United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburg Inc. v. Carey Brief for Respondents-Intervenors In Opposition
Public Court Documents
October 6, 1975
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburg Inc. v. Carey Brief for Respondents-Intervenors In Opposition, 1975. 0d813527-c79a-ee11-be37-000d3a574715. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/eba40593-eb89-475d-a204-7634ceb55706/united-jewish-organizations-of-williamsburg-inc-v-carey-brief-for-respondents-intervenors-in-opposition. Accessed November 26, 2025.
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I n the
(Hxtwct nf MnxUh
October Term, 1975
No. 75-104
U nited J ewish Oeganizations of
WiLLIAMSBUEGH, I n C., et ol.,
Petitioners,
H ugh L. Caeey, et at.
ON PETITION POE A WRIT OP CERTIOEAEI
TO THE UNITED STATES COUET OP APPEALS
POE THE SECOND CIECUIT
BRIEF FOR RESPONDENTS-INTERVENORS
IN OPPOSITION
J ack Geeenbeeg
E eic S chnappbe
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Counsel for Respondents-Intervenors
I n the
©ourt nf MnxUh
October Term, 1975
No. 75-104
U nited J ewish Organizations of
W illiamSBUBGH, I nc., et al.,
Petitioners,
V.
H hgh L. Carey, et al.
o n p e t it io n POE A WEIT OF CEETIOEAEI
TO THE UNITED STATES COUET OP APPEALS
POE THE SECOND OIECUIT
BRIEF FOR RESPONDENTS-INTERVENORS
IN OPPOSITION
Opinions Below
The opinion of the Court of Appeals (Appendix E of
the Petition) is reported at 510 F.2d 512. The opinion of
the District Court (Appendix H of the Petition) is reported
at 377 P.Supp. 1164.
Jurisdiction
The jurisdictional requisites are adequately set forth
in the Petition.
Questions Presented
Do the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments prohibit
New York from adopting district lines designed to over
come the discriminatory effect of an earlier districting
plan?
Statement of the Case
In January, 1972, the State of New York enacted legis
lation altering, inter alia, the Senate and Assembly lines
in Kings County (Brooklyn). Chapter 11, Laws of New
York, 1972. On January 31, 1974, New York submitted
these 1972 district lines to the Attorney General of the
United States for his approval under section 5 of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c. On April 1,
1974, Assistant Attorney General J. Stanley Pottinger,
acting on behalf of the Attorney General, disapproved the
1972 redistricting in Kings County on the ground that it
have the effect of discriminating against non-whites on the
basis of race.
On May 30, 1974, New York adopted a new set of district
lines designed to remove the discriminatory aspects of the
lines disapproved by the Attorney General. Chs. 588, 589,
590, 591 and 599, Laws of New York, 1974. On July 1,
1974, Assistant Attorney General Pottinger approved the
1974 lines as sufficient to eliminate the discriminatory effect
of the old 1972 lines.
On June 11, 1974, petitioners commenced this action in
the United States District Court for the Eastern District of
New York, alleging that the 1974 lines discriminated against
whites, and seeking to compel New York to hold elections
using the 1972 lines which the Attorney General had al
ready disapproved. The district court permitted the re-
spondent-intervenors, several individuals and a branch of
the N.A.A.C.P., to intervene as defendants. On July 25,
1974, the district court dismissed the complaint, holding
that the 1974 district lines were constitutional and had
properly been enacted to correct the discriminatory aspects
of the 1972 lines.^ On January 6, 1975, the Court of Appeals
for the Second Circuit affirmed that dismissal.^
Reasons for Denying the Writ
Petitioners suggest first that the Attorney General erred
when he disapproved the 1972 district lines. The record
before the Attorney General revealed that the 1972 lines,
as previous redistricting, had been drawn so as to keep
in office, despite a growing non-white population in Kings
County, white members of the Assembly and Senate. The
vast majority of non-whites were concentrated in a con
tiguous ghetto in and around the Bedford-Stuyvesant area.
The gerrymandering was accomplished by pairing non
white neighborhoods with far larger white areas, so that
most non-white voters were placed in districts with sub
stantial white majorities. Voting patterns clearly indicated
that white voters voted as a block against a black or Puerto
Rican candidate and that no black or Puerto Rican had
ever been elected to the legislature from Kings County by
a district with a majority of white voters. As a result of
this gerrymandering, although 35.6% of the population of
Kings County was non-white, only 11.7% of the Senate
districts and 23.2% of the Assembly districts had non
white majorities. There were 574,811 non-whites living in
predominantly white Senate districts, but only 44,081 whites
living in predominantly non-white Senate districts. Simi
larly, there were 361,707 non-whites living in predominantly
white Assembly districts, but only 135,260 whites living in
̂Petition 53a-58a.
̂Petition 7a-50a.
predominantly non-white Assembly districts. In this man
ner a majority of blacks and Puerto Ricans in Kings
County were gerrymandered into districts where a black or
Puerto Rican candidate could not be elected, and were thus
effectively disenfranchised. Statistical analysis indicated
that the few non-white districts, placed at the very center
of the ghetto, were quite compact, but the white districts
used to disenfranchise non-white voters were far from
compact since they were drawn to pair ghetto communities
with larger white areas miles away.^ In view of this evi
dence the Attorney General concluded that New York had
failed to establish that the 1972 lines would not have the
effect of discriminating against black and Puerto Rican
voters.
Petitioners challenge the Attorney General’s decision on
several grounds. First, petitioners suggest that the Attor
ney General could only disapprove the 1972 lines if they
had been adopted for the purpose of discriminating on the
basis of race.* Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, however,
requires that a new districting plan must be free both of
a discriminatory purpose and of any discriminatory effect.
42 U.S.C. § 1973c; City of Richmond v. United States, 43
U.S.L.W. 4865, 4867-70 (1975); Georgia v. United States.
411 U.S. 526, 530 (1973). Second, petitioners claim that
the Attornej' General erred because he imposed on New
York the burden of proving that the 1972 lines had neither
a discriminatory purpose or effect." The applicable regu
lations expressly place this burden on the state, 28 C.F.R.
§ 51.19, and the Court upheld this burden in Georgia v.
United States, 411 F.S. 526, 536-41 (1973). The Coiirt of
® Mouioramhuu of N.A..\.C.P. lu Opx'>osition to Apprvn-al of
Chapters 11, Tti, 77 and 78. New York l.aws of 1972: Letter of
Mareli 21. 1974 to 4. Stanley Pottinger fwnn counsel for the
N..\..\.C.P.
* Petition 11,
" Ih'tition 11.
Appeals correctly concluded/ and petitioners virtually con
cede/ that the correctness of the Attorney General’s deci
sion cannot be challenged in the instant proceeding.
The 1974 lines to which petitioners object significantly
remedied the discriminatory effect of the disapproved 1972
lines. Under the 1974 plan 30% of the Senate districts
and 31.4% of the Assembly districts had non-white major
ities, compared to 35.1% of the county population,* a sub
stantial increase over the 1972 figures. The number of
non-whites living in Senate districts with white majorities
was reduced from 574,811 to 169,880, and the number of
non-whites living in Assembly districts with white major
ities was reduced from 361,707 to 167,632.® The 1974 lines
significantly reduced the previous practice of pairing non
white portions of the Bedford-Stuyvesant area with larger
white communities far away.
Under the 1974 lines, whites who constitute 64.9% of
the county population, are in a majority of 68.6% of the
Assembly districts and 70.0% of the Senate districts.
Among the officials elected under the 1974 lines, 77.2% of
the Assemblymen are white and 80% of the Senators are
white. Despite those facts, petitioners assert that this dis
tricting plan unfairly discriminates against whites. Peti
tioners do not claim that whites have been deprived of a
meaningful opportunity to participate in the political pro
cesses and to elect legislators of their choice. White v.
Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 766 (1973). Manifestly white voters
in the county exercise political power significantly greater
than their numbers alone would warrant. Petitioners urge,
® Petition 20a-22a.
’ Petition 9, n.3.
* Petition, 27a, n.21.
® See Interim Report of the Joint Committee on Reapportion
ment, A29, A31.
rather, that in remedying the discriminatory effect of the
1972 lines New York could not consider whether the pro
posed 1974 lines also discriminated against blacks and
Puerto Ricans.
There was manifestly no way the New York legislature
could have remedied the discriminatory effect of the 1972
lines without considering the racial composition of possible
new districts. Clearly the Attorney General, in passing on
new districts submitted by New York, was obligated to
consider the racial composition of those districts in order
to decide whether they, like the 1972 districts, had a dis
criminatory effect. I t would have been irresponsible for
New York to have adopted a series of district plans at
random, without regard to their discriminatory effect,
until it stumbled across a plan without the forbidden effect.
Petitioners do not suggest New York should have done so,
nor do they suggest any way in which the state could have
corrected the defects of the 1972 lines. Petitioners’ con
tentions, if accepted, would mean that, even if the 1972
lines in fact violated section 5 of the Voting Rights Act,
New York could not remedy that violation.
The “65 percent quota” to which petitioners object is
nothing of the kind. The central defect of the 1972 lines
was that they placed most of the non-white voters in
districts in which a majority of the eligible voters were
white. In assessing whether the new lines had overcome
the discriminatory effect of the 1972 lines, it was necessary
for New York to determine whether the majority of eligible
voters in each proposed district were white. Available
census data, however, reveals only the racial composition
of the total population of each district, not of the voting
age population. Due to the unusually large number of non
white children in Kings County, a district with 65% non
white total population has a voting age population approx
imately 50% non-white.“ Thus the 65 percent standard
was used, not to fix a particular quota, but merely to
determine if the discrimination found by the Attorney
General had been eliminated, i.e., to determine whether
disproportionate numbers of non-whites were still in
districts in which a majority of eligible voters were white.
The city council districts which this Court approved in
City of Richmond v. United States, 43 U.S.L.W. 4865, 4869
(1975), were at least 64% non-white.
The 1974 district lines did not “guarantee” non-white
control of the new districts. The Attorney General, in
approving the 1974 lines, rejected the contention that he
should require greater non-white majorities, reasoning
that the new lines provided a “realistic opportunity for
minorities to elect a candidate of their choice,” “ and that
they were entitled to no more. In the five new districts
where non-whites were for the first time a majority,^^ white
candidates won the elections in four.“ Nor do the 1974
lines “maximize” non-white representation. I t clearly
would have been possible to increase the non-white popula
tion in many districts and to create additional majority
non-white districts, but the Attorney General in approving
In 1970 75.3% of all whites were 18 or over, but only 51.1%
of all Puerto Ricans and only 58.2% of all blacks. United States
Census, General Social and Economic Characteristics, New York,
pp. 615, 644, 661. In addition, due to a defect in the census ques
tionnaire, the population figures used by the New York legislature
may have overstated the non-white population by as much as
20%. Memorandum Of Applicants For Intervention in Support
of Motions to Dismiss, pp. 26-27; Table 3.
Petition, 9a.
The 57th and 59th Assembly Districts, 17th and 23rd Senate
Districts, and the 14th Congressional Districts.
12 White candidates were elected in all but the 23rd Senate Dis
trict.
8
the 1974 lines declined to require thisd^ The 1974 lines do
not create a number of majority non-white districts that
is excessive compared to the county population; the pro
portion of Senate and Assembly districts with non-white
majorities is significantly lower than the proportion of the
county population which is non-white.“ Compare City of
Richmond v. United States, 43 U.S.L.W. 4865, 4868-69
(1975).
The core of petitioners’ contention is that the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments prohibit the states from delib
erately adopting legislation to remedy racial discrimina
tion. Such a construction would render the amendments
literally self-defeating, forbidding both discrimination and
any remedy therefor. In City of Richmond v. United
States, 43 U.S.L.W. 4865 (1975), this Court held that, to
ovecome the potential discriminatory effect of an annex
ation, the city was obligated to deliberately adopt a “ward
system [which] fairly reflects the strength of the Negro
community after the annexation,” and which would afford
non-whites “representation reasonably equivalent to their
political strength in the enlarged community”. 43 U.S.L.W.
at 4868, 4869. City of Richmond holds that an affected
jurisdiction not only can but must consciously fashion a
racially fair districting system to overcome the discrimin
atory effect of an earlier election scheme disapproved by
the Attorney General. The remedy adopted by New York
in 1974 was not merely permissible, it was mandatory.
Even before City of Richmond this Court recognized that
discrimination could not he remedied without considering
the racial consequences of the proposed relief. Swann v.
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Roard of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 18
Memorandum of Decision, Nos. V6541-47, pp. 14-18.
City of Richmond v. United States, 43 U.S.L.W. 4865, 4868-69
(1975).
(1971) upheld the use of a racially based pupil assignment
plan to end the effects of discrimination, on the ground
that “[a]wareness of the racial composition of the whole
school system is likely to be a useful starting point in
shaping a remedy to correct past constitutional violations.”
402 U.S. 1, 18 (1971). In a companion case the Court held
unconstitutional a North Carolina law which prohibited
the assignment of students “on account of race,” reasoning
that such a statute would obstruct the creation of etfective
remedies. “Just as the race of students must be considered
in determining whether a constitutional violation has
occurred, so also must race be considered in formulating a
remedy.” North Carolina Board of Education v. Swann,
402 U.S. 43, 45-46 (1971). The lower courts have con
sistently recognized the need to use racial criterion to
remedy racial discrimination.^®
There are, moreover, serious questions as to petitioners’
standing to maintain this action. Under the Voting Rights
Act the Attorney General’s decisions can only be challenged
by the State of New York in the District Court for the
District of Columbia, not by private parties in other courts.
Despite the changes worked by the 1974 lines, the incumbent
white Assemblyman who in the past represented peti
tioners’ community was re-elected, and white voters still
control more legislative districts than their numbers alone
would warrant. The petitioners themselves repeatedly
testified that they had no interest in being in a majority
See e.g. Norwalk COBE v. Norwalk Redevelopment Agency,
395 P.2d 920, 931-32 (2d Cir. 1968) (discrimination in urban
development); Gautreaux v. Romney, 448 F.2d 731 (7th Cir.
1971) (discrimination in public housing) ; Associated General
Contractors v. Altshuler, 490 F.2d 9, 16 (1st Cir. 1973), cert,
denied 416 U.S. 957 (1974) (employment discrimination); Brooks
V. Beto, 366 F.2d 1 (5th Cir. 1966) (discrimination in the selec
tion of grand jurors).
10
white district.^’ Although plaintiffs object that their com
munity has been divided between two Assembly districts,
the record reveals that this was done to keep as many
of them as possible in a heavily white district, a practice
of which plaintiffs do not complaind* Petitioners’ desire
to litigate the abstract questions posed by the Petition
does not amount to a clear and substantial injury arising
from the alleged illegality of which they complain.
The decision of the Court of Appeals below is both
correct and consistent with the decisions of this Court
and other courts of appeals. This case presents no im
portant questions of law which this Court has not already
settled.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons it is respectfully submitted
that the petition for a writ of certiorari should be denied.
Eespectfully submitted.
J ack Greenbeeg
E ric S chkapper
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Counsel for Respondents-Intervenors
” Trauseript of Hearing of June 20, 1974, pp. 41-42, 104-05, 112.
'®Mr. Scolaro, who drafted the 1974 tines for the Legislatirre,
at (irst testified that this division was necessary to eoinply with
Assistant Alioruey (ieneral Pottinger’s decision. Petition 12.
Hut on erosS-exainination he eoneeded it would have been possible
to comply with tlie t'ottinger deeision atul keep plaintitlV eom-
innnily intael, and that he had not done so beeause that could
haVI' been aeeoiuplisheil only by placing the community iu a dis
trict willi a substantial nmi-white majority. Trauseript of Hearing
of .Inne 20, 1SI74, pp. 171-75; see Petition 25a,
MEIIEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C. 219