Ricci v DeStefano Brief Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
March 25, 2009
49 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Ricci v DeStefano Brief Amicus Curiae, 2009. 7c1f712b-c29a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/1cf2f70d-fdc0-4c3d-a3f5-de337ca29d76/ricci-v-destefano-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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Nos. 07-1428 & 08-328
In The
Court of tlir Hutted states
Frank Ricci, et al. ,
v.
Petitioners,
John DeStefano, et al. ,
Respondents.
On Writs of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals
for the Second Circuit
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE NAACP LEGAL
DEFENSE & EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
John Payton
Counsel of Record
Jacqueline A. Berrien
Debo P. Adegbile
Matthew Colangelo
ReNika C. Moore
Joy Milligan
NAACP Legal Defense &
Educational Fund, Inc.
99 Hudson Street, 16th Floor
New York, NY 10013
(212) 965-2200
Joshua Civin
NAACP Legal Defense &
Educational Fund, Inc.
1444 I Street, NW, 10th Floor
Washington, DC 20005
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Whether respondents’ failure to certify the re
sults of promotional examinations violated the dis
parate-treatment provision of Title VII of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a).
2. Whether respondents’ failure to certify the re
sults of promotional examinations violated 42 U.S.C.
§ 2000e-2(l), which makes it unlawful for employers
“to adjust the scores of, use different cutoff scores
for, or otherwise alter the results of, employment re
lated tests on the basis of race.”
3. Whether respondents’ failure to certify the re
sults of promotional examinations violated the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
QUESTIONS PRESENTED.......................................i
TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES.................................... iv
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE...........................1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT....................................2
ARGUMENT...............................................................3
I. Fire Departments Nationwide Have a
Long History of Excluding African Ameri
cans....................................................................... 4
A. Fire Departments Were Foremost
Among the Workplaces that Prompted
Congress to Extend Title VII to Public
Employers in 1972.......................................4
B. Congress Legislated Against a Back
drop of Widespread Segregation and
Discrimination in Firefighting................... 8
II. Egregious Discrimination Persists in Fire
Departments Nationwide, Despite Efforts
to Enforce Title VH’s Mandate........................ 13
A. New Haven Has Yet to Eliminate the
Effects of Entrenched Racially Dis
criminatory Practices in Its Fire De
partment......................................................14
B. Nationally, Overt Discrimination and
Racial Disparities Persist in Fire
fighter Employment...................................18
I l l
III. The History and Persistence of Racial Dis
crimination in Firefighting Should Inform
the Court’s Resolution of This Case...............25
A. Title VII Does Not Prohibit Employers
from Declining to Use Selection Proce
dures that May Perpetuate Racial Dis
parities in Traditionally Segregated
Job Categories............................................25
B. Employer Efforts to Ensure Fair Se
lection Procedures Do Not Trigger
Strict Scrutiny............................................29
C. If Strict Scrutiny Applies, Title VII
Compliance Is a Compelling Interest
in Light of the History and Persistence
of Discrimination in Firefighting.............31
CONCLUSION......................................................... 35
IV
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S.
200 (1995)....................................................... 30-31
Albemarle Paper Co. u. Moody, 422 U.S. 405
(1975)........................................................... 1, 3, 34
Alexander v. Bahou, 86 F.R.D. 194 (N.D.N.Y.
1980)...................................................................... 20
Association Against Discrimination in Em
ployment, Inc. v. City of Bridgeport, 647
F.2d 256 (2d Cir. 1981)......................................... 19
Association Against Discrimination in Em
ployment, Inc. v. City of Bridgeport, 479 F.
Supp. 101 (D. Conn. 1979)................................. 19
Bazile u. City of Houston, No. H-08-2404,
2008 WL 4899635 (S.D. Tex. Nov. 12,
2008)....................................................................... 25
Biondo v. City of Chicago, 382 F.3d 680 (7th
Cir. 2004)...............................................................27
Bombalicki v. Pastore, 804 A.2d 856 (Conn.
App. Ct. 2002)...................................................... 14
Bombalicki v. Pastore, No. 378772, 2001 WL
267617 (Conn. Super. Ct. Feb. 28, 2001).......... 14
Boston Chapter, NAACP u. Beecher, 504 F.2d
1017 (1st Cir. 1974)...................................... 19, 22
Boston Chapter, NAACP v. Beecher, 371 F.
Supp. 507 (D. Mass. 1974).................................. 19
Bradley u. City of Lynn, 443 F. Supp. 2d 145
(D. Mass. 2006)................................................22-23
V
Broadnax v. City of New Haven, No.
CV980412193S, 2008 WL 590818 (Conn.
Super. Ct. Feb. 19, 2008).................................... 16
Broadnax v. City of New Haven, No.
CV980412193S, 2007 WL 155138 (Conn.
Super. Ct. Jan. 2, 2007)...................................... 16
Broadnax v. City of New Haven, 851 A.2d
1113 (Conn. 2004)................................................ 16
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483
(1954)....................................................................8-9
Carter v. Gallagher, 452 F.2d 315 (8th Cir.
1972) (en banc)...................................................... 20
Carter v. Gallagher, 3 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas.
(BNA) 692 (D. Minn. 1971)..................................20
City of Dallas v. Dallas Fire Fighters Asso
ciation, 526 U.S. 1046 (1999).................................8
City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488
U.S. 469 (1989)................................................31-32
Coffey v. Braddy, No. 3:71-cv-44, 2009 WL
591280 (M.D. Fla. Mar. 6, 2009)........................ 25
Connecticut v. Teal, 457 U.S. 440 (1982).................. 7
Davis v. City of San Francisco, 890 F.2d 1438
(9th Cir. 1989)...................................................... 32
Dean v. City of Shreveport, 438 F.3d 448 (5th
Cir. 2006)............................ .......................... 20, 27
Donaghy v. City of Omaha, 933 F.2d 1448
(8th Cir. 1991)....................................................... 32
Dozier v. Chupka, 395 F. Supp. 836 (S.D.
Ohio 1975)............................................................ 11
Ensley Branch, NAACP v. Seibels, 616 F.2d
812 (5th Cir. 1980) 19
VI
Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 524 U.S. 775
(1998)....................................................................
Firebird Society of New Haven, Inc. v. New
Haven Board of Fire Commissioners, 515
F.2d 504 (2d Cir. 1975).......................................
Firebird Society of New Haven, Inc. v. New
Haven Board of Fire Commissioners, 66
F.R.D. 457 (D. Conn. 1975).......................... 15,
Firefighters Institute for Racial Equality v.
City of St. Louis, 588 F.2d 235 (8th Cir.
1978)................................................................. 11-
Firefighters Institute for Racial Equality v.
City of St. Louis, 549 F.2d 506 (8th Cir.
1977)................................................................. 9,
Firefighters Local Union No. 1784 v. Stotts,
467 U.S. 561 (1984)..............................................
Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424
(1971)......................................... 1-3, 14, 29-30,
Hammon v. Barry, 813 F.2d 412 (D.C. Cir.
1987).......................................................................
Harper v. Kloster, 486 F.2d 1134 (4th Cir.
1973).......................................................................
Harper v. Mayor of Baltimore, 359 F. Supp.
1187 (D. Md. 1973)................................... 9, 12,
Hayden v. County of Nassau, 180 F.3d 42 (2d
Cir. 1999).............................................................
Headen v. City of Cleveland, No. C73-330
(N.D. Ohio Apr. 25, 1975)...................................
Henry v. Civil Service Commission, No.
411287, 2001 WL 862658 (Conn. Super. Ct.
July 3, 2001)........................................................
34
15
17
12
20
.. 1
33
.. 9
.. 9
20
30
19
14
Vll
Horan u. City of Chicago, No. 98-C-2850,
2003 WL 22284090 (N.D. 111. Sept. 30,
2003)...................................................................... 18
Howard v. McLucas, 871 F.2d 1000 (11th
Cir. 1989)............................................................. 32
Howard u. McLucas, 671 F. Supp. 756 (M.D.
Ga. 1987).............................................................. 32
Hurley v. City of New Haven, No. 054009317,
2006 WL 1609974 (Conn. Super. Ct. May
23, 2006)............................................................... 14
In re Birmingham Reverse Discrimination
Employment Litigation, 20 F.3d 1525 (11th
Cir. 1994)............................................................. 18
In re Employment Discrimination Litigation
Against Alabama, 198 F.3d 1305 (11th Cir.
1999)................................................................ 32-33
International Brotherhood of Teamsters v.
United States, 431 U.S. 324 (1977).................... 33
Johnson v. Railway Express Agency, 421 U.S.
454 (1975)................................................................ 1
Johnson v. Transportation Agency, Santa
Clara County, 480 U.S. 616 (1987)................26-29
Jordan v. City of Cleveland, 464 F.3d 584
(6th Cir. 2006)...................................................... 21
Kelly v. City of New Haven, 881 A.2d 978
(Conn. 2005)......................................................... 14
Kolstad v. American Dental Association, 527
U.S. 526 (1999).................................................... 34
Lewis v. City of Chicago, 528 F.3d 488 (7th
Cir. 2008)............................................................. 23
Lewis v. City of Chicago, No. 98-C-5596, 2005
WL 693618 (N.D. 111. 2005)................................ 23
V l l l
Local No. 93, International Association of
Firefighters v. City of Cleveland, 478 U.S.
501 (1986)............................................................. 19
McNamara v. City of Chicago, 138 F.3d 1219
(7th Cir. 1998)..........................................................9
McNamara v. City of Chicago, 959 F. Supp.
870 (N.D. 111. 1997) .........................................9, 12
Mems v. City of St. Paul, Department of Fire
& Safety Services, 327 F.3d 771 (8th Cir.
2003)...................................................................... 13
NAACP v. Town of East Haven, 70 F.3d 219
(2d Cir. 1995)....................................................... 24
New Haven Firebird Society v. Board of Fire
Commissioners, 630 A.2d 131 (Conn. App.
Ct. 1993)................................................................ 16
New Haven Firebird Society v. Board of Fire
Commissioners, 593 A.2d 1383 (Conn.
1991)....................................................................... 16
Paganucci v. City of New York, 993 F.2d 310
(2d Cir. 1993)....................................................... 32
Paganucci v. City of New York, 785 F. Supp.
467 (S.D.N.Y. 1992)............................................. 32
Parents Involved in Community Schools v.
Seattle School District No. 1, 127 S. Ct.
2738 (2007).......................................................... 31
Patterson v. McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S.
164 (1989).............................................................. 1
Pennsylvania v. Rizzo, 13 Fair Empl. Prac.
Cas. (BNA) 1475 (E.D. Pa. 1975)........................ 19
St. Mary’s Honor Center v. Hicks, 509 U.S.
502 (1993)............................................................ 26
IX
Stuart v. Roache, 951 F.2d 446 (1st Cir.
1991)....................................................................... 18
Texas Department of Community Affairs v.
Burdine, 450 U.S. 248 (1981).............................. 26
United States v. Buffalo, 633 F.2d 643 (2d
Cir. 1980)............................................................. 19
United States v. Buffalo, 457 F. Supp. 612
(W.D.N.Y. 1978)................................................... 19
United States v. City of Alexandria, 614 F.2d
1358 (5th Cir. 1980)............................................. 20
United States v. New Jersey, 75 Fair Empl.
Prac. Cas. (BNA) 1602 (D.N.J. 1995)................. 32
United States v. New Jersey, 530 F. Supp.
328 (D.N.J. 1981).................................................. 19
United States v. N.L. Industries, Inc., 479
F.2d 354 (8th Cir. 1973).........................................3
United Steelworkers of America v. Weber, 443
U.S. 193 (1979)........................................ 26-27, 30
Vulcan Pioneers, Inc. u. New Jersey Depart
ment of Civil Service, 832 F.2d 811 (3d Cir.
1987)...................................................................... 20
Vulcan Society of New York City Fire De
partment, Inc. v. Civil Service Commission,
490 F.2d 387 (2d Cir. 1973)..................... 19, 24-25
Vulcan Society of Westchester County, Inc. v.
Fire Department, Nos. 78 Civ. 0911, 80
Civ. 0336, 1996 WL 481066 (S.D.N.Y. Aug.
23, 1996)............................................................... 20
Watson v. Fort Worth Bank & Trust, 487
U.S. 977 (1988)............................................... 33-34
Western Addition Community Organization
v. Alioto, 369 F. Supp. 77 (N.D. Cal. 1973)........ 19
Wilmore u. City of Wilmington, 699 F.2d 667
(3d Cir. 1983)................................................... 20-21
Wygant u. Jackson Board of Education, 476
U.S. 267 (1986)................................................ 31-32
Statutes and Regulations
42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(l)......................................29
29 C.F.R. § 1602.30.............................................. 17
29 C.F.R. § 1602.32............................................... 17
29 C.F.R. § 1607.3............................................27-28
29 C.F.R. § 1607.4(C)(1).................................. 27-28
Congressional Materials
110 Cong. Rec. 6548 (1964)......................................30
112 Cong. Rec. 6091 (1966)........................................5
118 Cong. Rec. 1745 (1972)............................. 6-7, 18
Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352,
78 Stat. 241 (1964)..............................................4-5
Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972,
Pub. L. No. 92-261, 86 Stat. 103 (1972)............... 6
Equal Employment Opportunities Enforce
ment Act of 1971: Hearings on S. 2515, S.
2617, & H. R. 1746 Before the Subcommit
tee on Labor of the Senate Committee on
Labor and Public Welfare, 92d Cong.
(1971)....................................................................... 5
Equal Employment Opportunities Enforce
ment Act: Hearings on S. 2453 Before the
Subcommittee on Labor of the Senate Com
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, 91st
Cong. (1969).............................................................5
X I
H.R. Rep. No. 92-238 (1971), reprinted in
1972 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2137..................................... 6-8
H.R. Rep. No. 102-40(1) (1991), reprinted in
1991 U.S.C.C.A.N. 549................................... 8, 29
S. Rep. No. 92-415 (1971), reprinted in Sen
ate Committee on Labor and Public Wel
fare, 92d Cong., Legislative History of the
Equal Employment Opportunity Act of
1972 (1972)..............................................................6
Court filings
Complaint, United States v. City of Dayton,
No. 3:08-cv-348 (S.D. Ohio Sept. 26, 2008)....... 23
Proposed Consent Decree, United States v.
City of Dayton, No. 3:08-cv-348 (S.D. Ohio
Feb. 26, 2009)....................................................... 23
Complaint, United States v. City of New
York, No. 07-cv-2067 (E.D.N.Y. May 21,
2007).......................................................................24
Plaintiffs-Intervenors’ Complaint, United
States v. City of New York, No. 07-cv-2067
(E.D.N.Y. Sept. 25, 2007)................................... 24
Other Authorities
Carol Chetkovich, Real Heat: Gender and
Race in the Urban Fire Service (1997)............... 12
City of New Haven, State & Local Govern
ment Information Report EEO-4 (2007)........... 17
Robert J. Crawford Sr. with Delores A.
Crawford, Black Fire: Portrait of a Black
Memphis Firefighter (2007).......................9-10, 12
David A. Goldberg, Courage Under Fire: Af
rican American Firefighters and the
Struggle for Racial Equality (Feb. 2006)
(unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Univer
sity of Massachusetts Amherst)......................... 10
Denise M. Hulett et al., Enhancing Women’s
Inclusion in Firefighting in the USA, 8 In
ternational Journal of Diversity in Organi
sations, Communities & Nations 189
(2008)............................................................. 13, 22
Bill Kovach, Race Discrimination Found in
U.S. Fire Departments, N.Y. Times, June
5, 1973................................................................... 11
John C. McWilliams, “Men of Colour”: Race,
Riots, and Black Firefighters’ Struggle for
Equality from the AFA to the Valiants, 41
Journal of Social History 105 (Fall 2007)........... 10
National Commission on Fire Prevention and
Control, America Burning (1973)................. 10-11
Report of the National Advisory Commission
on Civil Disorders (1968)........................................5
U.S. Census Bureau, State & County Quick-
Facts, New York (city), New York,
http: //quickfacts .census, gov/qfd/state s/3 6/3
651000.html...........................................................24
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, For ALL
the people . . . By ALL the people: A Report
on Equal Opportunity in State and Local
Government Employment (1969)........... 6-9, 11-13
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, To Elimi
nate Employment Discrimination, A Se
quel: The Federal Civil Rights Enforcement
Effort— 1977 (1977)
xii
19
X l l l
Mark Zaretsky, 6 Years After Suit, NAACP
Says East Haven Should Try Harder, New
Haven Register, Mar. 1, 2004............................24
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE
The NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund,
Inc., is a non-profit corporation established under
the laws of the state of New York to assist African
Americans and other people of color in securing their
civil and constitutional rights through the prosecu
tion of lawsuits that challenge racial discrimina
tion. 1
For six decades, LDF has represented parties in
litigation before the Supreme Court involving mat
ters of race discrimination in general, and employ
ment discrimination in particular. LDF argued
Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424 (1971), the
case in which this Court recognized the disparate
impact framework for analyzing employment dis
crimination claims under Title VII. LDF has also
represented parties in other employment discrimina
tion cases before this Court, including Patterson v.
McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S. 164 (1989); Fire
fighters Local Union No. 1784 v. Stotts, 467 U.S. 561
(1984); Albemarle Paper Co. u. Moody, 422 U.S. 405
(1975); and Johnson v. Railway Express Agency, 421
U.S. 454 (1975).
1 This brief is filed with the consent of counsel for both par
ties. Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.6, counsel for the
amicus states that no counsel for a party authored this brief in
whole or in part, and that no person other than the amicus, its
members, or its counsel made a monetary contribution to the
preparation or submission of this brief.
2
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Employment discrimination has proved more dif
ficult to eliminate in firefighting than in perhaps any
other employment sector, public or private. Fire
fighting is a highly desirable job for many Ameri
cans. But fire departments throughout the country,
including in New Haven, have historically and noto
riously denied employment to African Americans
and other people of color. The development of Title
VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 bears out this re
ality: The pervasive exclusion of blacks from fire de
partments nationwide was a central basis for Con
gress’s decision in 1972 to extend that Act to cover
state and local government employment.
The 1972 extension of Title VII and this Court’s
1971 holding in Griggs u. Duke Power Co. have pro
vided critical mechanisms to challenge both inten
tional discrimination and the use of “artificial, arbi
trary, and unnecessary barriers to employment” that
operate to exclude African Americans from fire
fighting. 401 U.S. 424, 431 (1971). Private and fed
eral enforcement efforts have yielded some progress
toward greater inclusion of African Americans in fire
departments, but racial discrimination and wide
spread disparities persist. Ongoing efforts by cities
like New Haven therefore remain necessary to fully
and finally achieve equal employment opportunity
for all Americans.
In this case, petitioners seek to establish a rule
that avoidance of discrimination against African
Americans necessarily amounts to intentional dis
crimination against whites. Given the persistence of
racial discrimination against African Americans in
3
firefighting, this Court should reject petitioners’ at
tempt to constrain employers’ ability “to self
examine and to self-evaluate their employment prac
tices and to endeavor to eliminate, so far as possible,
the last vestiges of an unfortunate and ignominious
page in this country’s history.” Albemarle Paper Co.
v. Moody, 422 U.S. 405, 418 (1975) (quoting United
States u. N.L. Indus., Inc., 479 F.2d 354, 379 (8th
Cir. 1973)). Petitioners’ argument would require
employers to maintain employment practices that
perpetuate discrimination against minorities, and
would eviscerate this Court’s holding in Griggs that
employment practices “cannot be maintained if they
operate to ‘freeze’ the status quo of prior discrimina
tory employment practices.” 401 U.S. at 430.
ARGUMENT
In 2003, New Haven’s fire department adminis
tered civil service examinations for promotion to
lieutenant and captain. All test-takers were re
quired to meet certain minimum qualifications, in
cluding experience in the New Haven Fire Depart
ment. Pet. App. 352a, 365a. Based on the exam re
sults, although twenty-seven of the 118 test-takers
for both positions were African American, JA225-26,
no African Americans would have been eligible to fill
any vacancies for lieutenant or captain positions.
After considering its obligations under federal anti-
discrimination law, New Haven declined to certify
the exam results.
In light of the history and persistence of racial
discrimination in the New Haven Fire Department,
the city’s decision here—to forgo making promotions
based on a selection device that would produce un
4
justified racial disparities in filling traditionally-
segregated ranks that continue to exhibit conspicu
ous imbalances—is entirely permissible under both
Title VII and the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment.
I. Fire Departments Nationwide Have a Long
History of Excluding African Americans.
A. Fire Departments Were Foremost Among
the Workplaces that Prompted Congress
to Extend Title VII to Public Employers
in 1972.
There have been few, if any, sectors of public or
private employment where racial discrimination has
been more firmly entrenched than it has been in fire
fighting.2 Widespread racial discrimination in pub
lic employment generally—and in fire departments
in particular—was a key reason that Congress ex
tended Title VII to state and local government em
ployers in 1972, as the congressional record makes
clear. Respondents’ efforts more than three decades
later to eliminate continuing employment discrimi
nation in filling supervisory positions within New
Haven’s firefighting force must be viewed in light of
this legislative history.
As originally enacted, Title VII exempted state
and local employers from coverage. See Civil Rights
Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, § 701(b), 78 Stat.
241, 253 (1964) (defining the term “employer” to ex-
2 In addition to African Americans, other minorities and
women have long been—and continue to be—excluded from
employment as firefighters. See Br. of Amici National Partner
ship for Women & Families, et al.; Br. of Amici Asian American
Justice Center, et al.
5
elude “a State or political subdivision thereof’). Im
mediately following the enactment of Title VII, the
exclusion of state and local governments from the
statute’s reach was identified as a serious shortcom
ing because it permitted the perpetuation of race dis
crimination in public sector employment. See, e.g.,
112 Cong. Rec. 6091-94 (1966) (statement of Sen.
Javits); Equal Employment Opportunities Enforce
ment Act: Hearings on S. 2453 Before the Subcomm.
on Labor of the S. Comm, on Labor and Pub. Wel
fare, 91st Cong. 73 (1969) (statement of Jack Green
berg, Director-Counsel, NAACP Legal Defense &
Educational Fund, Inc.); id. at 167-68 (statement of
Howard Glickstein, Staff Director, U.S. Commission
on Civil Rights).3
In 1972, Congress amended Title VII and rede
fined “employer” to include state and local govern
3 In addition to extensive testimony at congressional hear
ings in 1969, Congress heard from numerous witnesses at fur
ther hearings in 1971 who stressed the need to extend Title VII
to public employers. See Equal Employment Opportunities En
forcement Act of 1971: Hearings on S. 2515, S. 2617, & H.R.
1746 Before the Subcomm. on Labor of the S. Comm, on Labor
and Pub. Welfare, 92d Cong. 59-61 (1971) (statement of William
H. Brown, Chairman, EEOC); id. at 197 (statement of Rev.
Theodore Hesburgh, Chairman, U.S. Commission on Civil
Rights); id. at 230 (statement of the AFL-CIO Executive Coun
cil); id. at 404 (statement of Paul J. Minarchenko, Legislative
Rep., AFSCME). In its 1968 report on the underlying causes of
recent urban disturbances, the Kerner Commission also rec
ommended extending Title VII. See Report o f the National A d
visory Commission on Civil Disorders 234 (1968) (“Federal,
state, and local efforts to [e]nsure equal opportunity in em
ployment should be strengthened by . . . [including Federal,
state, and local governmental agencies as employers covered by
Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.”).
6
ments, governmental agencies, and political subdivi
sions. See Equal Employment Opportunity Act of
1972, Pub. L. No. 92-261, §2, 86 Stat. 103, 103
(1972) (the “1972 Act”). In enacting the 1972 Act,
Congress found that “widespread discrimination
against minorities exists in State and local govern
ment employment, and . . . the existence of this dis
crimination is perpetuated by . . . both institutional
and overt discriminatory practices.” H.R. Rep. No.
92-238 (1971), reprinted in 1972 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2137,
2152. Congress further determined that “employ
ment discrimination in State and local governments
is more pervasive than in the private sector.” Id.; see
also S. Rep. No. 92-415, at 10 (1971), reprinted in S.
Comm, on Labor and Pub. Welfare, 92d Cong., Legis
lative History of the Equal Employment Opportunity
Act of 1972, at 419 (1972).
Congress singled out fire departments in particu
lar as among the most egregious employers that jus
tified the extension of Title VII: “Barriers to equal
employment are greater in police and fire depart
ments than in any other area of State and local gov
ernment. . . . Negroes are not employed in significant
numbers in police and fire departments.” 118 Cong.
Rec. 1817 (1972) (quoting U.S. Comm’n on Civil
Rights, For ALL the people . . . By ALL the people: A
Report on Equal Opportunity in State and Local
Government Employment 119 (1969) [hereinafter
1969 USCCR Report]).4
4 Throughout the congressional debates, Congress relied
heavily upon the 1969 USCCR Report, which detailed perva
sive discrimination against African Americans in public sector
employment generally and in firefighting in particular. Sena
tor Williams, the principal Senate sponsor of the 1972 Act, in
7
Of particular relevance to this case, Congress
found that “fire departments have discouraged mi
nority persons from joining their ranks by failure to
recruit effectively and by permitting unequal treat
ment on the job including unequal promotional op
portunities, discriminatory job assignments, and
harassment by fellow workers.” Id. Congress also
cited specific barriers to fair employment in fire de
partments that included the denial of promotional
opportunities because of “rel[iance] on criteria unre
lated to job performance and on discriminatory su
pervisory ratings,” as well as the use of “selection
devices which are arbitrary, unrelated to job per
formance, and result in unequal treatment of mi
norities.” Id. Congress further found that discrimi
nation was especially acute at the supervisory level:
“Negro . . . firemen hold almost no positions in the
officer ranks.” Id.
Congress was especially concerned that continued
employment discrimination in firefighting and other
highly visible jobs impaired government perform
ance and democratic accountability: “The problem of
employment discrimination is particularly acute and
has the most deleterious effect in these governmen
tal activities which are most visible to the minority
communities . . . with the result that the credibility
of the government’s claim to represent all the people
troduced excerpts of the 1969 USCCR Report into the Congres
sional Record. 118 Cong. Rec. 1815 (1972) (statement of Sen.
Williams); id. at 1816-19; see also Connecticut v. Teal, 457 U.S.
440, 449-50 n.10 (1982) (noting Congress’s reliance on the 1969
USCCR Report in extending Title VII to state and local em
ployers).
equally is negated.” H.R. Rep. No. 92-238, 1972
U.S.C.C.A.N. at 2153.
B. Congress Legislated Against a Backdrop
of Widespread Segregation and Dis
crimination in Firefighting.
When Congress extended Title VII to state and
local governments in 1972, racial discrimination was
widespread in fire departments nationwide.
1. Many fire departments refused to hire African
Americans before the late 1950s or 1960s, and those
that were willing to hire African Americans only did
so in rare instances, assigned them to segregated
firehouses, and subjected them to severe harass
ment. For example, the Memphis fire department
hired its first black employees in 1955, but did not
integrate any fire stations until 1966. See 1969
USCCR Report 71. The city of Atlanta first hired
black firefighters in 1961, and maintained segre
gated firehouses at least through 1969.5 See id. at
71, 89. Other fire departments resisted integration
long after this Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of
5 Other fire departments were even slower to hire blacks.
Birmingham did not hire its first black firefighter until 1968.
See H.R. Rep. No. 102-40(1), at 52 (1991), reprinted in 1991
U.S.C.C.A.N. 549, 590 (House Report on the Civil Rights Act of
1991) (“Birmingham’s history of . . . segregation and discrimi
nation against blacks is well known. Because of such discrimi
nation Birmingham did not hire its first black police officer un
til 1966, its first black firefighter until 1968, [and] its second
black firefighter until 1974.” (alterations in original) (quoting
testimony of Richard Arrington, Mayor of Birmingham)). Dal
las did not hire its first black firefighter until 1969. See City of
Dallas v. Dallas Fire Fighters Ass’n, 526 U.S. 1046, 1046 (1999)
(Breyer, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari).
9
Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), outlawed segrega
tion in public education. See, e.g., Hammon v. Barry,
813 F.2d 412, 434 (D.C. Cir. 1987) (Mikva, J., dis
senting) (Washington, D.C. maintained all-white and
all-black fire companies until 1962); McNamara v.
City of Chicago, 959 F. Supp. 870, 874 (N.D. 111.
1997) (Chicago maintained segregated firefighting
companies until 1965), aff’d, 138 F.3d 1219 (7th Cir.
1998) ; Harper v. Mayor of Baltimore, 359 F. Supp.
1187, 1195 n .ll (D. Md.) (“Segregation persisted in
the Baltimore Fire Department for more than a dec
ade after [Brown].”), aff’d in relevant part sub nom.
Harper v. Kloster, 486 F.2d 1134 (4th Cir. 1973);
1969 USCCR Report 71 (Baton Rouge maintained
segregated fire stations at least through 1969).
Even after many fire departments were officially
desegregated, black firefighters were routinely
barred from using the same shared living and sleep
ing quarters as whites. For example, after Washing
ton, D.C. firehouses were desegregated in the 1960s,
black firefighters were required for more than a dec
ade to sleep in designated “C” beds and eat from
separate “C” dishes and “C” utensils, for “Colored.”
Hammon, 813 F.2d at 434; see also Firefighters Inst,
for Racial Equal, v. City of St. Louis, 549 F.2d 506,
514-15 (8th Cir. 1977) (describing all-white “supper
clubs” that persisted in the St. Louis fire department
through the late 1970s and required blacks to “cookQ
and eatQ apart from their white associates”); 1969
USCCR Report 71, 89 (finding that the only black
firefighter employed in San Francisco in 1967 was
required to carry his own mattress between stations
during his training period); Robert J. Crawford Sr.
with Delores A. Crawford, Black Fire: Portrait of a
10
Black Memphis Firefighter 64, 69 (2007) [hereinafter
Black Fire] (black firefighters in Memphis slept in
designated “Jim Crow” beds through the late 1960s).
Nor did formal integration end racial hostility and
discrimination, such as the assignment of blacks to
the most dangerous positions on the job. See John C.
McWilliams, “Men of Colour": Race, Riots, and Black
Firefighters’ Struggle for Equality from the AFA to
the Valiants, 41 J. Soc. Hist. 105, 114 (Fall 2007).6
Those fire departments that did not entirely ex
clude black firefighters frequently manipulated hir
ing procedures to screen out black applicants. For
instance, in the same year that the Memphis fire de
partment eliminated its ban on hiring of African
Americans, it also instituted—for the first time in its
history—a high school diploma requirement, and
then applied this requirement selectively to black
candidates for more than two decades. See Black
Fire 52, 105; see also David A. Goldberg, Courage
Under Fire: African American Firefighters and the
Struggle for Racial Equality 125-29, 254, 288 (Feb.
2006) (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Massachusetts Amherst) (describing changes in hir
ing procedures in New York City, Los Angeles, and
Baltimore during the 1950s and 1960s that had the
effect of restricting African American hiring).
In 1973, the National Commission on Fire Pre
vention and Control found widespread use of hiring
practices unrelated to successful performance as a
firefighter, with the result that “[rjacial minorities
6 As discussed in Part II.B.2, infra, segregation and har
assment of African American firefighters are by no means his
torical practices only.
11
are under-represented in the fire departments in
nearly every community in which they live.” Nat’l
Comm’n on Fire Prevention & Control, America
Burning 5, 35-37 (1973); see also Bill Kovach, Race
Discrimination Found in U.S. Fire Departments,
N.Y. Times, June 5, 1973, at 30 (quoting a staff
member of the National Commission stating that
“our fire departments are correctly called the last
white man’s country club”).
Hiring barriers were paired with widespread re
fusal to recruit black candidates. See 1969 USCCR
Report 87 (“[F]ire departments have not usually
tried to recruit minority group members no matter
how poorly they may have been represented in the
department.”). Given the historical exclusion of
blacks from firefighting jobs, reliance on word-of-
mouth recruiting and nepotism also led to dispropor
tionately low numbers of black applicants. See, e.g.,
Dozier v. Chupka, 395 F. Supp. 836, 841, 849 (S.D.
Ohio 1975) (holding that informal recruitment meth
ods perpetuated racial discrimination because
“whites only drew more whites to a predominantly
white force”).
2. The exclusion of African Americans from
meaningful participation in firefighting jobs was also
perpetuated through discriminatory promotional
practices. White supervisors often used discrimina
tory ratings and assignments to keep black firefight
ers from advancing. See, e.g., Firefighters Inst, for
Racial Equal, v. City of St. Louis, 588 F.2d 235, 241-
42 (8th Cir. 1978) (holding that the St. Louis fire de
partment’s practice of disproportionately assigning
temporary supervisory positions to whites deprived
black firefighters of opportunities for supervisory
12
experience); McNamara, 959 F. Supp. at 875; Black
Fire 79; 1969 USCCR Report 86. Black firefighters
were also denied the training and mentoring that
white firefighters received. See McNamara, 959 F.
Supp. at 874-75; Harper, 359 F. Supp. at 1194 & n.7
(describing Baltimore firefighter’s testimony that
promotion exam materials were made “freely avail
able to whites” in the firehouse but not shown to
him); see also Black Fire 47-50, 52; Carol
Chetkovich, Real Heat: Gender and Race in the Ur
ban Fire Service 84-85, 116-17 (1997). Some fire de
partments adopted formal or informal quotas that
prevented qualified blacks from being promoted.
McNamara, 959 F. Supp. at 875 (finding that in Chi
cago, until the late 1970s, “a black would not be
promoted to these upper ranks unless another black
vacated the position”).
As a result, black firefighters have typically been
promoted at a much slower rate than white firefight
ers. See id., 959 F. Supp. at 875 (reviewing promo
tional statistics in Chicago from 1973 to 1993 and
finding that “ [t]he length of time it has taken for
blacks to be promoted from firefighter to lieutenant
has been significantly longer than that for whites”);
Black Fire 52.
3. Because firefighters are required to share liv
ing space while on the job, firefighting has been par
ticularly resistant to racial integration. The pattern
of exclusion, segregation, and discrimination de
scribed above has been reinforced and perpetuated
by this particular feature of the job. See 1969
USCCR Report 87 (“ [T]he unusual working ar
rangement of firemen has given rise to many forms
of prejudiced attitudes and treatment.”).
13
Firefighters are typically assigned to work
twenty-four-hour shifts, and live, eat, and work at
their fire station while on duty. See Mems v. City of
St. Paul, Dep’t of Fire & Safety Servs., 327 F.3d 771,
775 (8th Cir. 2003); Denise M. Hulett et al., Enhanc
ing Women’s Inclusion in Firefighting in the USA, 8
Int’l J. of Diversity in Organisations, Communities &
Nations 189, 190 (2008) [hereinafter Enhancing In
clusion]. While these facets of firefighting—
combined with its prestige, good pay, job security,
and valuable societal contribution—have made it a
desirable job for many Americans, they have also
created an organizational culture that has been par
ticularly resistant to integration. As the U.S. Com
mission on Civil Rights found, “[bjecause firemen
live together, fire department integration involves a
greater degree of intimacy . . . [and has] been more
vigorously resisted.” 1969 USCCR Report 88.
This distinctive firefighting culture is a primary
reason that fire departments resisted efforts to
eliminate discrimination longer and more vigorously
than perhaps any other employer, with the result
that, as discussed in Part II, infra, discrimination
persists today despite nearly four decades of en
forcement efforts.
II. Egregious Discrimination Persists in Fire
Departments Nationwide, Despite Efforts to
Enforce Title VII’s Mandate.
As noted, the 1972 Act extended Title VII’s reach
to state and local government employers. One year
earlier, this Court held that Title VII permitted em
ployees to challenge not only overt discrimination
but also job-selection procedures “that operate as
14
‘built-in headwinds’ for minority groups and are un
related to measuring job capability.” Griggs, 401
U.S. at 432. In the nearly four decades since Griggs
and the 1972 Act, Title VII enforcement has yielded
partial, uneven results. While employment practices
in many fire departments have improved since the
1970s, discrimination and racial disparities persist,
both in New Haven and throughout the country.
A. New Haven Has Yet to Eliminate the Ef
fects of Entrenched Racially Discrimina
tory Practices in Its Fire Department.
Petitioners contend that “New Haven and its offi
cials have a documented history of violating Con
necticut law to give minorities advantageous treat
ment in public employment.” Pet. Br. 29; see also id.
at 5-6. This assertion is false. As respondents them
selves acknowledge, “the City Fire Department’s liti
gation history demonstrates discrimination against
African-Americans, not whites.” Resp’t Br. 38-39.7
And the historical and present record make clear
that although New Haven has made some progress
7 Petitioners cite four recent cases in support of their claim
that New Haven “stood accused in multiple suits of repeatedly
and intentionally discriminating against whites.” Pet. Br. 5.
But each cited case deals with a dispute over the interpretation
of various civil service rules, and not one includes a finding
that New Haven currently—or ever—discriminated against
white employees. See Kelly v. City of New Haven, 881 A.2d 978,
981-82, 986, 1000-01 (Conn. 2005); Hurley v. City of New Ha
ven, No. 054009317, 2006 WL 1609974, at *l-*5 (Conn. Super.
Ct. May 23, 2006); Henry v. Civil Serv. Comm’n, No. 411287,
2001 WL 862658, at *1, *3 (Conn. Super. Ct. July 3, 2001);
Bombalicki v. Pastore, No. 378772, 2001 WL 267617, at *1, *9-
*10 (Conn. Super. Ct. Feb. 28, 2001), aff’d, 804 A.2d 856 (Conn.
App. Ct. 2002); see also Resp’t Br. 4-5, 38-39 & n.34.
15
toward inclusion of blacks, principally in entry-level
firefighting positions, it has never eradicated racial
discrimination from its firefighting workforce.
1. When the New Haven fire department first
became subject to Title VII in 1972, it mirrored the
historical nationwide pattern of black exclusion from
firefighting. As of the following year, the depart
ment had barely opened its ranks to minority fire
fighters: only 18 of 502 firefighters (3.6%) were black
and none was Hispanic, though New Haven’s popu
lation was 30% black and Hispanic at the time. See
Firebird Soc’y of New Haven, Inc. v. New Haven Bd.
of Fire Comm’rs, 66 F.R.D. 457, 460 (D. Conn.), aff’d
mem., 515 F.2d 504 (2d Cir. 1975). The exclusion of
black firefighters was even more pronounced at the
supervisory level: “of the 107 officers in the Depart
ment only one was black, and he held the lowest
rank above private.” Id.
In 1973, the Firebird Society—an organization of
black firefighters in the New Haven fire depart
ment—sued the department to challenge “a pattern
of willful discrimination” in hiring and promotions.
Id. at 459-60. The lawsuit challenged “almost all as
pects of the hiring and promotional practices” of the
fire department, and alleged that New Haven’s entry
exam, minimum requirements, promotional exam,
time-in-grade requirements, and the use of supervi
sory recommendations in promotions were all dis
criminatory devices. Id. The suit ended in a consent
decree requiring the department to increase minor
ity recruiting, develop job-related entrance and pro
motional exams, and modify other promotional prac
tices to diminish the adverse impact of those prac
tices on black firefighters. Id. at 461-63.
16
In 1989, the Firebird Society again filed suit to
challenge discrimination against black and Hispanic
firefighters in promotions. See New Haven Firebird
Soc’y v. Bd. of Fire Comm’rs, 593 A.2d 1383, 1384
(Conn. 1991). A Connecticut appellate court upheld
a trial court finding that the department’s long
standing practice of disproportionately promoting
white individuals to positions that were not yet va
cant, just prior to the expiration of a promotion eligi
bility list, violated civil service laws. See New Haven
Firebird Soc’y v. Bd. of Fire Comm’rs, 630 A.2d 131,
134-35 (Conn. App. Ct. 1993).
In 1998, black firefighters sued New Haven to
challenge the practice of using lower-ranked officers
to fill positions budgeted for a higher rank. See
Broadnax v. City of New Haven, 851 A.2d 1113, 1118
& n.2 (Conn. 2004). This practice, known as “under
filling,” introduced a larger number of white lieuten
ants into the candidate pool for captain exams, and
resulted in blacks receiving fewer promotions. Id. at
1122, 1130, 1138. In 2004, the Connecticut Supreme
Court affirmed the trial court’s ruling that the prac
tice violated civil service laws, and reversed the trial
court’s dismissal of the plaintiffs’ claim of intentional
discrimination against black firefighters. Id. at
1131-36, 1138-39. Two of the plaintiffs, John
Brantley and Christopher Texeira, won sizeable jury
verdicts and awards of front pay and back pay based
on those claims of race discrimination. See Broad
nax v. City of New Haven, No. CV980412193S, 2008
WL 590818, at *l-*2 (Conn. Super. Ct. Feb. 19,
2008); Broadnax v. City of New Haven, No.
CV980412193S, 2007 WL 155138, at *1 (Conn. Su
per. Ct. Jan. 2, 2007).
17
2. Despite these repeated and successful lawsuits
challenging discrimination against black employees,
New Haven has made limited progress in promoting
minority firefighters. Severe shortfalls persist in the
number of African Americans among the officer
ranks—the very positions at issue in this litigation.
For example, in 1973, there were no African
Americans among the thirty-four captains in the de
partment. Firebird Soc’y, 66 F.R.D. at 460. More
than three decades later, the department’s im
provement is marginal: in 2005, just one out of
twenty-one captains was black. JA217. Within the
officer ranks as a whole, minorities are similarly un
der-represented. Of thirty-two officers at the level of
captain or higher, there were just three African
Americans and three Hispanics in 2005. JA218.
This significant shortfall is not due to a shortage
of black entry-level firefighters, where—in contrast
to the supervisory ranks—New Haven has made
some progress in hiring people of color. According to
New Haven’s most recent EEO-4 data,8 in 2007, Af
rican Americans held 32% of entry-level positions in
the fire department, but only 15% of supervisory po
sitions. See City of New Haven, State and Local
Government Information Report EEO-4 (2007).
This substantial disparity between minority rep
resentation in entry-level and supervisory positions
suggests the presence of systematic barriers to ad
8 An EEO-4 Report is a report that state and local govern
ments with over one hundred employees are required to submit
biennially to the EEOC, recording the number of employees by
race, sex, and job function (including fire protection). See 29
C.F.R. §§ 1602.30, 1602.32.
18
vancement for minorities, because the skills needed
to perform effectively as a supervisor are generally
those learned through observation and performance
on the job as an entry-level firefighter. See In re
Birmingham Reverse Discrimination Employment
Litig., 20 F.3d 1525, 1537-38 & n.18 (11th Cir. 1994)
(“Training and experience as a firefighter are special
skills required of those who would become fire lieu
tenants. As such, to determine if an imbalance ex
isted . . . the appropriate comparison is between
black representation in the . . . lieutenant ranks and
black representation among entry-level firefight
ers.”).9 This disparity also highlights the distance
New Haven has yet to travel in redressing the con
cerns that originally motivated the extension of Title
VII through the 1972 Act. See 118 Cong. Rec. 1817
(1972) (finding that “ [promotional opportunities are
not made available to minorities on an equal ba
sis. . . . Negro . . . firemen hold almost no positions in
the officer ranks.”).
B. Nationally, Overt Discrimination and
Racial Disparities Persist in Firefighter
Employment.
The experience of black firefighters in New Ha
ven reflects the experiences of black firefighters
around the country. Although Title VII enforcement
9 See also Stuart v. Roache, 951 F.2d 446, 450-52 (1st Cir.
1991); Horan v. City of Chicago, No. 98-C-2850, 2003 WL
22284090, at *53 (N.D. 111. Sept. 30, 2003) (“The work of a fire
fighter, an engineer, a lieutenant, a captain, and a battalion
chief is largely learned through observation and on-the-job
training. . . . The evidence at trial established that on average,
whites, African-Americans, and Latinos have performed
equally well in each of these positions.”).
19
efforts have yielded some progress, it has been fitful
and incomplete.
1. Shortly after Congress passed the 1972 Act,
private litigants as well as the United States De
partment of Justice, through its Civil Rights Divi
sion, began challenging discrimination by fire de
partments against minorities and women. See U.S.
Comm’n on Civil Rights, To Eliminate Employment
Discrimination, A Sequel: The Federal Civil Rights
Enforcement Effort—1977, at 270 (1977). These en
forcement actions resulted in judicial findings of
unlawful discrimination against African Americans
by fire departments in all regions of the country, in
cluding Cleveland, Birmingham, St. Louis, New
York City, Newark, Bridgeport, Buffalo, Philadel
phia, Massachusetts (state-wide), San Francisco,
Baltimore, and Minneapolis.10 11
10 See Local No. 93, Int’l Ass’n of Firefighters v. City of
Cleveland, 478 U.S. 501, 506 (1986) (citing Headen v. City of
Cleveland, No. C73-330 (N.D. Ohio Apr. 25, 1975)) (Cleveland);
Ensley Branch, NAACP v. Seibels, 616 F.2d 812, 814, 816-22
(5th Cir. 1980) (Birmingham); Firefighters Inst., 549 F.2d at
509-15 (St. Louis); Vulcan Soc’y of N.Y. City Fire Dep’t, Inc. v.
Civil Serv. Comm’n, 490 F.2d 387, 391-98 (2d Cir. 1973) (New
York City); United States v. New Jersey, 530 F. Supp. 328, 334-
38 (D.N.J. 1981) (Newark); Ass’n Against Discrimination in
Employment, Inc. v. City of Bridgeport, 479 F. Supp. 101, 104-
11 (D. Conn. 1979) (Bridgeport), aff’d in relevant part, 647 F.2d
256 (2d Cir. 1981); United States v. Buffalo, 457 F. Supp. 612,
621-23, 627-29, 639 (W.D.N.Y. 1978) (Buffalo), aff’d in relevant
part, 633 F.2d 643 (2d Cir. 1980) (per curiam); Pennsylvania v.
Rizzo, 13 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 1475, 1480 (E.D. Pa.
1975) (Philadelphia); Boston Chapter, NAACP v. Beecher, 371
F. Supp. 507, 513-17 (D. Mass.) (Massachusetts state-wide),
aff’d, 504 F.2d 1017 (1st Cir. 1974); W. Addition Cmty. Org. v.
Alioto, 369 F. Supp. 77, 79 (N.D. Cal. 1973) (San Francisco);
20
Other fire department lawsuits were resolved
through settlement agreements negotiated after em
ployers were confronted with compelling evidence of
segregation of black employees, deliberate exclusion
of blacks from the workforce, and gross racial dis
parities caused by non-job-related selection devices.
See, e.g., Vulcan Pioneers, Inc. v. N.J. Dep’t of Civil
Serv., 832 F.2d 811, 813 (3d Cir. 1987) (covering
twelve fire departments in New Jersey); United
States v. City of Alexandria, 614 F.2d 1358, 1365-66
& n.14 (5th Cir. 1980) (approving a consent decree in
light of egregious racial disparities in forty-five local
fire and police departments in Louisiana), abrogated
on other grounds as recognized in Dean v. City of
Shreveport, 438 F.3d 448, 452 n.l (5th Cir. 2006);
Vulcan Soc’y of Westchester County, Inc. v. Fire
Dep’t, Nos. 78 Civ. 0911, 80 Civ. 0336, 1996 WL
481066, at *1 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 23, 1996) (describing
1981 consent decrees covering four fire departments
in Westchester County, New York); Alexander v. Ba-
hou, 86 F.R.D. 194, 196, 198-204 (N.D.N.Y. 1980)
(entering consent decree covering Syracuse fire and
police departments).
In many cases, however, consent decrees proved
insufficient to root out persistent discrimination.
For instance, the Third Circuit in 1983 described
“the tenacious grasp of discrimination” in the Wil
mington, Delaware fire department, notwithstand
ing a prior consent decree. See Wilmore v. City of
Wilmington, 699 F.2d 667, 668, 675 (3d Cir. 1983)
Harper, 359 F. Supp. at 1194-1212 (Baltimore); Carter v. Gal
lagher, 3 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 692, 693, 695-700, 708
(D. Minn. 1971) (Minneapolis), aff'd in relevant part, 452 F.2d
315 (8th Cir. 1972) (en banc).
21
(noting that minorities made up 48% of Wilmington’s
labor force but only 15% of the firefighter force and
4% of the officer ranks, and explaining that impor
tant training opportunities were assigned exclu
sively to whites because of the “personal preferences”
of superior officers).
2. As a result of these private and federal en
forcement efforts, there has been some progress, if
uneven, in firefighter employment, but discrimina
tion and racial disparities persist.
Explicit, intentional discrimination endures. As
late as 2004, most black firefighters in Cleveland
were assigned to station houses within one battalion
that was “pejoratively labeled ‘Monkey Island.’”
Jordan v. City of Cleveland, 464 F.3d 584, 589 & n.6,
597 (6th Cir. 2006) (noting also that one predomi
nantly white firehouse featured “a ‘Wall of Hate,’ a
partition erected by white firefighters with deroga
tory comments directed toward black firefighters . . .
[that] remained in place until 1999”). These are not
isolated incidents. Minority firefighters nationwide
continue to experience disparate treatment: Accord
ing to a recent survey, 44.7% of firefighters of color
reported that they have been treated differently be
cause of their race during their careers. See Enhanc
ing Inclusion 195.
Disparities in hiring and promotions also persist.
Census data reveal significant under-representation
of African Americans and other minorities in fire de
partments at the national and local levels. A recent
study of 2000 census data concluded that nation
wide, racial and ethnic minorities accounted for
16.7% of the firefighter workforce, compared to
22
30.1% of benchmark occupations.11 Id. at 193. Ac
cordingly, persons of color were employed at just
over half of their expected rate compared to bench
mark jobs. Id.
Recent findings of liability for Title VII disparate
impact discrimination against black firefighters bear
out these national figures. Entrance examinations
continue to produce gross and unjustified disparate
impact in firefighter hiring, even in municipalities
that have long been subject to enforcement efforts
aimed at opening the firefighter ranks. For example,
the state of Massachusetts was recently found to
have violated Title VII by using state-wide fire
fighter hiring exams in both 2002 and 2004 that had
an unjustified adverse impact on minority candi
dates. See Bradley v. City of Lynn, 443 F. Supp. 2d
145, 167-75 (D. Mass. 2006). The district court con
cluded that the multiple-choice exams in question
were not job-related because they did not test for
important skills that were predictive of an appli
cant’s future success on the job. See id. at 172-73.
The state’s continuing discriminatory testing prac
tices occurred notwithstanding enforcement efforts
begun over thirty years ago to eradicate hiring dis
crimination in firefighter jobs throughout Massachu
setts. See Boston Chapter, NAACP v. Beecher, 504
F.2d 1017, 1018, 1026-28 (1st Cir. 1974); see also
Bradley, 443 F. Supp. 2d at 150-51, 175-76 (describ
ing the Beecher litigation and noting that “[tjhirty 11
11 The study defined benchmark occupations to include 184
jobs that share with firefighting the characteristics of being
“demanding, dirty, or dangerous.” Enhancing Inclusion 193.
23
years later, not much has changed”).12
Fire departments have also been subject to recent
enforcement action for imposing hiring standards
that disproportionately screen out black candidates
and bear no relationship to the job of firefighting.
The Department of Justice entered into a settlement
agreement last month with the city of Dayton, Ohio,
where the past twenty-five years have seen a dra
matic decline in African Americans in the city’s fire
department, from 7.0% in 1984 to 2.4% in 2008. See
Proposed Consent Decree, United States v. City of
Dayton, No. 3:08-cv-348 (S.D. Ohio Feb. 26, 2009);
Complaint ^ 6, 8, United States v. City of Dayton,
No. 3:08-cv-348 (S.D. Ohio Sept. 26, 2008) (blacks
make up only 2.4% of firefighters compared to 36.8%
of the city’s civilian labor force). The settlement re
quires the city to eliminate a certification require
ment it imposed on entry-level applicants that dis
proportionately screened out black candidates. See
Proposed Consent Decree ^ 9-11, United States v.
City of Dayton.
Towns in the New Haven metropolitan area also
continue to have egregious problems in firefighter
hiring. East Haven, which is adjacent to New Ha
ven, has been particularly slow to hire black employ
12 Other jurisdictions have recently been found to discrimi
nate against black applicants in firefighter hiring as well. See,
e.g., Lewis v. City of Chicago, No. 98-C-5596, 2005 WL 693618,
at *8-*15 (N.D. 111. Mar. 22, 2005) (holding that Chicago dis
criminated against black applicants in firefighter hiring be
tween 1996 and 2001 by using exam results that had an unjus
tified racially disparate impact), rev’d on other grounds, 528
F.3d 488 (7th Cir. 2008), petition for cert, filed, 77 U.S.L.W.
3449 (U.S. Jan. 21, 2009) (No. 08-974).
24
ees—as of 1996, East Haven had never hired a single
black police or fire department employee. See
NAACP v. Town of E. Haven, 998 F. Supp. 176, 178,
185-88 (D. Conn. 1998) (ruling that East Haven
must alter its recruitment efforts to overcome the
“perception in the black community that the Town is
closed to black employment, unwelcomingly hostile,
and resistant”); see also Mark Zaretsky, 6 Years Af
ter Suit, NAACP Says East Haven Should Try
Harder, New Haven Reg., Mar. 1, 2004 (noting that
by 2004, East Haven had three black volunteer fire
fighters but not a single paid minority firefighter).
In addition to these recent findings and settle
ments, there are numerous disparate impact law
suits pending around the country that challenge un
justified racial disparities in black firefighter em
ployment. For example, a pending lawsuit in New
York City challenges disparate impact in two fire
fighter hiring exams and notes that New York City’s
fire department is currently made up of only 3%
black firefighters, in a city that is nearly 27%
black13—evidencing only marginal progress in the
decades since 1973, when the Second Circuit held
that the New York fire department’s selection proce
dures impermissibly discriminated against black and
Hispanic applicants. See Complaint 1, 6, United
States v. City of New York, No. 07-cv-2067 (E.D.N.Y.
May 21, 2007); Plaintiff-Intervenors’ Complaint
1-2, 30-31, United States v. City of New York, No.
07-cv-2067 (E.D.N.Y. Sept. 25, 2007); Vulcan Soc’y of
13 See U.S. Census Bureau, State & County QuickFacts,
New York (city), New York, http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/
states/36/3651000.html.
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/
25
N.Y. City Fire Dep’t, Inc. v. Civil Serv. Comm’n, 490
F.2d 387, 391-98 (2d Cir. 1973).14
The volume and nature of this ongoing litigation
make clear the continuing extent of racial discrimi
nation in firefighting jobs not only in New Haven but
throughout the country.
III. The History and Persistence of Racial
Discrimination in Firefighting Should In
form the Court’s Resolution of This Case.
The persistence of discrimination in firefighting
provides justification for a municipal employer to
suspend promotions based on a selection device with
significant racial disparities, especially where, as
here, the employer reasonably believed that the test
ing procedures were flawed and that less discrimina
tory alternatives were available.
A. Title VII Does Not Prohibit Employers
from Declining to Use Selection Proce
dures that May Perpetuate Racial Dis
parities in Traditionally Segregated Job
Categories.
Past and present context is critically relevant in
assessing both New Haven’s effort to comply with
Title VII and petitioners’ challenge to New Haven’s
actions.
14 See also Coffey u. Braddy, No. 3:71-cv-44, 2009 WL
591280, at *3 (M.D. Fla. Mar. 6, 2009) (reopening lawsuit chal
lenging discrimination against black applicants in Jacksonville,
Florida firefighter hiring); Bazile v. City of Houston, No. H-08-
2404, 2008 WL 4899635, at *2-*6 (S.D. Tex. Nov. 12, 2008) (de
nying motion to dismiss black firefighters’ Title VII claims re
garding promotional exams).
26
In justifying its decision to reject racially dispa
rate results from an employee selection practice, an
employer need not prove that use of the practice
would violate Title VII or even amount to an “argu
able violation.” Johnson v. Transp. Agency, Santa
Clara County, 480 U.S. 616, 630 (1987) (quoting
United Steelworkers of Am. v. Weber, 443 U.S. 193,
212 (1979)). Rather, an employer “need point only to
a ‘conspicuous . . . imbalance in traditionally segre
gated job categories,’” and demonstrate that its ac
tions to address that imbalance do not “unnecessar
ily trammel” the interests of any adversely affected
employees. Id. at 630 (quoting Weber, 443 U.S. at
208-09).
Petitioners argue that respondents’ decision to
suspend the 2003 promotions was motivated by ille
gal discrimination against white firefighters. Pet.
Br. 18-20, 23-27, 45-47. But in light of the record in
this case and New Haven’s ongoing efforts to over
come the legacy of discrimination in its fire depart
ment, petitioners cannot meet their burden to show
a dispute of material fact to support their allegation
that New Haven’s non-discriminatory rationale—
compliance with Title VII—is a pretext for unlawful
discrimination. St. Mary’s Honor Ctr. v. Hicks, 509
U.S. 502, 506-08 (1993); Tex. Dep’t of Cmty. Affairs v.
Burdine, 450 U.S. 248, 253-55 (1981).
Respondents easily satisfy the standard set forth
in Johnson and Weber. As described in Part II.A,
supra, there is presently a conspicuous imbalance
within New Haven’s firefighter ranks, especially
within the lieutenant and captain positions that are
at issue in this case. Petitioners themselves concede
that if minority firefighters had challenged the pro
27
motional exams at issue here, the test results would
have constituted prima facie evidence of a disparate
impact violation, see Pet. Br. 50-51, a showing that
this Court has held is far more than sufficient to
meet the conspicuous imbalance requirement. John
son, 480 U.S. at 632-33 & n.10.
In addition, the historical record makes clear that
firefighting—both in New Haven and throughout the
country—is a “traditionally segregated job category.”
Id. at 632. Indeed, New Haven has a long history of
discrimination against African Americans in its fire
fighting force, and especially in the supervisory
ranks. See Part II.A, supra.
Finally, New Haven’s actions did not unnecessar
ily trammel petitioners’ interests. New Haven did
not create an “absolute bar” to petitioners’ advance
ment, and did not impose any racial quotas. John
son, 480 U.S. at 637-39. New Haven simply decided
not to certify the racially-disparate results of promo
tional tests, having determined that there would be
equally effective ways to select candidates for promo
tional positions with less adverse impact.15 See 29
15 There have been some instances where efforts to redress
discrimination against minorities in firefighting have been suc
cessfully challenged by white employees. See, e.g., Dean, 438
F.3d at 452-53, 462-63 (holding that part of the city of Shreve
port’s firefighter hiring process, adopted to comply with a 1980
consent decree, violated Title VII by establishing different cut
off scores—and therefore different hiring lists—by race);
Biondo v. City of Chicago, 382 F.3d 680, 682-85 (7th Cir. 2004)
(holding that Chicago violated Title VII and the Equal Protec
tion Clause by creating separate promotions lists by race and
then promoting from each list in strict proportion to the racial
make-up of all test-takers). However, respondents’ actions here
did not involve anything like the quotas or other aggressive
28
C.F.R. §§ 1607.3, 1607.4(C)(1) (EEOC Uniform
Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures). All
of the petitioners retained their current jobs and
have not even alleged that they will be unable to
compete with all other eligible firefighters when new
promotional exams are developed and implemented.
See Johnson, 480 U.S. at 638.
As the United States explains in its amicus brief,
petitioners cannot show that New Haven’s non-
discriminatory reason is pretextual unless petition
ers can demonstrate that the city’s concerns about
Title VII compliance were “unreasonable.” Br. of
United States 17. Petitioners fail to meet that bur
den. The reasonableness of New Haven’s actions is
amply supported by the gross racial disparity in the
test results, see Resp’t Br. 27-28, the substantial
doubts regarding the tests’ job-relatedness that
emerged during the Civil Service Board hearings, see
Resp’t Br. 28-32, and the evidence of less discrimina
tory alternatives, see Resp’t Br. 32-35.10
The history and persistence of discrimination in
New Haven’s fire department further undercut any 16
remedial plans that have been successfully challenged by white
firefighters in the past; rather, the city’s efforts represented a
modest attempt to ensure compliance with the core principles
of Title VII. See Resp’t Br. 5-10.
16 The amicus brief of well-reputed industrial psychologists
makes clear that New Haven’s promotional tests fell well short
of the standard set by other fire departments around the coun
try in developing selection processes that are better able to
identify candidates with the knowledge, skills, abilities, and
other personal characteristics needed to perform successfully as
fire lieutenants and captains. See Br. of Amici Industrial-
Organizational Psychologists.
29
contention that the city’s stated motives were pre-
textual. Given New Haven’s uneven and incomplete
efforts to eliminate the longstanding barriers to pro
motion of minority firefighters, it is surely reason
able for the Civil Service Board to engage in a trans
parent review process when faced with promotional
tests that produce unexpectedly large racial dispari
ties. “ [V]oluntary employer action can play a crucial
role in . . . eliminating the effects of discrimination
in the workplace, and . . . Title VII should not be
read to thwart such efforts.” Johnson, 480 U.S. at
630.
B. Employer Efforts to Ensure Fair Selec
tion Procedures Do Not Trigger Strict
Scrutiny.
Petitioners’ contention that constitutional strict
scrutiny should be triggered by New Haven’s actions,
Pet. Br. 21-27, is fundamentally an attack on Title
VII’s disparate impact standard as articulated by
this Court in Griggs and codified by Congress in the
Civil Rights Act of 1991. See Griggs, 401 U.S. at
429-30, 436; 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(l)(A). As de
tailed above, since the extension of Title VII to states
and localities, the disparate impact standard has
played a key role in enforcement actions to root out
pervasive discrimination in firefighting by disman
tling tests that are unrelated to job performance.17
17 In fact, in codifying the disparate impact standard in the
Civil Rights Act of 1991, Congress again relied specifically on
evidence of discrimination in firefighting and recognized the
importance of the disparate impact standard in challenging
ongoing discrimination in firefighter employment. See H.R.
Rep. No. 102-40(1), at 99-100 (1991), reprinted in 1991
U.S.C.C.A.N. 549, 637-38.
30
This Court recognized in Griggs that Title VII re
flected Congress’s intent to impose upon employers
an affirmative obligation “to achieve equality of em
ployment opportunities and remove barriers that
have operated in the past to favor an identifiable
group of white employees over other employees.”
401 U.S. at 429-30. This obligation is especially im
portant where, as here, racial discrimination has en
dured in a particular workforce. See Weber, 443 U.S.
at 197-99, 203-04 (“[T]he crux of the problem [ad
dressed by Title VII was] to open employment oppor
tunities to Negroes in occupations which have been
traditionally closed to them.” (quoting 110 Cong.
Rec. 6548 (1964) (remarks of Sen. Humphrey))).
Petitioners do not suggest that there was a need
for heightened constitutional review of New Haven’s
efforts to design promotional tests that complied
with Title VII. See Pet. Br. 6-10, 41; cf. Hayden v.
County of Nassau, 180 F.3d 42, 46 (2d Cir. 1999).
The level of constitutional scrutiny should not be in
creased simply because New Haven determined—
after its new promotional tests yielded even greater
racial disparities than prior tests, see Resp’t Br. 6—
that additional steps were necessary to avoid per
petuating discrimination in the fire department’s ra
cially-stratified promotional ranks. The City’s addi
tional steps here (including the decision to investi
gate further, the identification of possible flaws in
the test design, the consideration of less discrimina
tory alternatives, and the conclusion that the test
results should not be certified) did not involve the
allocation of specific positions to particular individu
als or any other “dispositions based on race.” Ada-
rand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200, 239
31
(1995) (Scalia, J., concurring). Even assuming that
compliance with a civil rights statute is a race-
conscious measure, strict scrutiny does not apply to
such “race-conscious measures to address [a] prob
lem in a general way.” Parents Involved in Cmty.
Sch. v. Seattle Sch. Dist. No. 1, 127 S. Ct. 2738,
2792-93 (2007) (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and
concurring in the judgment).
C. If Strict Scrutiny Applies, Title VII Com
pliance is a Compelling Interest in Light
of the History and Persistence of Dis
crimination in Firefighting.
If strict scrutiny applies, this Court should find
that New Haven had a compelling interest in com
plying with Title VII. As an initial matter, notwith
standing petitioners’ suggestion to the contrary, Pet.
Br. 28-33, none of this Court’s precedents in any way
suggest that a public employer does not have a com
pelling interest in avoiding a violation of Title VTI’s
disparate impact proscription. As demonstrated in
Part I.A, supra, when Congress decided in 1972 to
extend Title VII to state and local employers, it had
before it a record filled with evidence of egregious
racial discrimination by public employers generally
and fire departments in particular.
The central dispute with respect to petitioners’
constitutional claim focuses on the amount of evi
dence that New Haven was required to present to
show a “strong basis in evidence” that its actions
were necessary to advance a compelling interest.
City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469,
500 (1989) (quoting Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Educ.,
476 U.S. 267, 277 (1986) (plurality opinion)). Under
32
this Court’s precedents, it is clear that the requisite
showing is something less than proof of prior dis
crimination. Id,.; see also Wygant, 476 U.S. at 277-78
(plurality opinion); id. at 290-92 (O’Connor, J., con
curring). In Croson, this Court indicated that the
“strong basis” requirement is satisfied by evidence
“approaching a prima facie case of a constitutional or
statutory violation.” Croson, 488 U.S. at 500. On
the facts of this case, the Court need not resolve
whether, as Croson suggests, something less than a
prima facie case may suffice, because petitioners ac
knowledge that the evidence of adverse impact in the
promotional tests at issue would suffice to establish
a Title VII prima facie case. Pet. Br. 50-51.
The rationale behind and historical development
of the Title VII disparate impact framework compel
the conclusion that the “strong basis” test is satisfied
by a prima facie showing of disparate impact.18 One
of the primary purposes of the disparate impact
standard is to screen out subtle or surreptitious in
tentional discrimination. See In re Employment Dis
crimination Litig. Against Ala., 198 F.3d 1305, 1322
18 Applying Croson’s standard, a number of federal courts
have held that the demonstration of a prima facie case of Title
VII disparate impact is sufficient to satisfy the “strong basis in
evidence” requirement. See Donaghy v. City of Omaha, 933
F.2d 1448, 1458-60 (8th Cir. 1991); Davis v. City of San Fran
cisco, 890 F.2d 1438, 1442-44, 1446-47 (9th Cir. 1989); Howard
v. McLucas, 871 F.2d 1000, 1007-08 (11th Cir. 1989) (citing
Howard v. McLucas, 671 F. Supp. 756, 760-61 (M.D. Ga. 1987));
United States v. New Jersey, 75 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA)
1602, 1611, 1614-15 (D.N.J. 1995); Paganucci v. City of New
York, 785 F. Supp. 467, 477 (S.D.N.Y. 1992), aff'd, 993 F.2d
310, 312 (2d Cir. 1993) (adopting the district court’s reasoning).
33
(11th Cir. 1999). As Eleventh Circuit Judge Tjoflat
has noted:
[A] prima facie finding of disparate impact
by the court means that the plaintiff has
demonstrated that the challenged practice
(and not something else) actually causes the
discriminatory impact at issue. Though the
plaintiff is never explicitly required to dem
onstrate discriminatory motive, a genuine
finding of disparate impact can be highly
probative of the employer’s motive since a
racial “imbalance is often a telltale sign of
purposeful discrimination.”
Id. at 1321 (quoting Int’l Bhd. of Teamsters u. United
States, 431 U.S. 324, 339-40 n.20 (1977)). In other
words, the Title VII disparate impact framework
provides a powerful evidentiary tool in cases where
discrimination may otherwise be difficult to prove; it
proceeds by countering ordinary explanations other
than discriminatory intent for an employment policy
or practice with a demonstrably adverse impact.
Equally important, the disparate impact frame
work is also intended to eliminate employment prac
tices that may be neutral on their face but neverthe
less perpetuate racial disparities without business
justification, thereby “freezing” in place the status
quo created by prior racial discrimination. Griggs,
401 U.S. at 430; see also Watson v. Fort Worth Bank
& Trust, 487 U.S. 977, 987 (1988) (“ [T]he necessary
premise of the disparate impact approach is that
some employment practices, adopted without a de
liberately discriminatory motive, may in operation
34
be functionally equivalent to intentional discrimina
tion.”)-
Accordingly, a prima facie case of disparate im
pact is tantamount to evidence of either surrepti
tious intentional discrimination or self-perpetuating
racial hierarchy in the workplace. Prohibiting public
employers from taking remedial action in such con
texts—especially in a job category like firefighting
that is characterized by both past and present dis
crimination—would severely undermine Title VII’s
goal of encouraging voluntary compliance. See Kol-
stad v. Am. Dental Ass’n, 527 U.S. 526, 545 (1999)
(“Dissuading employers from implementing pro
grams or policies to prevent discrimination in the
workplace is directly contrary to the purposes under
lying Title VII.”). Voluntary compliance is particu
larly essential because Title VTI “aims, chiefly, ‘not
to provide redress but to avoid harm.’” Id. at 545
(quoting Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 524 U.S.
775, 806 (1998)).
New Haven should not be penalized for heeding
Congress’s clear directive that employers “self
examine” their employment practices and voluntar
ily cease those practices that perpetuate discrimina
tion. Albemarle, 422 U.S. at 417-18.
35
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, as well as those out
lined by respondents, the decision below should be
affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
John Payton
Counsel of Record
Jacqueline A. Berrien
Debo P. Adegbile
Matthew Colangelo
ReNika C. Moore
Joy Milligan
NAACP Legal Defense &
Educational Fund, Inc.
99 Hudson Street, 16th Floor
New York, NY 10013
(212) 965-2200
Joshua Civin
NAACP Legal Defense &
Educational Fund, Inc.
1444 I Street, NW, 10th Floor
Washington, DC 20005
March 25, 2009