Court Report of Raphael Cassimere, Jr. and CV
Working File
January 1, 1988
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Case Files, Chisom Hardbacks. Court Report of Raphael Cassimere, Jr. and CV, 1988. 5c7015ce-f211-ef11-9f89-0022482f7547. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/776f5911-5e2e-476f-bfe4-60b4fdbce903/court-report-of-raphael-cassimere-jr-and-cv. Accessed October 29, 2025.
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Court Report of Raphael Cassimere, Jr., Ph.D.
Personal & Professional
I am a native of New Orleans and a product of its public
schools. I received both the B.A. and M.A. in history from the
University of New Orleans. In 1971, I received the Doctor of
Philosophy in history from Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pa.
My dissertation was titled, "The Origin and Early Development of
Slavery in Maryland, 1633-1715." I have been married to Inez
Hale Cassimere and we have one son and a daughter. We presently
reside in New Orleans.
I returned to New Orleans in 1971 as an assistant professor
in the History Department at the University of New Orleans where
I am presently an associate professor. At UNO I have taught on a
consistent basis courses in American, Afro-American, Louisiana
and Constitutional history. My serveral publications include
articles on Louisiana's dual system of higher education, public
school teacher salary equilization cases, and the impact of
racial polarity voting in New Orleans.
In addition to having taught and researched Louisiana
history for more than fifteen years, I have conducted several
oral history interviews, including more than thirty hours of
taped interviews with the late Chief Justice John B. Fournet who
provided me with a wealth of information on Louisiana government
during the first half of this century. I have testified in
several cases as an expert witness and the court cited my
testimony in ruling favorably for the plaintiffs in each case.
My public and community service has been lengthy and varied;
ranging from service as an officer of the NAACP at every level to
service on several state and city commissions. I was appointed
by Governor McKiethen to the Executive Committee of the Louisiana
Bicentennial Commission on the American Revolution. In 1975
Governor Edwards appointed me to the Election Code Revision
Commission. I served as secretary from 1975-1980 as we completed
revision of the state's present election code. Governor Edwards
also made me a founding member of the Louisiana Black Culture
Commission. From 1982-86 I served on the Vieux Carre Commission,
three of those years as chairman. I also served for three years
as a member of the Historical Pharmacy Museum Commission.
Precis of Testimony
Plaintiffs requested that I testify about Louisiana's policy
toward its Black citizens from its beginning to the present. The
state of Louisiana's policy of treating enslaved Black Americans
is well documented. It is sufficient to re-state only a few
basic facts. Throughout the period of enslavement, blacks were
treated as property and accorded few more rights than the law
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deemed absolutely necessary to render the slave fit for service
and at the same time to protect the master's property rights.
Accordingly, slaves were sold apart from their families, punished
more severly than whites, denied any political participation in
the body politic. Even the occasional slave who managed to
secure freedom existed at the mercy of a hostile society that
believed that the natural condition of blacks was slavery.
During the antebellum period, Louisiana showed increasing
hostility toward free blacks and ultimately placed an absolute
ban on further emancipation. Only a tragic civil war brought an
end to slavery. Emancipation did not result, hoever from
voluntary state action , but as a result of intervention of the
victorious Union.
The end of slavery was not the end of racial discrimination.
While it is true that Black males received the right to vote and
a number of them won political offices, it resulted from further
intervention by the U.S. Congress through the passage of several
civil rights laws. It must be noted that while Black men held on
to the franchise until the end of the 19th century, it became
increasingly more difficult to exercise an independent ballot
after the departure of the last federal troops in 1877. White
planters resorted to a tactic of "bulldozing"-that is-casting
votes for their black sharecroppers without even the formality of
the latter appearing at the poll. Finally in 1898, Louisiana
rewrote its constitution and included a section on suffrage which
had the effect of eliminating practically all Black voters. For
example in 1896, there were more than 130,000, black registrants;
in 19Q4, there were less than two thousand black voters
throughout the state. The 1896 total would not be reached again
for more than one-half century.
During the late 19th century, Louisiana began to legally
establish a society based on racial separation: in public
accomodations, schools, jails, circuses and even houses of ill
repute. This policy rigidly enforced separation, but never
accorded equal treatment to black citizens. For example in 1900,
none of the state's public high schools were open to blacks.
Black citizens remained politically impotent even after the
U.S. Supreme Court invalidated the grandfather clause. Louisiana
merely replaced it in 1921 with an understanding clause, poll
taxes and the white primary which restricted membership in the
Democratic party to whites. The white primary was invalidated
in 1944 and Black registration gradually increased during the
next decade. However, the potential black officeholders were
further handicapped by laws requiring majority votes for
successful candidates and a requirement that prohibited single
shot voting in multi office elections.
Without political influence, black citizens faced
discrimination in state civil service employment, salary
differentials for black and white teachers, exclusion from higher
paying jobs, inadequate school buildings, supplies, and books and
a denial of entry into white universities and professional
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schools. The state separate but equal policy was never breached
until and only when change was ordered by the national
government. And change frequently came slowly and with
resistance. Meaningful school desegregation did not take place
for nearly two decades after Brown. Public transit,
accomodations and state owned facilites were desegregated either
by federal court order or by congressional statutes. Voter
registration barriers did not fall until after the passage of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965. Even after black voter registration
increased, there remained further barriers to political
participation, including electoral districts which prevented
black voters from electing candidates of their choice. As late
as 1983 the state legislature designed congressional districts in
a manner which minimized black voting strength. This was only
remedied after a federal court ordered the change.
Many officials concede that the legacy of slavery, racial
segregation and denial of political opportunities was an
unfortunate part of the state's past history. Now, however, they
insist, the state pursues a color blind policy toward all of its
citizens. It is indeed true that the more visible features of
the past discriminations have been eliminated, but it must also
be remembered, that in no case did these changes in policy result
from a change in attitude by state officials, but only by federal
intervention. Nor is it correct to suggest that the state no
longer pursues such a policy. Within the decade of the eighties,
the state and many of its political subdivisions have been found
to violate the rights of black citizens in the manner in which
they elect certain officials, judicial, executive and legislative,
and presently the state of Louisiana is under court order to end
a racially identifiable dual system of higher education which
works to the disadvantage of Black citizens.
Black citizens must still rely on the federal government to
protect them against civil rights violations in housing, public
accomodations, employment and police misconduct. The state
Department of Justice routinely declines to enforce what it
considers fedeally protected civil rights despite provisions in
Louisiana's own constitution making such practices illegal.
In summary, it appears that while progress has been made in
eliminating legal barriers to full participation by all Louisiana
citizens, until the state evidences a willingness to remove
remaining barriers on its own initiative, there is still a need
for federal intervention.
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CURRICULUM VITAE
Born: March 2, 1942
Raphael Cassimere, Jr.
Associate Professor
Appointed at UNO: 1971
Field of Specialization: Colonial American History, Afro-
American History, and American
Constitutional History
Education:
B. A., University of New Orleans, 1966
M. A., University of New Orleans, 1968
Ph.D., Lehigh University, 1971
Professional Experience:
Associate Professor, University of New Orleans, 1977-present
Assistant Professor, University of New Orleans, 1971-1976
Associate, Moravian College, Fall 1969-1970
Visiting Instructor, University of New Orleans, Summer 1969
Professional Organization Memberships and Activities:
American Historical Association
Archives of Louisiana
Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History
Related Activities:
Vieux Carre Commission, 1982-1936 )Chairman, 1983-84, 1984-
85, 1985-86)
Historical. Pharmaceutical Museum Commission, 1983-1986
Louisiana Black Cultural Commission, 1984-1988
Louisiana Election Code Commission, 1975-78
Louisiana Advisory Bicentennial Commission, Executive
Committee, 1972
Chairman, NAACP, Southwest Region, 1967, 1972, 1977, 1982
Grants, Awards, and Honors:
AMOCO Foundation Award for Excellence in Undergraduate
Teaching, UNO, 1984
Tureaud Black Citizenship Medal for Meritorious
Service, NAACP, 1982
Ford Foundation Fellow, 1970-71
Henry L. Moses Fellow, 1968-70
Research in Progress:
Origin and Early Development of Maryland Slavery
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CURRICULUM VITAE: Raphael Cassimere, Jr. (page 2 - continued)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Raphael Cassimere, Jr.
Research in Progress: (continued)
Desegregation of Higher Education in Louisiana
Oral History: 20 hours taped interview with former Chief
Justice John B. Fournet, Louisiana Supreme Court
Articles:
"Crises of Public Education in Louisiana," Integrateducation
(September - October, 1975), 8-13.
"Equalization of Teacher's Saleries in Louisiana,"
Integrateducation (July - August, 1977), 3-7.
"Blacks in New Orleans," New Orleans Ethnic Culture, (New
Orleans Conference on Ethnicity, 1977).
"Race Relations and Polarity Politics in New Orleans,"
Perspectives on Ethnicity in New Orleans (October,
1981).
Essay review of Africa Remembered: Narratives by West
Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade, ed. by Philip
Curtin and Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census by Philip
Curtin in Journal of Black Studies (December, 1972),
251-255.
"A Historical Note on the Fragmentation of Public
Administration in New Orleans," Louisiana •Business
Survey, (October, 1981).
UNO Prisms with Jerah Johnson et al. (New Orleans, 1983).
Forthcoming Publications:
"Plessy Revisited: Louisiana's Dual System of Higher ePIA-Lj
Education" Equity and Excellence -
"Achieving Through Adversity" Proceedings of 1987 American
Print Conference
4 Biographical Sketches in Louisiana Dictonary of Biography
Papers and Critiques at Professional Meetings:
"Who Guards the Guardians?: The Question of a Police Review
'Board," a paper, Symposium on City Governance, New
Orleans, October, 1972.
"Contributions of Civil Disobediance to Social Change in
Rural Societies," a paper, Rural Sociological Society,
Baton Rouge, August, 1972.
"The Transformation from Servants to Slaves," New Orleans
Area History Seminar, March 1974.
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CURRICULUM VITAE: Raphael Cassimere, Jr. (page 3 - continued)
Papers and Critiques: (continued)
"Equalizing Teacher Saleries in Louisiana." a paper,
Symposium of Departments of History & Political
Science, S.U.N.O., November, 1976.
"A New Look at Slavery," Symposium on Blacks in Louisiana,
Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans, April, 1977.
"Civil v Common Law: Louisiana and its People," Louisiana
Committee for the Humanities, New Orleans, March, 1977.
"Blacks in Louisiana," New Orleans Public Library Jamalaya
Series, October, 1978.
"Blacks in New Orleans," Conference on Ethnicity, New
Orleans, Fall, 1977.
"Blacks in Higher Education Since 1954," chairman and
discussant, Association for the Study of Afro-American
Life and History," Washington, D.C., October, 1977.
"Rural Blacks in the Twentieth Century," discussant,
association for the.Study of Afro-American Life and
History, New York City, October, 1979.
"The Resources of Amistad Center," commentator, Association
for the Study of Afro-American Life and History, New
Orleans, October 1980.
"Reinterpreting Slavery," commentator, Reopening Ceremonies
for Amistad Collection, New Orleans, November 1980.
"The Future of Blacks in Public Education," chairman and
• discussant, NAACP National Convention, July 1981.
"The Effects of Slavery" opening address, Black History
Celebration, U.N.O., February 1982.
Other Professional Activities:
Expert Witness testimony:
Ma or V. Treen (1983)
Citizens for a Better Gretna V. Gretna (1985)
Coalition for Fair Redistricting v. Jefferson (1988)
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