the United States as Amicus Curiae, 1967. 4e57905f-b99a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/e7950411-1a56-4545-b90b-9199c44fcedd/jones-v-alfred-h-mayer-company-memorandum-for-the-united-states-as-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 23, 2025.
Copied!
No. 645
J oseph L i e J ones a n d B a r b a r a J o J ones, petitioners
A l f r e d EL M a y e r Company e t al.
ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO TRE UNITED
STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT
JOHN DOAR,
; Assistant Attorney General,
LOUIS F. CLAIBORNE,
RICHARD A. POSNER,
Assistants to the Solicitor General,
Department of Justice,
Washington, D.C. 20530.
t r * * i i c t u 3 1 1 F.*~f S 1
J i t the jSitjjreme flfmirt of ilte United States
October Term , 1967
No. 645
J oseph Lee J ones and B arbara J o J ones, petitioners
v.
Alfred H. Mayer Company et al.
ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED
STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT
MEMORANDUM FOR THE UNITED STATES AS AMICUS CURIAE
The petition for a writ of certiorari presents the
question whether the racially motivated refusal of the
developer of a large residential subdivision to sell a
house to Negroes contravenes federal Law. In the view
of the United States, the question is one of large pub
lic importance and merits this Court’s review. We
urge that the writ be granted.
1. The causes of the racial tensions which beset the
Nation at the present time are many; but none, per
haps, is more fundamental than the situation in hous
ing. Many Negroes are not only excluded from the
experience of integrated living but are commonly
denied decent living conditions, social services and
educational and employment opportunities. One of the
(i)
279- 717— 67— — 1
2
significant factors which has created, and tends to
maintain, residential segregation is the widespread
refusal of real estate developers to sell new suburban
housing to Negroes.1 Few issues tendered to this Court
in recent years are more vital in their practical con
sequences than the legality of this practice.
2. The petitioners argue that the refusal to sell a
house and lot to them in Paddock Woods constitutes
a denial of equal protection of the laws within the
meaning of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
To be sure, that provision is addressed to action by
the State, not private individuals, and, nominally, no
State official is implicated in the conduct of the de
veloper here. But this Court has rejected a mechani
cal view of State action that would limit the protec
tions of the Fourteenth Amendment to obvious exer
cises of governmental power. In Marsh v. Alabama,
326 U.S. 501, the Court held that the right of free
speech extended to the privately owned streets of a
company town. In Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, it
held that judicial enforcement of racially restrictive
convenants violated the Fourteenth Amendment, since,
as Mr. Justice Black explained in his dissenting opin
ion in Bell v. Maryland, 378 U.S. 226, 329, such cov
enants were “in reality the equivalent of and had the
effect of state and municipal zoning laws, accomplish
ing the same kind of racial discrimination as if the
State had passed a statute instead of leaving this ob
jective to be accomplished by a system of private con
1 We are advised that a significant proportion of new dwel
lings are being built in areas comparable to the developments
involved here.
3
tracts, enforced by the State.” And, just two Terms
ago, in Evans v. Newton, 382 U.S. 296, the Court
found sufficient indication of a public character in a
private park in Macon, Georgia, to make the exclusion
of Negroes from it unlawful State action.
These decisions—and others (Terry v. Adams, 345
U.S. 461; Public Utilities Comm’n v. Poliak, 343 U.S.
451; Republic Aviation Corp. v. National Labor Rela
tions Board, 324 U.S. 793; Smith v. AUwright„ 321
U.S. 649)—establish the principle that a private in
dividual who is permitted by the State to perform an
essentially public function assumes, along with the
governmental powers of the State, its constitutional
obligations. We urge that the Court consider whether
the facts of the present case bring it within the scope
of this rule. According to the allegations of the com
plaint (which must be taken as true, since the case
was dismissed at the pleading stage), the petitioners
were refused on racial grounds the right to purchase
a house and lot in a large real estate development
otherwise open to the public. When completed, the
development will house 1,000 people and form part of
an even larger complex of similar developments con
structed in the area by the same developer with fi
nancing by the Federal Housing Administration. This
complex—which will house a total of some 2,700 fami
lies—will include recreational facilities (golf course
plus tennis and bath club) built by the developer for
the primary benefit of the residents. The developer
has laid out streets for the use of the residents and
has undertaken to provide such community services as
garbage collection, all controlled by a board of trustees
4
appointed by him. The board will also have the legal
authority to levy assessments and to collect them
through judicial action.
Involved here, in short, is the creation of a com
plete suburban community. To fence out Negroes from
such a community would appear to be essentially no
different from fencing them out from a company
town, a private park, or (by means of racial restric
tive covenants) an already developed residential area.
3. Petitioners urge as an alternative basis for up
holding the complaint—assuming the State is not suf
ficiently implicated to justify invoking the Equal Pro
tection Clause itself—that this case falls within Sec
tion 1978 of the Revised Statutes, 42 U.S.C. 1982,
which provides: “ All citizens of the United States
shall have the same right, in every State and Terri
tory, as is enjoyed by white citizens thereof to inherit,
purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and per
sonal property.” To be sure, literally read, the provi
sion could be viewed as merely lifting the former
total disability of slaves to acquire rights in real
property, but that limited interpretation was rejected
long ago. Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60; Harmon
v. Tyler, 273 U.S. 668; Richmond v. Deans, 281 U.S.
704; Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U.S. 24. Those cases hold ex
pressly that any substantial “fencing out” of Negroes
from an area is forbidden by Section 1978, and that is
certainly the effect here.
The more difficult question here is whether the
statute reaches wholly private action. We recognize
that in Corrigan v. Buckley, 271 U.S. 323, the Court
took the view that it did not. But that decision was
5
premised on the supposition that Section 1978 was
Fourteenth Amendment legislation and that Congress
lacked power to implement the Equal Protection
Clause by controlling the conduct of private persons.
I t is arguable, however, that the provision—originally
enacted in 1866 (Act of April 9, 1866, § 1, 14 Suit. 27)
before the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted—-per
missibly implements the Thirteenth Amendment by
removing a vestige of slavery. And, at all events, it
may be appropriate to reconsider Corrigan in light
of the prevailing view with respect to congressional
power under the Fourteenth Amendment. We take it
as now settled that a construction of Section 1978
as guaranteeing the enumerated rights against pri
vate abridgment would encounter no constitutional
obstacle—even if the section were viewed as wholly
Fourteenth Amendment legislation. See United States
v. Guest, 383 U.S. 745, 761-762 (concurring opinion
of Mr. Justice Clark), 774-784 (separate opinion of
Mr. Justice Brennan) ; Katsenbach v. Morgan, 384
U.S. 641.
Nothing in the text of Section 1978 limits its reach
to action by State officials.2 Although other provisions
2 In its original form, the provision ended with the phrase
“any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom to the con
trary, notwithstanding.” Putting aside the dictum in the Civil
Rights Cases, 109- U.S. 3, 16, we view these as words of empha
sis, not of limitation—like the comparable words of the Su
premacy Clause of the Constitution. U.S. Const., Art. YI, cl. 2.
The sense of the provision, as we read it, is that equality of
civil lights is guaranteed even as against hostile State enact
ments. But freedom to enjoy those rights free of racial dis
crimination is secured also where no State law compels or author
izes the interference, indeed, even where State law prohibits it. Cf.
6
of the Act in terms dealt only with conduct taken
“under color” of State law (e.g., §2, now 18 U.S.C.
242), it is arguable that the more sweeping outlawry
of discriminations based on race invoked here was not
similarly confined. That would not be inconsistent
with other civil rights legislation of the period.3
Moreover, one need not judge the matter entirely
from the limited viewpoint of 1866. Because the cen
tral preoccupation of that time was to combat clas
sical State action in the form of the Black Codes,4
it was natural for the Congress to focus its remedy
on those who would enforce or invoke those hostile
laws. The reenactment of the statute in 1870,5 in
changed circumstances, may well have had a broader
objective. At that point- the Nation was concerned
with unofficial action and it is reasonable to suppose
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167. This reading is, of course, con
sistent with the Revision of 1874 which deleted the quoted phrase,
presumably as surplusage. See R.S. § 1978.
3 Thus, while Sections 2 and 3 of the Enforcement Act of
May 31, 1870 (16 Stat. 140) reached only officers, Section 4
(invalidated in United States v. Reese, 92 U.S. 214), Section
5 (invalidated in James v. Boivman, 190 U.S. 127), and Section
6 (now 18 U.S.C. 241), reached private conspiracies as well. So
it is with the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871 (17 Stat. 13):
Section 1 (now 42 U.S.C. 1983) reached only acts done “under
color” of State law, but Section 2 (the criminal portion of
which was declared unconstitutional in United States v. Harris,
106 U.S. 629, and Baldwin v. Franks, 120 U.S. 678, the civil
provision surviving as 42 U.S.C. 1985) encompassed private
conspiracies. And the pattern is the same in the Act of March
1, 1875 (18 Stat. 335) : Sections 1 and 2 (invalidated in the
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3) reached private action, while
Section 4 (sustained in E x Parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339, now
18 U.S.C. 243) reached only officials.
4 Even then, however, there were occasional indications of a
broader concern. See, e.gn Cong. Globe, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.,
P art 2, 1120, 1124, 1160.
5 Act of May 31, 1870, § 18, 16 Stat. 140, 144.
7
that the Congress which dealt most explicitly with
private conspiracies (see 18 U.S.C. 241) likewise in
tended to reach unofficial interference with the rights
guaranteed by the provision here at issue.6 The later
reenactment in the Revisions of 1874 and 1878 appear
to point in the same direction.7 Thus, there may be
sound basis for arguing that Section 1978 forbids
private action which, in practical effect, frustrates
the right of the Negro to live in the community of
his choice.
In conclusion, we stress that this case does not in
volve the validity of a single, isolated refusal to sell to
a Negro when comparable housing in the same area is
readily available to him. Such an individual act of dis-
6 Indeed, the decision in Hodges v. United States, 203 U.S. 1,
seems to so assume with respect to the rights guaranteed by
Section 1977, the companion provision also derived from Sec
tion 1 of the Act of 1866. The holding tha t Congress cannot
constitutionally reach an unofficial conspiracy interfering with
the exercise of the right to contract has been qualified by recent
decisions. See, also, the dictum of Mr. Justice Bradley, on cir
cuit, in United States v. Oruikshank, 1 Woods 308, 319, 25 Fed.
Cas. 707, 712, in which he apparently construes Section 1978,
together with 18 U.S.C. 241, as protecting the right of a Negro
to lease a farm against the interference of a wholly private con
spiracy of hostile whites.
7 Between 1870 and 1878, Congress had twice more addressed
itself to private action interfering with the exercise of federal
rights. See § 2 of the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, and §§ 1
and 2 of the Act of March 1, 1875, both discussed at n. 3,
supra. I t is also noteworthy that the Revised Statutes expanded
the practical scope of both of the other surviving provisions of
the Civil Bights Act of 1866—Section 2, the criminal provision,
reenacted as R.S. § 5510 (now 18 U.S.C. 242); and Section 3, the
removal provision, re-enacted as B.S. 641 (now 28 U.S.C. 1443).
See Screws v. United States, 325 U.S. 91, 98-100, 120; Georgia v.
Rachel, 384 U.S. 780, 788-789. Cf. United States v. Mosley, 238
U.S. 383, 386-388.
8
crimination may well be beyond the reach of the Lqual
Protection Clause and of Section 1978. The only issue
here is whether a discriminatory course of conduct
which has the effect of wholly excluding Negroes from
an entire community is not so substantial an abridg
ment of the right to acquire property as to offend the
statute or so like an exercise of governmental power
as to fall under the ban of the Constitution. In our
view, the question is substantial and merits this
Court’s consideration.
Respectfully submitted.
R alph S. Spritzer,
Acting Solicitor General.
.John D oar,
Assistant Attorney General.
Louis P . Claiborne,
R ichard A. P osner,
Assistants to the Solicitor General.
October 1967.
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1967