Nipper v. Chiles Brief Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
September 8, 1992
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Nipper v. Chiles Brief Amicus Curiae, 1992. d1d5b2a1-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/72a1968e-d249-4407-a694-eef164c45db6/nipper-v-chiles-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed October 26, 2025.
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IN T H E U N ITED STATES C O U R T O F APPEALS
FO R T H E ELEV EN TH C IR C U IT
JESSE N IPPER, et a l,
v.
PLAINTIFFS,
No. 92-2588
LAW TON CHILES, et a l,
DEFENDANTS.
B R IEF AM ICUS C U R IA E O F T H E NAACP LEG A L
D EFEN SE AND ED U C A TIO N A L FU N D , INC.
ON A PPEA L FR O M T H E D ISTR IC T C O U R T
FO R T H E M ID D LE D ISTR IC T O F FLO R ID A
JACKSONVILLE D IV ISIO N
JU LIU S L. CHAM BERS
CH ARLES STEPH EN RALSTON
SH ERR ILY N A. IFILL
99 Hudson Street
16th Floor
New York, NY 10013
(212) 219-1900
Counsel for Am icus Curiae
Nipper, et al. v. Chiles, et al.. No. 92-2588
CERTIFICATE OF INTERESTED PERSONS AND
CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
Counsel for amicus curiae certifies that the following listed
persons have an interest in the outcome of this case.
1. Tommie R. Bell, Duval Co. Supervisor of Elections,
Defendant-Appellee
2. Frank E. Brown, Attorney for Appellees
3. Donald A. Carter, Plaintiff-Appellant
4. Julius Chambers, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund,
Inc. (Amicus Curiae)
5. Lawton Chiles, Governor, Defendant-Appellee
6. Carol D. Days, Plaintiff-Appellant
7. Dennis Allen Dean, Attorney for Appellees
8. Mitchell F. Dolin, Attorney for Appellants
9. Desi Wayne Dunlap, Plaintiff-Appellant
10. John R. Dunne, Assistant Attorney General, Civil Rights
Division, Department of Justice
11. Mitchell Dean Franks, Attorney for Appellees
12. Jeffery S. Harleston, Attorney for Appellants
13. Anthony Herman, Attorney for Appellants
14. Sherrilyn Ifill, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund,
Inc. (Amicus Curiae)
15. Dot Joyce, Director of Florida Division of Elections,
Defendant-Appellee
16. Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
17. Leonard Magid, Attorney for Appellees
18. Bob Martinez, former Governor, Defendant
Cl of 2
Nipper, et al. v. Chiles, et al.. No. 92-2588
19. Robert B. McDuff, Attorney for Appellants
20. Katrina Miles, Plaintiff-Appellant
21. Honorable John H. Moore, II, U.S. District Court Judge
22. Donna M. Murphy, Attorney, Civil Rights Division, Department
of Justice
23. NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
24. Jesse L. Nipper, Plaintiff-Appellant
25. D.W. Perkins Bar Association, Plaintiff-Appellant
26. Denise Marcel Prescod, Attorney for Appellants
27. Steven Ralston, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
(Amicus Curiae)
28. Steven H. Rosenbaum, Attorney, Civil Rights Division,
Department of Justice
29. Jessica Dunsay Silver, Attorney, Civil Rights Division,
Department of Justice
30. Jim Smith, Secretary of State of Florida, Defendant-Appellee
31. Rebecca K. Troth, Attorney, Civil Rights Division,
Department of Justice
32. James P. Turner, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Civil
Rights Division, Department of Justice
33. George L. Wass, Attorney for Appellees
34. Annie Ruth Williams, Plaintiff-Appellant
35. Selendra Williams, Plaintiff-Appellant
36. Brenda Wright, Attorney for Appellants
C2 of 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of A uthorities................................................................................................................................ i
Adoption of Appellants’ Statement of the C a s e .................................................................................1
Statement of Jurisdiction .........................................................................................................................1
Statement of Issues .................................................................................................................................. 1
Summary of A rgum ent..............................................................................................................................1
Introduction................................................................................................................................................ 3
I. In Chisom v. Roemer and Houston Lawyers’ Association the Supreme
Court Decided that Judicial Elections are to be Examined under the
"Results" Test of Amended § 2 ........................................................................................3
II. Chief Judge Tjoflat’s Concurrence in Solomon v. Liberty County is
Contrary to Both the Letter and Spirit of Amended Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act ...........................................................................................................6
III. The District Court’s Holding that the Circuitwide and Countywide
Method of Electing Judges to the Fourth Judicial Circuit and the
Duval County Court was Wrong as a matter of Law ................................................8
A. The District Court Erred in its Finding that Elections
in the Relevant Jurisdiction is not Racially
Polarized ............................................................................................................. 8
1. Contests Involving African American
and White Candidates ..........................................................................9
2. White Incumbency as a "Special
Circumstance" ...................................................................................... 13
IV. The District Court Makes Critical Factual Errors with Regard to
Other Senate F a c to rs .................................................................................................... 15
A. African American Electoral Success.............................................................. 16
B. The Role of Appointment in Assessing Minority
Electoral Success............................................................................................... 17
C. Plaintiffs’ Burden of Proof and the Salience of
Socio-economic Disparities .............................................................................18
D. The State’s Interests in Maintaining the Current
System ................................................................................................................20
Conclusion................................................................................ 22
Certificate of Service .............................................................................................................................. 23
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
page
Campos v. City of Baytown,
840 F.2d 1240 (5th Cir. 1988)
cert, denied 109 S. Ct. 3213 (1989) ................................................................................... 10
Carrolton Branch of NAACP v. Stallings,
829 F.2d 1547 (11th Cir. 1987)................................................................................... 8, 11, 14
• Chisom v. Roemer,
115 L. Ed. 2d 348 (1991)............................................................................................... passim
Citizens for a Better Gretna v. Cit of Gretna,
834 F.2d 496 (5th Cir. 1984) ............................................................................................ 9, 10
Concerned Citizens v. Hardee County Bd. of Comm’rs,
906 F.2d 524 (11th Cir. 1990) ............................................................................................... 8
Dillard v. Crenshaw County,
831 F.2d 246 (11th Cir. 1987) ............................................................................................ 18
Ewing v. Monroe County, Miss.,
740 F. Supp. 417 (N.D.Miss.1990) ........................................................................................ 5
Florida ex rel. Hawkins v. Board of Control of Fla.,
350 U.S. 413 (1956) ............................................................................................................. 17
Gingles v. Edmisten
590 F. Supp 345 (E.D.N.C. 1984).......................................................................................... 12
• Houston Lawyers' Association v. Attorney
General of Texas, 115 L. Ed. 2d 379 (1991) .............................................................. passim
Jeffers v. Clinton,
730 F. Supp. 196 (E.D. Ark. 1989) aff’d mem., 112
L. Ed. 2d 656 (1 9 9 1 )............................................................................................................... 9
Jones v. Lubbock,
727 F.2d 364 (5th Cir. 1984) ............................................................................................... 13
Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors,
554 F.2d 139 (5th Cir. ) cert, denied, 434 U.S. 960
(1977)....................................................................................................................................... 19
i
Kirksey v. City of Jackson, Miss.,
663 F.2d 659 (5th Cir. 1981) reh’g and reh’g en
banc denied, 669 F.2d 316 (5th Cir. 1982) .......................................................................... 7
Mallory v. Eyrich,
707 F. Supp. 947 (S.D. Ohio 1989) ..................................................................................... 9
Martin v. Allain,
658 F. Supp. 1183 (S.D. Miss. 1987) .............................................................................. 5, 21
•McMillian v. Escambia County, Fla.,
748 F.2d 1037 (11th Cir. 1984)..................................................................................... passim
McNeil v. Springfield Park District,
666 F. Supp. 1208 (C.D. 111. 1987) aff’d, 851 F.2d
937 (7th Cir. 1988) .................................................................................................................. 5
Solomon v. Liberty County,
899 F.2d 1012 (11th Cir. 1990)................................................................................. 3, 6, 9, 11
•Thornburg v. Gingles,
478 U.S. 30 (1986)........................................................................................................... passim
Westwego Citizens for a Better Gov’t v. City of
Westwego, 872 F.2d 1201 (5th Cir. 1988)
on remand, 946 F.2d 1109 (5th Cir. 1991)....................................................................... 9, 21
STATUTES
House Report No. 97-227, 97th Cong. 1st Sess. (1982).....................................................................5
• Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Con. 1st Sess. (1982) ..................... ‘...................................passim
28 U.S.C. §1291 ..................................................................................................................................... 1
• Voting Rights Act of 1965,
as amended 42 U.S.C. 1973 ............................................................................................ passim
u
ADOPTION OF APPELLANTS' STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Amicus Curiae, NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc., hereby incorporates by
reference the Statement of the Case and the Statement of Facts as set out by the Appellants in the
Brief on Appeal.
STATEMENT OF JURISDICTION
Jurisdiction of this Court is invoked under 28 U.S.C. §1291.
STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES
Whether the district court committed legal and factual errors in holding that the circuitwide
and countywide method of electing judges in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County, Florida
does not violate Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended?
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
The essence of the Supreme Court’s decisions in Chisom v. Roemer, 115 L.Ed.2d 348 (1991)
and Houston Lawyers’ Association v. Attorney General o f Texas, 115 L.Ed.2d 379 (1991) is that
judicial elections are entitled to no exemption or insulation from Section 2 of the Act, as amended.
Thus, where plaintiffs challenge the method of electing judicial officers as violative of Section 2,
courts are required to apply the "results" test codified by Congress, and further developed by the
Supreme Court and lower courts to determine if the rights of minority voters are violated by the
challenged method of judicial election.
The "results" test of amended Section 2 is a "flexible, fact-intensive" test which at its core
negates the need for minority voters to prove that a particular election structure, practice or
procedure was created or has been maintained with the invidious purpose of intentionally
discriminating against minority voters. Consistent with Congress’ decision to remove proof of
intentional discrimination as a part of plaintiffs claim under §2, minority voters need not prove the
1
existence of intentional racial bias on the part of either legislators or voters.
In the case at hand, plaintiff African American voters challenged the circuitwide and
countywide method of electing judges to the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County Court,
respectively. They contend that the at-large method of electing Circuit and County judges denies
African American voters an equal opportunity to participate in the political process and elect their
candidates of choice, in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended. The
facts in this case overwhelmingly support the minority voters’ claims. Yet the district court rejected
the plaintiffs’ claim of vote dilution based on erroneous interpretations of well-established law
under Section 2 of the Act, and a virtual refusal to draw obvious inferences from facts.
Although the district court purports to follow the Supreme Court’s directions in Thornburg
v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986) for assessing vote dilution claims, a close examination of the district
court’s errors, and the rationale offered by the court for its rejection of the plaintiffs’ claims shows
that the district court in essence rejects the well-developed judicially manageable standards for
determining a violation under §2 and applies its own standards for the application of §2 to judicial
election schemes.
Courts are neither required nor permitted to depart from the well-established "totality of
circumstances" test to create new standards of §2 review based on the function of the elected
officer. The Supreme Court’s rejection of the states’ arguments in Chisom and Houston Lawyers’
Association forecloses the creation of new rules to insulate judicial elections from full review under
§ 2 .
Moreover, the Court commits clear legal and factual errors with regard to the existence of
Senate Factors which support the plaintiffs’ claim of dilution.
2
Introduction
In support of its decision to reject many of the well-established principles for determining
the existence of vote dilution under §2 of the Act, the district court cites the failure of the Supreme
Court in Chisom and Houston Lawyers’ Association to "refine" the standard to be applied to judicial
elections cases, Slip Op. at 5, and cites this Court’s evenly split en banc decision in Solomon v.
Liberty County, 899 F.2d 1012 (11th Cir. 1990), in which this Court, according to the district court
was "unable to agree on the precise meaning of Gingles.” Slip Op. at 4.
To the extent that the district court bases its radical departure from accepted §2 analysis
on Chisom and Houston Lawyers’ Association, the first part of this brief will discuss the directions
provided by those decisions with regard to the application of the "results" test to judicial election
schemes. The second part of the brief discusses the concurrence written by Judge Tjoflat in
Solomon, which erroneously interprets amended §2 to require plaintiffs to prove the existence of
racial bias in the community in order to prevail in a vote dilution claim.
The third and fourth sections of the brief address the actual errors of law and fact made by
the district court in the case at hand, which support this Court’s reversal of the district court
opinion. I.
I. IN CHISOM V. ROEMER AND HOUSTON LAWYERS’ ASSOCIATION THE
SUPREME COURT DECIDED THAT JUDICIAL ELECTIONS ARE TO BE
EXAMINED UNDER THE "RESULTS" TEST OF AMENDED §2
While the district court correctly notes that the Supreme Court "had no occassion in
Houston Lawyers or its companion case, Chisom v. Roemer, to explain or refine the standard that
should be applied in section two litigation," the Supreme Court announced one unambiguous and
clear direction for courts assessing vote dilution claims challenging the election of judges: the
"results" test "for determining the legality o f . . a [voting] practice . . . applies in judicial elections
3
as well as in other elections." Chisom, 115 L.Ed. 2d at 360-361. The Court further emphasized that
"the results tests mandated by the 1982 amendment is applicable to all claims arising under §2.” Id.
at 365 (emphasis added).
The Court rejected the arguments advanced by the State of Louisiana and the State of Texas
that the function of judicial officers is so different from that of non-judicial officers, that the
election of judges is entitled to exemption from §2 of the Voting Rights Act. Instead, the Court
held in Houston Lawyers’ Association, that "if a State decides to elect its trial judges . . . those
elections must be conducted in compliance with the Voting Rights Act." 115 L.Ed.2d at 386. The
Supreme Court did not "refine," as the district court in this case states, the precise analysis for a
vote dilution claim challenging the method of electing judges because the flexibility of the "results"
test lends itself to all types of vote dilution claims.
The "results" test has been codified by Congress in the Senate and House Reports which
accompany the 1982 amendments to §2 of the Voting Rights Act. In particular, the Senate Report1
sets out specifically the standards to be applied in a §2 case, and enumerates a list of "typical
factors" which tend to prove the existence of vote dilution.2 This list, while not exhaustive, has
'The Senate Report has been characterized an an "authoritative source" for interpreting
amended §2. Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. at 43 n.7.
2These typical objective factors include:
1. the extent of any history of official discrimination in the state or political
subdivision that touched the right of the members of the minority group to register,
to vote, or otherwise to participate in the democratic process;
2. the extent to which voting in the elections of the state or political subdivision is
racially polarized;
3. the extent to which the state or political subdivision has used unusually large
election districts, majority vote requirements, anti-single shot provisions, or other
voting practices or procedures that may enhance the opportunity for discrimination
against the minority group;
4
been endorsed by the Supreme Court, this Court and other courts throughout the country.
In Thornburg v. Gingles, the Supreme Court further developed the standards for §2 vote
dilution claims and refined Congress’ "flexible, fact-intensive" test. 478 U.S. at 46. The "flexibility"
of the "results" test is deliberate. Congress contemplated §2 as the "major statutory prohibition of
all voting rights discrimination." S. Rep. at 30. As such, Congress created a test under §2 which
could be applied to any "rule, practice, or procedure called into question," id. at 28, and which can
apply "to different types of election problems," including the election of judges. House Report No.
97-227 97th Cong., 1st Sess. (1982) at p. 30. Accordingly, the test has been used to assess claims
arising under §2 for the election of justice court judges and constables, Ewing v. Monroe County,
Miss., 740 F.Supp. 417 (N.D.Miss.1990); park board trustees, McNeil v. Springfield Park District, 666
4. if there is a candidate slating process, whether the members of the minority
group have been denied access to that process;
5. the extent to which members of the minority group in the state or political
subdivision bear the effects of discrimination in such areas as education,
employment and health, which hinder their ability to participate effectively in the
political process;
6. whether political campaigns have been characterized by overt or subtle racial
appeals;
7. the extent to which members of the minority group have been elected to public
office in the jurisdiction.
Additional factors that in some cases have had probative value as part of plaintiffs evidence
to establish a violation are:
whether there is a significant lack of responsiveness on the part of elected
officials to the particularized needs of the members of the the minority
group.
whether the policy underlying the state or political subdivision’s use of such
voting qualification, prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice or
procedure is tenuous.
Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Cong., 2nd Sess.(1982) at pp. 28-29 ["Senate Report"].
5
F.Supp. 1208 (C.D. 111. 1987) aff’d, 851 F.2d 937 (7th Cir. 1988) and trial court judges, Martin v.
AUain, 658 F.Supp. 1183 (S.D. Miss. 1987).
Houston Lawyers’ Association and Chisom stand for the Supreme Court’s repudiation of the
argument that judicial elections are so different from elections for other offices that they are
entitled to special rules or exemptions under the Act. Just as judicial elections are not exempt from
the Act’s coverage, neither are they exempt from the standards applied to determining vote dilution
claims under amended §2. As is set out infra, the district court consistently departs from
established standards in assessing the method of electing judges in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and
Duval County challenged by the plaintiffs.
II. CHIEF JUDGE TJOFLATS CONCURRENCE IN SOLOMON V. LIBERTY COUNTY
IS CONTRARY TO BOTH THE LETTER AND SPIRIT OF AMENDED SECTION
2 OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT
In Solomon v. Liberty County, Florida, 899 F.2d 1012 (11th Cir. 1990) this Circuit split evenly
in an en banc decision and remanded to the district court a claim brought by African American
voters challenging the at-large election of county commissioners and school board members. In one
of the three concurring opinions, Chief Judge Tjoflat argued that plaintiffs attempting to prove the
existence of vote dilution, particularly through proof of racially polarized voting "must show that
the voting community is driven by racial bias" and that the challenged scheme allows that bias to
dilute the minority population’s voting strength in order to prevail. Solomon, 899 F. 2d at 1037.
This approach is completely at odds with Congress’ intention in amending Section 2 and,
in effect, re-imports the "intent" test into amended §2.
Congress unambiguously announced that "the specific intent of this amendment [to §2] is
that the plaintiffs may choose to establish discriminatory results without proving any kind of
discriminatory purpose." S. Rep. at 28 (emphasis added). In amending §2 and codifying the
6
"results" test Congress sought to remove from §2 any standard that "would make it necessary to
brand individuals as racist in order to obtain judicial relief." S. Rep. at 36. Thus, under
amended §2, minority voters need not prove that voting is racially polarized because white voters
are racist.
Requiring proof of the existence of racial bias in the jurisdiction would lead to the perils
of the intent analysis that Congress specifically sought to avoid when it amended §2. Congress
eliminated the intent inquiry from §2, in principal part, because an inquiry into the motives of
legislators "is unnecessarily divisive because it involves charges of racism on the part of individual
officials or entire communities.” S. Rep. at 36. If plaintiffs had to prove that white voters failed to
support minority candidates because of their race, similar charges would be a necessary part of the
plaintiffs’ burden. It is difficult to imagine a more potentially divisive inquiry than an attempt by
minority voters to discern the motives of white voters in Duval County. The use of standard
statistical analytical methods to determine whether African Americans and whites vote differently
avoids the hazards of the more inflammatory "causation" analysis supported by Judge Tjoflat and
rejected by Congress. Under amended §2 courts must "assess the impact of the challenged structure
. . . rather than . . . the motivations which lay behind" that impact. S. Rep. at 17 (emphasis added).
Congress also decided that the burden of proving the existence of intentional racial bias was
too high. S. Rep. at 36. Congress was concerned, for instance, that "plaintiffs may face barriers
of ‘legislative immunity’ both as to the motives involved in the legislative process, and as to the
motives o f the majority electorate when an election law has been adopted or maintained as the result
of a referendum." S. Rep. at 37 (emphasis added). Similar barriers would be faced by plaintiffs
attempting to discern the motives of white voters in order to prove racially polarized voting.3
3It would be nearly impossible for plaintiffs to meet such a burden because "[t]he motivation(s)
o f . . . individual voters may not be subjected to . . . searching judicial inquiry." Kirksey v. City o f
Jackson, Miss., 663 F.2d 659, 662 (5th Cir. 1981) reh’g and reh’g en banc denied, 669 F.2d 316 (5th
7
The Supreme Court has similarly rejected "the suggestion that racially polarized voting refers
. . . to white bloc voting which is caused by white voters’ racial hostility toward black candidates.
Gingles, 478 U.S. at 59. As the Gingles p lurality clearly explains:
"[t]o accept this theory would frustrate the goals Congress sought to
acheive by repudiating the intent test of Mobile v. Bolden. [The]
suggestion that the discriminatory intent of individual white voters
must be proved in order to make out a §2 claim must fail for the
very reasons Congress rejected the intent test with respect to
governmental bodies." Gingles, 478 U.S. at 71 (internal citations
omitted).
In short, the plaintiffs in this case were not required to prove the existence of intentional
racial bias in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County in order to prevail under amended §2.
III. THE DISTRICT COURT’S HOLDING THAT THE CIRCUITWIDE AND
COUNTYWIDE METHOD OF ELECTING JUDGES TO THE FOURTH JUDICIAL
CIRCUIT AND THE DUVAL COUNTY COURT WAS WRONG AS A MATTER OF
LAW4
A. The District Court Erred In Its Finding That Elections In The
Relevant Jurisdiction Is Not Racially Polarized
"Racial bloc voting is the hallmark of a vote dilution claim." Carrolton Branch o f NAACP
v. Stallings, 829 F.2d 1547, 1550 (11th Cir. 1987); McMillian v. Escambia County, Fla. 748 F.2d 1037,
1043 (11th Cir. 1984). Because of the significance of racial bloc voting in the calculus of a vote
dilution determination, errors in the analysis of racially polarized voting infect the entire vote
dilution inquiry.
Cir. 1982).
4In its review of the district court’s opinion, this court may correct the district court errors of
law and fact. Concerned Citizens v. Hardee County Bd. o f Comm’rs, 906 F.2d 524, 526 (11th Cir
1990).
8
In the case at hand, plaintiffs presented overwhelming evidence to the court that elections
in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County are characterized by racial bloc voting. By
rejecting the established standards of determining racial bloc voting developed by the Supreme
Court and other Circuits, the district court in this case erroneously concluded that voting in
circuitwide and countywide elections is not racially polarized. The district court’s conclusion
regarding the existence of racially polarized voting is based on numerous legal errors and is contrary
to the factual record. At each stage of its analysis of racially polarized voting the district court
departs from the established method of determining the existence of bloc voting, and creates a
special standard for judicial elections.
1. Contests Involving African American and White Candidates
In determining whether voting is racially polarized in a jurisdiction, elections involving white
and African American candidates running for the electoral office at issue are most salient. This
view has been adopted by courts throughout the country. Jeffers v. Clinton, 730 F.Supp. 196, 208-
209 (E.D. Ark. 1989) (three-judge-court) affd mem., 112 L.Ed.2d 656 (1991); Mallory v. Eyrich, 707
F.Supp. 947, 951-952 (S.D. Ohio 1989).5 The Fifth Circuit in Westwego Citizens for a Better Gov’t
v. City o f Westwego, 872 F.2d 1201, 1208 n. 7 (5th Cir. 1988) on remand, 946 F.2d 1109 N. 15 (5th
Cir. 1991) clearly explained why elections involving white and African American candidates are the
5 Although the Supreme Court in Thornburg v. Gingles was not unanimous in its decision
regarding the relevance of the race of the candidate, the Court unanimously upheld the three-judge-
court’s finding of vote dilution based on an analysis of only elections involving African American
and white candidates. Thus "implicit in Thornburg v. Gingles holding is the notion that black
preference is determined from elections which offer the choice of a viable black candidate." Citizens
for a Better Gretna v. Cit o f Gretna, 834 F.2d 496, 504 (5th Cir. 1984).
Accordingly this Court in Solomon v. Liberty County found that plaintiffs had sustained their
burden of proving racially polarized voting based on elections involving African American
candidates. 899 F.2d at 1020-1021 (and notes). Judge Tjoflat concurred in this conclusion. 899
F.2d at 1037.
9
appropriate focus of a racially polarized voting analysis: "evidence of black support for white
candidates in an all-white field . . . tells us nothing about the tendency of white bloc voting to defeat
black candidates." See also, Campos v. City o f Baytown, 840 F.2d 1240, 1245 (5th Cir. 1988) cert,
denied 109 S.Ct. 3213 (1989); Citizens for a Better Gretna v. City o f Gretna, 834 F.2d 496, 503 (5th
Cir. 1984).
The facts of this case themselves support the Fifth Circuit’s view. It is undisputed that
between 1972 and 1990 there were six contested elections in which African American candidates
ran against white candidates for circuit or county judge in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval
County.6 The district court found, and it was undisputed, that in these elections, African
Americans overwhelmingly gave their electoral support to the African American candidates, while
white voters never gave a majority of their support to the African American candidate. Indeed
"black support for the black candidate ranged from 73% to 98%, white support for the black
cnadidate ranged from 3% to 33%." Slip Op. at 9. These facts, in and of themselves, constitute
clear evidence that voting is racially polarized.
The court itself concedes that "these statistics would ordinarily make out a sufficient showing
of racial polarization in these six judicial elections," Slip Op. at 21. Nevertheless, it dismisses the
significance of the electoral contests involving African American and white candidates.
First, as a matter of law, the Court fails to appropriately focus its analysis on the contests
involving African American candidates who are the choice of the African American community.
Instead, the district court decides that six most relevant elections are entitled to little probative
weight because the elections are, in the court’s view, "stale." Slip Op. at 21. Specifically, the court
‘These elections are: (1) 1972 Primary, Circuit Court, Leander Shaw; (2) 1972 Runoff, Circuit
Court, Leander Shaw, (3) 1978 Primary, Circuit Court, Harrell Buggs; (4) 1978 Primary, Duval
County court, Alfred Washington; (5)1984 Primary, Duval County Court, Denise Prescod; (6)1984
Primary, Duval County Court, Dietra Micks. Slip Op. at 9.
10
points to the fact that of the five circuitwide and countywide contests involving African American
and white candidates, three elections occurred during the 1970s and two in 1984. The court
concludes that these facts "set this case apart from other vote dilution cases, where normally at least
some elections for the office under challenge courring within one or two years of the lawsuit are
relied upon." Slip Op. at 22. On this basis, the court rejects out of hand the significance of
elections involving African American candidates for the very electoral office at issue in the lawsuit -
- circuit and county judges.
Contrary to the court’s suggestions, neither Thornburg v. Gingles nor any other case
supports the rejection or dismissal of the most relevant election data: the results of elections
involving African American and white candidates for the electoral office at issue in the lawsuit.
Recent elections, that is elections held during the decade before the filing of the lawsuit are
relevant, the elections at issue in this case were not so out-of-date as to be of minimal importance
in the racial bloc voting analysis. Indeed two of the six elections occurred in 1984, and two of the
other elections occurred during late 1970s. There is no evidence in the record to suggest that the
results of these elections are not entitled to great weight.7 In Carrollton Branch o f NAACP v.
Stallings, all of the elections relied on by plaintiffs in their analysis had been held at least three year
prior to the filing of the lawsuit, and two of the four elections analyzed occurred more than five
years prior to the suit. See Stallings, 829 F.2d at 1556.
Moreover, the plaintiffs did not analyze only those six races in which African American and
7In dismissing the probative value of these elections the district court also ignores the actual
relevance of the lack of any recent contested elections involving African American candidates for
the circuitwide and countywide judge. The fact that no African Americans have run in contested
races for circuit or county judge against white opponents since 1984 in all probability reveals that
African Americans have been deterred from running for circuit or county judge by the consistent
historical defeat of African American candidates between 1972 and 1984. As this Court eloquently
stated in Solomon: "Six futile elections is enough." 899 F.2d at 1021. This Court has also found
in the past that "lack of black candidates is a likely result of a racially discriminatory system."
McMillan v. Escambia County, 748 F.2d at 1045.
11
white candidates ran for circuitwide and countywide judicial seats. They also analyzed exogenous
non-judicial elections within the relevant jurisdictions in which African American candidates ran
against white opponents. The results of those elections are consistent with the results of the judicial
races involving African American and white candidates. The record demonstrates that African
American voters overwhelmingly gave their electoral support to African American candidates, while
white voters overwhelmingly gave their support to white candidates in election contests involving
African American and white candidates. TR. Vol. 1, pp. 36-37. And the district court itself finds
that "no black candidate has won a contested circuitwide or countywide election for any office since
1979." Slip Op. at 15.
The district court also decided that voting is not racially polarized based on the State
expert’s conclusion that when all elections between 1972 and 1990 are considered, including those
elections involving only white candidates,8 "the black candidate of choice won 68% of the contested
circuit court elections . . . [and] 58% of the contested county court elections." Slip Op. at 10. The
court’s reasoning is flawed for two reasons. The court fails to draw the obvious conclusion from
the facts: African American voters are usually able to elect their candidates of choice only when
those candidates o f choice are white. There can be no more clear example of the existence of
fundamental racial inequity in the electoral process. As the three-judge-court in Gingles v. Edmisten
stated, "the demonstrable unwillingness of substantial numbers of the racial majority to vote for any
minority race candidate or any candidate identified with minority interests is the linchpin of vote
dilution." 590 F.Supp. 345, 355 (E.D.N.C. 1984).
The district court’s refusal to reach the obvious conclusion from these facts explains why
electoral contests involving African and white candidates are the appropriate focus in a vote dilution
Elections involving only white candidates constitute the overwhelming number of election
contests held in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County between 1972 and 1990.
12
analysis.9 As is demonstrated by this case, a generalized review of all elections, without regard to
race of the candidates, may lead to the seemingly significant but misleading conclusion that African
American voters are able to elect their candidates of choice in the majority of election contests.
A "searching, practical, evaluation" of electoral history appropriately focused on elections in which
the minority candidate of choice is a minority candidate reveals however, that African American
voters in circuitwide and countywide judicial contests are usually able to elect their candidate of
choice only when that candidate is white. This fact "confirms that race . . . remains at issue in the
political system," Jones v. Lubbock, 727 F. 2d 364 (5th Cir.1984), and supports a finding that
voting is racially polarized.
2. White Incumbency as a ",Special Circumstance"
In perhaps the most glaring legal error in its opinion, the district court turns the Supreme
Court’s statement in Thornburg v. Gingles that "special circumstances" such as incumbency may
explain "the success of a minority candidate," 478 U.S. at 57 on its head, and declares that "[t]he
converse of this proposition must also be true." Slip Op. at 25. According to the district court
white incumbency is a "special circumstance" that may "explain minority electoral failure in a
polarized contest." Id. This new standard is created entirely out of whole cloth by the district court
and finds support neither in case law nor in political reality.
The Supreme Court’s admonition in Thornburg v. Gingles that courts take care when
reviewing the electoral success of a minority candidate reflects the Court’s view that vote dilution
must be viewed in the context of political reality. As the Supreme Court explained, the fact that
^The focus on elections in which African American candidates have run against white candidates
is not, as the court states, compelled by the "argument that a black candidate will automatically be
preferred by black voters over a white candidate." Slip Op. at 24. It must first be proven that the
African American candidate is the candidate of choice of the African American community in order
for that election to be useful to the racial bloc voting analysis.
13
a minority candidate wins a particular election does not preclude a finding of vote dilution. A
minority candidate may have won due to "special circumstances, such as the absence of an
opponent, incumbency, or the utilization of bullet voting." Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. at 57.
This reflects the Court’s understanding that in cases where a claim of vote dilution is brought
minority electoral success will most often be the exception to the normal pattern of elections. In
fact, lack of minority electoral success in the relevant jurisdiction is a critically important part of
the minority voters’ proof that the challenged electoral system is not equally open to minority
voters. The Supreme Court identified "the extent to which minority group members have been
elected . . . and the extent to which voting in the elections of the . . . political subdivision is racially
polarized," as the two most important Senate Factors in a vote dilution analysis. Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. at 48 n.15. This Court has endorsed that view. Carrollton Branch o f NAACP v.
Stallings, 829 F.2d at 1555.
In describing the "special circumstances" that may sometimes explain the unusual
phenomenon of minority electoral success, the Court sought to ensure that discriminatory election
schemes were not insulated from §2 scrutiny simply because some minority candidates had been
elected in the relevant jurisdiction. The Court recognized that minority electoral success is often
accompanied by particular circumstances or facts. Incumbency is one of the factors recognized by
the Supreme Court. African Americans who are first appointed to office by an executive authority,
for example, may win a subsequent election, even though voting is racially polarized. In such cases
white voters may simply endorse the decision of the executive by voting for the appointed African
American candidate, who may or may not be the choice of the African American community.
In Thornburg v. Gingles, the Supreme Court’s "special circumstances" language cautioned
lower courts to examine carefully minority electoral sucess, which at face value, might appear at
odds with the minority voters’ claim that a particular electoral scheme is discriminatory. White
14
incumbency, unlike minority incumbency, is not a "special circumstance." Particularly in a
jurisdiction where plaintiffs claim that the political processes are not equally open to minority
voters, white incumbency is more than likely the status quo, not a special circumstance. To describe
white incumbency as a "special circumstance" is a distinctly "impractial" evaluation of political
reality.
Under the district court’s standard, however, plaintiffs would rarely ever be able to prove
racially polarized voting since whites would always be able to raise the defense of incumbency as
a "special circumstance" to explain the persistent electoral defeat of African American candidates.
This result would be fundamentally at odds with Congress’ intentions in amending Section 2 of the
Act, and the Supreme Court’s holding in Thornburg v. Gingles and Houston Lawyers’ Association.
The district court’s interpretation of the "special circumstance" language constitutes a clear
error of law.
IV. THE DISTRICT COURT MAKES CRITICAL LEGAL AND FACTUAL ERRORS
WITH REGARD TO OTHER SENATE FACTORS
The plaintiffs’ burden with regard to the Senate Factors is clear. Congress has cautioned
that "there is no requirement that any particular number of factors be proved, or that a majority
of them point one way or the other.” S. Rep. at p.29; Gingles, 478 U.S. at 45. Moreover, "the
failure of [the] plaintiff to establish any particular factor, is not rebuttal evidence o f non-dilution.”
S. Rep. at 29 n.118 (emphasis added). Thus, in this case, where plaintiffs made no attempt to prove
that a racially discriminatory candidate slating process exists for judicical office in the Fourth
Judicial Circuit and Duval County or that white candidates for judicial office have used racial
appeals in election contests, those factors are simply not at issue. The district court incorrectly
concluded that because of plaintiffs’ decision not to raise these factors, "[defendants have
15
demonstrated that racial appeals have not been used to exclude blacks from circuit or county
judgeships," and that "[defendants have demonstrated that blacks are not prevented from seeking
judicial office . . . by means of a candidate slating process." Slip Op. at 32. This Court has
recognized that the lack of proof of any factors (e.g., responsiveness, candidate slating, racial
appeals) does not constitute support for the defendants. McMillan, 748 F.2d at 1045.
With regard to several of the other Senate Factors, the district court misapplies the
appropriate legal standards and fails to make findings consistent with the record below which clearly
support the plaintiffs’ claim.
A. African American Electoral Success
With regard to minority electoral success, the district court found two critically important
facts: "[n]o black candidate has won a contested election for circuit or county judge at least since
1972" and "no black candidate has won a contested circuitwide or countywide election for any office
since 1979." Slip Op. at 15 (emphasis added). Despite this finding, the district court concludes that
"blacks have experienced electoral success" and eligible blacks are represented in the circuit and
county judiciary at a rate that is higher than the rate of representation for eligible whites." Slip Op.
at 35. The district court’s conclusions are based on an erroneous interpretation of law and fact.
In determining the level of minority electoral success in circuitwide and countywide judicial
elections, the district court compares the percentage of African American circuit and county judges
with the percentage of minority lawyers in the relevant jurisdiction. This argument and the district
court’s reliance on employment discrimination case law to support it, reflects the court’s
fundamental misunderstanding of Section 2 law, and the proper focus of the Voting Rights Act.
The rights advanced by the plaintiffs in the case at hand are not the rights of minority
lawyers to be elected as judges, but the right of African American voters to participate equally in
16
the process and elect their candidates of choice.
The district court supports its reliance on the employment discrimination construct to
describe minority electoral success in judicial elections as appropriate because special qualifications
are required for candidates to serve as judges. Chisom and Houston Lawyers’ Association stand for
the proposition that where states choose to elect judicial officers like other elected officials, those
elections must be analyzed under Section 2 like elections for non-judicial officers.10
Moreover, it would be particularly ironic to restrict minority voters’ rights based on the
number of eligible minority lawyers, since the pool of minority lawyers has been effectively limited
by the State’s history of discrimination in denying African Americans the right to attend public law
schools, even after such discrimination had been outlawed by the Supreme Court. Florida ex rel
Hawkins v. Board o f Control o f Fla., 350 U.S. 413 (1956) (per curiam). The district court’s finding
that "low black representation in the local bar is the result of causes not directly attributable to the
State of Florida" because "all attorneys in the likely pool of candidates would have entered law
school at least several years after official discrimination ended" reflects the district court’s
indifference to historical and social reality. Slip Op. at 33. Such a conclusion ignores the obvious
fact that the traditional exclusion of African Americans from state funded law schools has directly
affected the number of eligible African American lawyers in the community, and ignores the
relationship between the number of minority attorneys in the community and the ability to
effectively prepare and recruit new African Americans into the profession.
B. The Role of Appointment in Assessing Minority Electoral Success
The court’s conclusion that African Americans have achieved minority electoral success,
,0Even using the district court’s logic, the appropriate comparison in races for legislative and
other non-judicial officers would be to the percentage of minority population that meets the age
and residency requirements that are often required of those non-judicial officers.
17
because some African Americans have been appointed as judges is illogical on its face. Obviously,
one cannot make conclusions about electoral success based on the appointment of African
American lawyers to the judiciary. No matter how many judges initially obtain office through
appointment, Florida has chosen to elect its circuitwide and countywide judges. Under the Voting
Rights Act, African American voters are entitled to equally participate in that electoral process.
"Once a post is opened to the electorate . . . it must be open in a way that allows racial groups to
participate equally." Dillard v. Crenshaw County, 831 F.2d 246, 251 (11th Cir. 1987).
The largesse of an appointing executive in appointing African American lawyers cannot
cleanse a discriminatory election scheme of its dilutive effect. Nor does the appointment of African
American judges support minority electoral success.11
If the district court’s view were adopted, the letter and spirit of the Supreme Court’s
decisions in Chisom v. Roemer and Houston Lawyers’ Association would be undermined because
states and political subdivisions which elect judges could simply insulate discriminatory judicial
election schemes from §2 by showing that appointment is the primary method by which judges in
the relevant jurisdiction initially obtain office.
C. Plaintiffs’ Burden of Proof and the Salience of Socio-economic Disparities
The district court further erred in its conclusions regarding the salience of the socio
economic disparities between African Americans and whites in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and
Duval County. The district court found that African Americans in the relevant jurisdiction "have
lower median incomes than whites, are more likely to have incomes below the poverty line, have
"As a matter of fact rather than supporting the district court’s argument it is particularly telling
"that the current black circuit and county judges all obtained office initially by appointment." Slip
Op. at 34.
18
lower rates of education, lower rates of car ownership, and are more likely to be unemployed." Slip
Op. at 31. Plaintiffs also proved that African Americans continue to have lower election turnout
rates than whites in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County. PX 13. Despite this
uncontroverted evidence, the district court concludes that the socioeconomic condition of African
Americans in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County does not hinder the ability of minority
voters to participate effectively in the political process. Id. The district court’s conclusions with
regard to the relevance of socioeconomic disparities is wrong as a matter of law and fact.
In accordance with Congress’ intent and the Supreme Court’s direction, "plaintiffs need not
prove any further causal nexus between their disparate socio-economic status and the depressed
level of political participation." S. Rep. at 29. The existence of the disparities along with the
plaintiffs’ proof of depressed political participation constitutes sufficient proof that African
Americans in the Fourth Judicial Circuit and Duval County "bear the effects of discrimination in
such areas as education, employment and health, which hinder their ability to participate effectively
in the political process." S. Rep. at 29. Even prior to the amendments of the Act, courts have
historically adhered to the view that "inequality of access is an inference which flows from the
existence of economic and educational inequalities." Kirksey v. Board o f Supervisors, 554 F.2d 139,
145 (5th Cir. ) cert, denied, 434 U.S. 960 (1977).
The court also finds, despite the absence of any support in the record, that
"the costs of running for judicial office are not a significant barrier
to prospective black candidates . . . because the costs of . . . a
judicial campaign (at least in the numerous unopposed elections) are
small in comparison to most non-judicial elections . . . [and because]
the filing fees for judicial candidates . . . can be avoided by a
petition method . . . or can be paid with funds obtained from local
lawyers or other sources.
Slip Op. at 32. The court’s conclusion is insupportable first because it calculates the cost of running
19
a judicial campaign for incumbent judges, since they are the only candidates who benefit from
"unopposed elections." The record clearly shows that white judges are principal and almost
exclusive beneficiaries of incumbency. African American candidates, who seek to challenge
incumbent judges obviously are not able to run judicial campaigns as cheaply as unopposed
incumbents.12 Secondly, the court’s assertion that African Americans can avoid the filing fee by
using the petition process ignores the obvious point that the geographic breadth of the circuitwide
and countywide district (twice the size of Rhode Island, and over half the size of Rhode Island,
respectively) affects the ability of poorly financed African American candidates to effectively
campaign and present themselves to voters in the entire jurisdiction. Moreover, the simple
statement that the filing fee of nearly $5,000 can be obtained from local lawyers or "other sources"
reflects the court’s indifference towards the economic reality that African Americans in the Circuit
and the County "are simply not as well off economically as whites." Slip Op. at 31. This Court has
held that even though a filing fee may be waivable it still constitutes an "additional barrier to blacks
who suffer economic discrimination." McMillan v. Escambia County, Fla., 748 F.2d at 1044 n. 16.
D. The State’s Interests in Maintaining the Current System
In Houston Lawyers’ Association v. Attorney General o f Texas, the Supreme Court clearly held
that the state’s interest "is merely one factor to be considered in evaluating the totality of
circumstances." Houston Lawyers’ Association, 115 L.Ed.2d at 387 (emphasis added). The state’s
legitimate rationale for using a particular election structure may rebut a plaintiffs’ contention that
12The district court’s conclusion that the majority vote and numbered place features of circuit
and county judicial elections do not enhance the dilutive nature of the election scheme because they
serve to protect incumbents, slip op. at 29, constitutes a clear factual error. Obviously, features
that serve almost exclusively to protect incumbents in an election scheme makes it more difficult
for African American sponsored minority candidates to get elected. This Court has held that a
majority vote requirement, and the use of head-to-head election contests weigh in favor of a finding
of dilution. McMillan v. Escambia County, Fla., 748 F.2d at 1044.
20
the state’s use of the current election structure is tenuous, in accordance with Senate Factor No.
9. To the extent the State’s interests are legitimate, but other factors in the totality of
circumstances point to vote dilution, the state’s non-tenuous rationale for using aspects of the
election scheme "simply affect[s] the remedy to which plaintiffs would be entitled." Westwego, 872
F.2d at 1205 n.4.
In rebutting the plaintiffs’ tenuousness claim, the state may not merely assert that it has an
interest in maintaining a particular election structure. Instead, it must prove that such a legitimate
interest actually exists, and that its interest is served by the current election scheme. The mere
rhetorical assertion, for example, that the state has an interest "in maintaining a link between a trial
judge’s jurisdiction and the judge’s elective base," slip op. at 36, must be supported by factual
evidence.
Although as a matter of law the district court appropriately weighed the state’s interests in
the totality of circumstances, the court erroneously concluded that Florida has a legitimate interest
in maintaining the at-large method of electing circuit and county judges in the Fourth Judicial
Circuit and Duval County because the court’s conclusion was based on the unsupported assertions
of the State. Plaintiffs’ witnesses, on the other hand, including a judge and an attorney now serving
and practicing in a county in Mississippi where sub-districts for the election of trial judges was
imposed in accordance with Martin v. Allain. 658 F.Supp. 1183 (S.D. Miss. 1987), testified that
corruption and undue influence raised by the state of Florida as its rationale for using at-large
judicial districts have not materialized in the Mississippi judicial sub-districts. TR. Vol. 5, pp. 16-53,
45-51. The district court completely ignored this highly credible testimony.
The court also rejects the plaintiffs contention that a remedial approach such as cumulative
or limited voting would not threaten the state’s purported interest in maintaining linkage stating
that "proposed remedies are relevant only if a violation is proved." Slip Op. at 37 n.26. Yet the
21
court finds no contradiction in its one page discussion of the purported dangers of a "single-member
subdistrict" remedy when it endorses the State’s interest in maintaining at-large elections.
The district court’s conclusions are clearly not supported by the record.
CONCLUSION
The district court made clearly erroneous findings of fact and law, and as such this Court should
reverse the district court’s decision and remand this case for a review of the appropriate remedy.
22
Respectfully Submitted,
Charles Stephen Ralston
Sherrilyn A. Ifill
NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc.
99 Hudson Street
16th Floor
New York, NY 10013
(212) 219-1900
September 18, 1992
23
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that on the 18th day of September, 1992, a
true copy of the foregoing NAACP Legal Defense and Educational
Fund, Inc. Amicus Brief was served upon counsel for all parties by
depositing same in the United States mail, first class postage
prepaid, addressed to the following:
Denise Prescod
400 East Monroe Street
Jacksonville, FL 32202
Frank R. Parker
Roert McDuff
Brenda Wright
Lawyers' Committee for Civil
Rights Under Law
1400 Eye Street, N.W.
Suite 400
Washington, D.C. 20005
Mitchell F. Dolin
Jeffrey S. Harleston
Covington & Burling
1201 Pennsylvania Avenue,N.W.
P.O. Box 7566
Washington, D.C. 20044
Mitchell Franks
Akerman, Senterfitt, Eidson
& Moffit
216 South Monroe Street
Suite 400
Tallahassee, FL 32301
George L. Waas
Frank Brown
Dennis Dean
Assistant Attorney General
Department of Legal Affairs
The Capitol - Suite 1501
Tallahassee, FL 32399-1050
Leonard S. Magid
Assistant Counsel
421 West Church Street
Suite 715
Jacksonville, FL 32202