Fax to Berrien From Hodgkiss RE: Suggested Changes to Report
Correspondence
February 20, 1998
10 pages
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Case Files, Cromartie Hardbacks. Fax to Berrien From Hodgkiss RE: Suggested Changes to Report, 1998. 28a5a09b-e20e-f011-9989-0022482c18b0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/f83f1612-e01d-424b-8292-1c0a6c56a799/fax-to-berrien-from-hodgkiss-re-suggested-changes-to-report. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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vote, and only 24 9 10 29% of the white vote /d.
All of this information about the historical exclusion of black voters, the continuing use of
racial appeals, the socio-economic disparities affecting black voters’ opportunities to participate in
the election process, and lack of success of black candidates, and the continuing prevalence of racially
polarized voting was provided to the General Assembly before it passed the 1997 remedy plan on
March 31". mcluding the most recent analyses of polarized voting that idenufied the level of racially
polarized voting in northeastern North Carolina. Segfe 10. submission Jin crafting a remedial plan,
the North Carolina General Assembly was aware of the potential that the failure to draw a majonty-
black district in the northeastern region of the state might subject them to liability under Section 2 of
the Voting Rights Act
The initial congressional redistricting plan passed by the General Assembly in 1991 contained
one majoriry-black district in the northeast which was 55.69% black in total popularion and 52.18%
black in voting age population. Stipulation Exhibit 10 The 1992 plan contained two majonty-black
districts, while the 1997 remedy plan has just one The First and Twelfth Districts in those plans have
the following populations:
1992 Dist 1 1997 Dist. 1 1992 Dist. 12 1997 Dist. 12
Toral Black 57 26% 50.27% 56 63% 46.67%
Total White 41 61% 48.62% 41 80% 51.89%
Vou Age Black 53 40% 46.54% 53 34% 43.36%
Vot Age White 45.49% 52.42% 45 21% 55.08%
Source: Attachment 97C-27A-1, Stipulation Exhibit 10
The 1997 remedial plan has just one majority black district, which is only 50.27% black in toral
population This is seven percentage points lower in black population than the 1992 plan, and over
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five percentage points lower than the original 1991 congressional redistricung plan. District 12 in
the remedial plan is no longer a majority-black district. The black population in District 121s ten
percentage points lower than it was in the 1992 plan
fn 1997, the General Assembly had two primary redistricting goals to remedy the
constirutional defects in the 1992 plan, including the predominance of racial considerarions in the
shape and locaton of District 12, and the potential constitutional defects in Distner 1 in the 1992
plan Submission letter page 9 This goal was accomplished by emphasizing a vanety of redistricting
principles, including:
1 Avoiding dividing precincts entirely and counties to the extent possible,
2 Avoiding using narrow corridors 10 connect concentrations of minority voters,
3 Striving for geographical compaciness,
4. Purswng functional compactness by grouping together citizens with similar interests
and needs,
Seeking districts that allow good communication among Voters and their
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representatives
The second primary goal was 10 preserve the even six and six partisan balance in North
Carolina's current congressional delegation. /d. This partisan balance reflects the existing balance
berween Democrats and Republicans in the state In addition, with the State House controlled by
Republicans and the State Senate controlled by Democrats, the only plan the General Assembly would
be able to agree on is one that did not improve either party's electoral chances over the status quo.
The General Assembly felt, as a matter of policy, that the legislature was more suited 10
accomplishing the multi-factored balancing that is required to meet the needs of voters in very
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different regions of the state in a redistnctng plan, rather than leaving the task ta the Court Thus,
preservation of the existing partisan balance became a driving force in locating and shaping the
congressional districts. An entirely new configuration would not have been politically acceptable.
During the 1997 redistricting process, the General Assembly rejected plans that would have
created a second majority-minority district in the area eastward of Charlotte to Cumberland and
Robeson Counties on the ground that such a district would have combined urban and rural voters
with disparate and divergent economic, social and cultural inrerests and needs In addition, that
district would have thwarted the goal of maintaining partisan balance m the state's congressional
delegation Subumssion Letter at 10 Several groups and individuals, including the North Carolina
Association of Black Lawyers and State Representative Mickey Michaux, objected to the 1997
remedial plan because, in their view, it dilutes the vote of African-American voters in certain areas
of the state and “deliberately separates large politically cohesive African-American commumiues ”
See Shaw v. Hunt, No 92-202-CIV-5, Memorandum in Support of Motion to Intervene, filed April
15,1997 The plan favored by these groups also would have combined the African-American voters
in Charlotte with minority voters, including African-Americans and Native-Americans, in the rural
areas southeast of Charlotte
The court in Shaw v. Huni approved the General Assembly's 1997 remedial plan as “having
adequately remedied the specific constitutional violation respecting former congressional District 12
that was found by the Supreme Court of the United States in Shaw v. Hunt, 116 S. Ct. 1894 (1996) ”
Shaw v Hunt, No 92-202-CIV-5, Order filed September 12, 1997
ARGUMENT
Standard for Granting Summary Judgment
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The governing standards for determining whether summary judgment 1s appropriate were
most recently summarized by the Fourth Circuir as follows.
Summary judgments are appropriate in those cases where there is no genuine dispute
as to a marenal fact and it appears that the moving party is enuitled to a judgment as
a marter of law Fed R Civ P 56(c), Adickes v. S.H. Kress & Co., 398 U S 144,
157 (1970). On summary judgment, any permissible inferences 10 be drawn from the
underlying facts must be viewed in the light most favorable to the party opposing the
motion Matsushita Elec. Indus. Co. Lid. v. Zenith Radio Corp., 475 U S. 574, 587-
88 (1986). However, where the record 1aken as a whole could not lead a rational trier
of fact to find for the non-moving party, disposition by summary judgment 1S
appropriated. at 587, Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 US 242, 248-49
(1986).
United States v. Nawonal Financial Services, Inc., 98 F.3d 131, 135 (4” Cir. 1996)
Summary of Argument
The plaintiffs have moved for summary judgment on two separate grounds. First, they argue
that the 1997 remedial congressional redistricting plan is “fruit of the poisonous tree” and therefore
unconstitutional. Second, they argue that race predominated in the drawing of Districts 1 and 12 in
the 1997 remedial plan and that these districts do not satisfy strict scrutiny. Plamnnfs first theory is
a completely novel, and unworkable, proposition that has never been followed by any court that has
examined what standards apply when a jurisdiction is remedying a voting rights violation Plaintiffs
second theory is without factual support For these reasons, defendants’ cross-mornon for summary
judgment should be granted.
I THE STATE LEGISLATURE IS NOT REQUIRED TO COMPLETELY
REDESIGN CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS IN ORDER TO REMEDY A
SHAW VIOLATION
Plaintiffs contend that the new North Carolina congressional redistricting plan should be
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declared unconstitutional because it is fruit of the poisonous tree of the prior redistricting plan held
to be unconstitutional. Essentially, plaintiffs would have this Court hold that if a state does not |
completely discard the original challenged plan before developing its new remedial redistricting plan,
that new plan should be held unconstitutional. Plaintiffs’ argument reflects a misunderstanding of the
current state of voting rights law and an unrealistic view of the redistricting process, during which
the state must engage in a complex balancing of many competing interests
When curing a violation, states have a legitimate interest in minimizing the disruption of its
political process, for example, by ensuring that prior partisan balances are maintained and the
surrounding districts are preserved to the extent possible Courts have recognized the necessity of
jurisdictions considering these issues, giving states deference in the redistricting process, yee Johnson
v. Miller, 115 S.Ct. cite, 2488 (), Scott v. United States, 920 F Supp. 1248, 1255 (MD Fla 1996),
White v. Weiser, 412 U S 783, 794-95 (1973), and granting stares the first opportumty to propose
a remedial plan after a voting rights violation is found. McDaniel v. Sanchez, 432U 8 130, 1500.30
(1981). These rulings reflect an understanding and endorsement of the delicate balance between these
compering interests which states must strike in drawing redistricting plans
Plaintiffs would put the state in the untenable position of completely disregarding the
complexity of the redistricting process in the course of curing a constitutional violation Given the
realities of the redistncting process, plaintiffs’ approach makes little real-world sense, as the
construction of a district typically does not occur by the state considering isolated, unrelated factors
The creator of a plan which cures a defect with one district, considering a mass of political,
geographic, and demographic data and a mix of redistricting policies, does not make redistricting
decisions without regard to the effect on the overall profile of the plan. The reasons for each
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redistricting decision cannot fairly be evaluated in isolation. Thus, mn the development of remedial
plans, strates routinely and legitimately take into account the effect of making any changes 1o the
original plan, as this could impact the opportunity to maintain prior political balances. In the course
of curing a constitutional violation, it would, therefore, be entirely realistic for a state to seek 10 make
the least alterations possible to a plan, if doing so would assist in meeting its other redistricting goals
Plainnffs’ argument would seriously impact the settlement and remedial process in voting rights cases,
as the state could not development plans which both cure statutory and Constitutional objections
while also taking into consideration the state's legitimate political interests
In essence. plaintiffs’ argument is an attempt to mask their primary objection to the 1996 plan
the fact that the remedial plan maintains two districts with substantial black populations. For
plainuifFs, it is constitutionally fatal for a plan designed 10 remedy a finding of unconstitutionality to
also create such districts This standard, however, is incompatible with the holdings of the Supreme
Court and several lower courts.
Defendants’ argument finds support in neither Shaw, nor its progeny. The Supreme Court
has not absolved states from their responsibilities to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act,
neither overruling Gingles nor declaring the application of Gungles' Section 2 analysis
unconstitutional. Indeed, plaintiffs’ implicanon that the intentional creation of Majority-minority
districts is inherently unconstitutional conflicts with Shaw, Miller, Vera, Abrams, and Lawyer Shaw
"expressed no view as to whether the intentional creation of majority-minority districts, without more,
always gives rise to an equal protection claim " Shaw, 113 S Ct ar 2828. In Miller, the Supreme
Court ruled that race-consciousness in drawing district lines would not alone render a districting plan
presumptively unconstitutional Miller, 115 S Cu ar 2488. As the Supreme Court stated in Vera,
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"Strict scrutiny does not apply merely because redistricting 1s performed with consciousness of
race... Nor does it apply to all cases of intentional creation of majority-minority districts " Vera, 64
US.L W at 4454. (citations omitted) This point is further emphasized by Justice O'Connor 1n her
concurrence in Vera in which she made it clear that nothing in Shaw and its progeny should be
interpreted as calling into question the continued importance of complying with Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act. As Justice O'Connor stated
The results test of §2 is an important part of the apparatus chosen by
Congress to effectuate this Nation's commuiment 0 confront its
conscience and fulfill the guarantee of the Constitution’ with respect
to equality in voting S Rep. No. 97-417, p 4 (1982)
64 US LW at 4464. Justice O'Connor therefore concluded that states have a compelling interest
in complying with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and, more specifically, complying with "the
results test as this Court has interpreted it" Jd. Justice O'Connor went on 10 find that Texas had a
strong basis to believe that a majority-minority district should be drawn in Dallas, because voting was
racially polarized and it was possible 10 draw a reasonably compact district with substantial African
American populations. /d at14465 Justice O'Connor's opinion on this issue is particularly significant
because four other members of the Court, who dissented from the rulings striking down the North
Carolina and Texas plans, clearly agree that states have a compelling interest in avoiding minonty
vote dilution and complying with Section 2 of the Vating Rights Act Bushv. Vera, 64 US LW at
4467, 4476 (Stevens, J, joined by Ginsburg and Breyer, JI, dissenting); Id. at 4481, 4486-87
(Souter, J, joined by Ginsburg and Breyer, 1], dissenting) Thus, Jusuce O'Connor's opmion
confirms that reasonably compact majority-black districts are permissible even under the Court's new
fourteenth Amendment doctrine, and that states continue to have a compelling interest in complying
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with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
Far from calling into question Section 2's constitutionality, the Supreme Court summanly
affirmed the decision of a three-judge district court in California which upheld the deliberate creation
of majority-minority districts which were designed to comply with the Voting Rights Act DeWin,
856 F Supp 1409, 1415 (E.D Cal 1994) The DeWitt decision holds thar the intenrional creation of
majority-minority districts does not violate the Constitution when the redistricting plan "evidences
a judicious and proper balancing of the many factors appropnate ta redistricting, one of which was
the consideration of the application of the Voting Rights Act's objecuve of assuring that minority
voters are not denied the chance to effectively influence the political process " Deli, 856 F. Supp
at 1413-14 ' Ths is further corroborated by the Supreme Court’s most recent decision upholding
the construtionality of a Florida majority-minority district drawn with race as a factor, even though
it was some what irregularly shaped and split county and city boundaries. Lawyer v. United States,
65 US LW 4629 (June 21, 1997). The lower court's have also applied these pnnciples and
determined that the creation of remedies ro comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act are not
per se unconstitutional. See Addy v. Newzon County, Mississippi, No. 4:95CV391.N (S.D. MS. July
18, 1997) GET REPORTED CITE(disnussal of Fourteenth Amendment challenge ro majority-
minority district created to remedy Section 2 violation), Clark v. Calhoun County, Mississippi, 88
F 3d 1393, 1407 (5th Cir 1996)(the Supreme Court in its recent decisions did not alter the Gingles
proof, nor did the "Court suggest that a district drawn for predominantly racial reasons would
\ A further understanding of the Dein decision can be gleaned by reviewing the decision
of the California Supreme Court which created the redistricting plans challenged in De Win See
Wilson v. Eu, 823 P.2d 545, 563-564, 582, 583-584, 594 (Cal 1992) (describing the various
special efforts taken to create districts which would comply with the Voung Rights Act).
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necessarily fail the Gingles test "), Cane v. Worcester County, 35 F.3d 921, 926-27 n6 (4th Cir.
1994), cert. demed, 115 S. Ct 3616 (1995) (holding that Shaw is not implicated in Section 2
challenge to at-large election scheme where proposed majonty-black remedial district was comparable
to other election districts drawn by the county)
In view of the affirmances in Lawyer and DeWitt, as well as the Supreme Court's repeated
assurances that the use of race in drawing districts line does not automatically render those districts
unconstinitional, and Justice O'Connor's important concurring opinion in Vera, it appears evident that
states have a compelling justification in complying with Section 2 of the Voring Rights Act
Moreover, Shaw and its progeny, support the continued creation of these remedial districts in order
to comply with the strictures of the Act when redistnicnng
et pe
In fact. Lawyer provides an important for how these considerations should be
balanced m the context of the creation of remedial plans It remains the only case considered by the
Supreme Court in the post-Shaw era volving a legislatively-drawn plan created to remedy alleged
constitutional violations In Lawyer, the district court approved a settlement plan which reduced the
Jotal minority ulsig-age populationss shh d is still a bit odd mn shape,
albeit “less strained and irregular 7 Scorrv. Lied States, 920 F.Supp 1248,1255(M D Fla. 1996)
Jowever, the mast important consideration for the district court in determining whether it would
approve the new boundaries was thar the new plan “offers ro any candidate, without regard to race,
the opportumty to seek elective office and both a fair chance 10 win and the ususal risk of defear
Id at 1756 As discussed above, the Supreme Court upheld this settlement, finding that. while race
was a factor, the district did not subordinate Florida's traditional redistricting cnteria
As this Court should in this case, the district court and Supreme Court in Scorr and Lawyer
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reached these conclusions irrespective of how the onginal District 21 was created or its alleged
constitutional infirmities. The courts also reached their conclusions despite the fact thar the remedial
plan used the original 1992 redistricung plan as a starting point. In these cases, the courts arrached
no taint to WF lorida’s remedial plan, simply because the challenged plan was used as a base After
the passage of the three years between the creation of the original plan in 1992 creation of the remedy
avoiding needless disruption of the polincal relationships that had developed over the years where It
could do so consistent with sound redistricting principles.
The plaintiffs’ poisonous tree theory finds no support in cases decided since Shaw v. Reno,
500US 113 8.C1.2816,125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993), nor in cases that discuss how remedies must
be fashioned in other voting rights contexts The general principle in remedying voting rights
violations is that so long as the stare enacts a new plan that remedies the violauon and complies with
the applicable federal and state constitutional and statutory provisions, it will become the governing
law Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535, 540 (1978). “A Sate’s freedom of choice to devise
substitutes for an apportionment plan found unconstitutional, either as a whole or in part, should nor
he restricted beyond the clear commands of the Equal Protection Clause ” Burns v. Richardson, 334
U.S. 73. 85 (1966). Indeed, in Shaw v. Hunt, 517 US __, 1165 Ct 1894 135 1 Ed.2d 207
(1996), the Supreme Court reminded us thar “states retain broad discretion in drawing districts 10
comply with the mandate of § 2” 7d, 135 L.Ed 2d at 226, n. 9 (citing Vomovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S.
146 (1993) and Growe v. Emon, 507 US 25 (1993). Where a legislative body does devise a
st at deference to legislative judgments about the exact nature
r/
# McGhee v. Granville County, 860 F 2d 110, 115 (4" Cir 1988),
remedial plan, the court muyeé
and scope of the proposed Te
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