Herndon v. Georgia Record and Briefs
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1919 - January 1, 1935
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Herndon v. Georgia Record and Briefs, 1919. e5943d4d-ca9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/872d772f-e75a-4035-ac5f-72c64be00b46/herndon-v-georgia-record-and-briefs. Accessed November 11, 2025.
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H E N D O N V
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IN THE
(E m u i n f tljp U n itrii S ta te s
OCTOBER TERM, 1934.
No. 665.
ANGELO HERNDON,
vs.
THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
Appellant,
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AS AMICI
CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF MOTION FOR RE
HEARING AND BRIEF IN SUPPORT THEREOF.
CHARLES H. HOUSTON,
Counsel for National Association for the Advance
ment o f Colored People and National Bar As
sociation, as amici curiae.
George W. L awrence,
T hurgood M arshall,
James M arshall,
of Counsel.
ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS,
MORRIS L. ERNST,
Counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union,
Inc., as amicus curiae.
BETHUEL M. WEBSTER, Jr.,
Counsel for the Church League for Industrial De
mocracy, The Methodist Federation for Social
Service, The Justice Commission of the Central
Conference of American Rabbis, Rev. W. Rus
sell Bowie, Rev. Allan Knight Chalmers, Rev.
Harry Emerson Fosdick, Rev. Hubert C. Her
ring, Dr. Stephen S. Wise, as amici curiae.
GALLO & ACKERMAN, Inc., 142 Liberty Street, Telephones— REctor 2--53S6-7
SUBJECT INDEX.
PAGE
Motion for Leave to File Brief as Amici Curiae in Sup
port of Motion for Rehearing_____ ____ ________ 1
Brief of Amici Curiae____ ________ _________________ 4
Object -------------------------- ----------------------------------- 4
Preliminary Statement __________________________ 4
Argument ..... 7
Under the circumstances in this case, appel
lant was not, under Georgia law, entitled
to challenge the construction of the stat
ute by the trial court after the decision
in Carr v. State, supra, and prior to the
original decision of the Georgia Supreme
Court, 178 Ga. 832 (R., 141-179) ........ ................... 7
In spite of its verbal denials, the Georgia
Supreme Court did in fact consider and
pass upon the federal question raised by
appellant on his motion for rehearing__
Conclusion __________ ___ _______________ __
12
13
11
CITATIONS.
Cases.
Carr v. State ....................................
City of Atlanta v. Smith------ ------
Firemen’s Insurance Co. v. Oliver
PAGES
.6, 7,10,11
____ 9
8
Great Northern R. R. Company v. Sunburst Oil &
Ref. Co................................. ..................... ..................
Hendricks v. Strahley ......................— -------------------
Herndon v. State, 178 Ga. 832 ------------- --- ---------- —
Herndon v. State, 179 Ga. 597 ......................................
Herndon v. State, 79 L. ed. [Adv. 871] -------- ----------
Howard v. State................................................... ...........
Johnson v. Narragansett Filling Station, Inc..............
Lawrence v. Boswell ........................................................
Madison v. H ood ........ ........................................ -......... ...
Matthews v. State.............................................................
Mayor, et, al., v. Munroe...... ........................................ ...
Partee v. State
Schenck v. U. S................... .............................................
Southern Bell Telephone. & Telegraph Company v.
Glawson ......... .......................... ..... ............................
12
, 8,10
7
11,12
6,11
8
10
10
10
8
10
8
7
8-9
U. S. v. N ickle............................... .................................... 10
Virginia Lumber Corp. v. Atlantic Coast Line R. Corp. 10
Ward v. Love County...................................................... 13
Western & A. R. v. Morgan.................... ..... .............. ..... 10
Constitutional Provisions and Statutes.
United States Constitution, Amendment X I V ............. 6,14
Georgia Penal Code, Sec. 56 .............................. 6, 7,11,12,13
IN THE
£>uprpmp (Enurt nf tljp llnttph States
OCTOBER TERM, 1934.
No. 665.
A n g e l o H e r n d o n ,
Appellant,
vs.
T h e S t a t e of G e o rg ia .
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AS AMICI
CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF MOTION FOR RE
HEARING.
May it Please the Court:
The undersigned, as counsel for the National Associa
tion for the Advancement of Colored People, a corpora
tion, and the National Bar Association, a corporation, the
Church League for Industrial Democracy, an unincorpo-
2
rated association, the Methodist Federation for Social
Service, an unincorporated association, the Justice Com
mission of the Central Conference of American Rabbis,
an unincorporated association, and the American Civil Lib
erties Union, Inc., a corporation, Rev. W. Russell Bowie,
Rev. Allan Knight Chalmers, Pastor of the Broadway Tab
ernacle, Rev. Harry Emerson Fosdick, Pastor of the River
side Church, Rev. Hubert C. Herring, Director of the Coun
cil for Social Action of the Congregational and Christian
Churches of the United States of America, Dr. Stephen S.
Wise, Rabbi of the Free Synagogue, individuals, having
secured the consent of counsel for the appellant, and, we
believe, the tacit consent of the Attorney General of
Georgia*, respectfully move this Honorable Court for leave
to file the accompanying brief in this case as amici curiae
in support of appellant’s motion for a rehearing hereto
fore filed.
*The consent of the Attorney General of Georgia was received
in the following letter:
“ Mr. Charles H. Houston
Special Counsel
69 Fifth Avenue
New York City
“ Your letter of recent date stating that the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People desires to file a brief
amicus curiae in support of the petition for rehearing filed by
Herndon’s counsel received.
“ I beg to advise that the Attorney General is without au
thority in this matter. The case is now pending in the Supreme
Court and is one solely for its direction and determination.
This case was handled by the Department of Law just as any
other case.”
3
The special reasons for this motion are set out in the
accompanying brief.
CHARLES H. HOUSTON,
Counsel for National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People and Na
tional Bar Association, as amici curiae.
G eorge W. L a w r e n c e ,
T h u ro o o d M a r s h a l l ,
J a m e s M a r s h a l l ,
of Counsel.
ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS,
MORRIS L. ERNST,
Counsel for the American Civil Liberties
Union, Inc. as amicus curiae.
BETHUEL M. WEBSTER, Jr.,
Counsel for the Church League for In
dustrial Democracy. The Methodist Fed
eration for Social Service, The Justice
Commission of the Central Conference
of American Rabbis, Rev. W. Russell
Bowie, Rev. Allan Knight Chalmers,
Rev. Harry Emerson Fosdick, Rev. Hu
bert C. Herring, Dr. Stephen S. Wise,
as amici curiae.
4
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
O ct o b e r T e r m , 1934.
No. 665.
A n g e l o H e r n d o n ,
vs.
Appellant,
T h e S t a t e of G e o r g ia .
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF MOTION
FOR REHEARING.
I.
Object.
The object of this brief is to support as amici curiae
the petition of appellant, Angelo Herndon, for a rehearing
in the above-entitled cause, dismissed for want of jurisdic
tion on May 20, 1935.
II.
Preliminary Statement.
The National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People, a body corporate with 325 branches in
5
various sections of the United States, and the National
Bar Association, the corporate organization of Negro law
yers in the United States and its territorial possessions,
are gravely affected by the judgment of this Court dis
missing Herndon’s appeal for want of jurisdiction. The
issue of free speech as guaranteed by the Fourteenth
Amendment of the United States Constitution which he
attempted to raise affects all agitation for political, eco
nomic and social reform. The sharp limitations laid down
by this Court herein on the right to review state decisions
adverse to claims of constitutional rights, privileges and
immunities present a grave danger to the security of
Negroes as a minority group.
The Church League for Industrial Democracy is an un
incorporated association of 1800 members of the Protestant
Episcopal Church including 27 Bishops thereof, whose pur
pose is to bring together for study and action those who
seek to apply the principles of Christ in industrial society.
The Methodist Federation for Social Service is an unin
corporated association concerned with interesting members
of the Methodist Church in the application of Christian
principles to the practical problems of life. Constitutional
protection to an individual seeking more adequate relief
for the oppressed is a matter with which these organiza
tions are deeply concerned.
The Justice Commission of the Central Conference of
American Rabbis is an unincorporated association. Its
concern with this case arises from what it conceives to be
the deprivation of the constitutional rights of Angelo
Herndon, a Negro, and member of a minority group, which
deprivation might adversely affect the interests of Jews,
another minority group.
The American Civil Liberties Union, Inc., is a corpora
tion, the purpose of which is to secure and maintain the
constitutional guarantees of free speech, free press, and
free assembly for individuals and groups having all shades
of opinion. The constitutional question involved in the in
6
stant case and the severe limitation placed by the decision
of this Court on the right to a review of a decision of a
state court adverse to the constitutional right claimed are
matters of first importance to an organization the chief con
cern of which is the preservation of constitutional rights
and liberties.
The individuals mentioned above are all interested in
justice for the oppressed.
While your amici curiae believe that Angelo Herndon is
innocent of any attempt to incite insurrection against the
lawful authority of the State of Georgia (Georgia Penal
Code, sec. 56*), and believe that the statute as construed
and applied by the Supreme Court of Georgia clearly vio
lated his rights under the Fourteenth Amendment, they
limit this brief to the preliminary question of his right to be
heard in this Court.
In dismissing the appeal herein this Court ruled that
no federal question had been properly presented to the
Court below unless upon motion in the Georgia Supreme
Court for a rehearing; that the specific claim in that motion
that the construction placed on sec. 56, supra, by the
Georgia Supreme Court was repugnant to the due process
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment came too late, because
appellant had been “ bound to anticipate” from the con
struction placed on sec. 56 by the Georgia Supreme Court
in Carr v. State, 176 Ga. 747 (1933) “ the probability of a
similar ruling in his own case” ; that the Georgia Supreme
Court had declined to cure the delay by considering and
passing upon the federal question on the motion for re
hearing; that therefore this Court was without jurisdic
tion, but that except for the decision in the Carr case, supra,
appellant’s “ contention that the federal question was raised
at the earliest opportunity well might be sustained” .
* “Any attempt, by persuasion or otherwise, to induce others to
join in any combined resistance to the lawful authority of the State
shall constitute an attempt to incite insurrection.”
7
Your amici curiae respectfully submit that the decision
of this Court dismissing Herndon’s appeal was wrong, and
was based upon an erroneous interpretation of Georgia
law and practice and the decisions of the Court below.
They maintain:
(1) That, under the circumstances in this case, appel
lant was not, under Georgia law, entitled to challenge the
construction of the statute by the trial Court after the de
cision in Carr v. State, supra, and prior to the original
decision of the Georgia Supreme Court, 178 Ga. 832 (R.,
141-179);
(2) That in spite of its verbal denials, the Georgia Su
preme Court did, in fact, consider and pass upon the fed
eral question raised by appellant on his motion for re
hearing.
III.
Argument.
Under the circumstances in this case, appellant was not,
under Georgia law, entitled to challenge the construction
of the statute by the trial Court after the decision in Carr
v. State, supra, and prior to the original decision of the
Georgia Supreme Court, 178 Ga. 832 (R., 141-179).
The opinion of the majority of this Court tacitly admits
there was no federal question on the construction of sec.
56, supra, by the trial Court in its charge to the jury (R.,
126-137) January 18, 1933. The charge was in full accord
with the decisions of this Court, notably Schenck v. United
States, 249 U. S. 47 (1919), and even went a step beyond
in adopting the essence of the prayer requested by appel
lant (R., 138) that in order to convict “ it must appear
clearly by the evidence that immediate serious violence
against the State of Georgia was to be expected or ivas
advocated” (R., 133, the italicized portion is the exact lan
guage of part of appellant’s prayer # 4 ; R., 138).
8
No exception was taken, none could have been taken, by-
appellant to this portion of the charge (Howard v. State,
115 Ga. 244, 252 [1902]; Partee v. State, 19 Ga. App. 752
[1917])—and the construction of the statute so made was
apparently acceptable to the State which, so far as appears,
submitted no request to the trial Court to adopt a different
construction in its charge. The charge of the trial Court
thereupon became the “ law of the case” .
Until the Georgia Supreme Court decided to affirm the
conviction of appellant, Georgia had carried the dqctrine
of the ‘ ‘ law of the case ’ ’ to extreme lengths.
“ The judgment (of the trial court overruling a gen
eral demurrer to the petition) not being excepted to,
became the law of the case, binding alike on the trial
court and on the reviewing court, at all subsequent
stages of the same case.” Hendricks v. Strahley, 40
Ga. App. 119 (1929).
“ The correctness of that decision, right or wrong,
can not be drawn into question in the present case,
which is a continuation of the same litigation between
the same parties.” Firemen’s Insurance Company v.
Oliver, 176 Ga. 80, 82 (1932).
“ This is the rule which has been applied to plead
ings in civil cases, and the reason on which it rests
is equally applicable in criminal procedure.” Mat
thews v. State, 125 Ga. 248, 249 (1906).
In two civil cases closely analogous in this aspect to the
instant case, the Georgia Supreme Court insisted upon ad
herence to the “ law of the case” rule, and decided that no
notice could be taken of an intervening inconsistent decision
in another case between different parties. In Southern Bell
Telephone <& Telegraph Company v. Glawson, 140 Ga. 507
(1913), the Georgia Court of Appeals had reversed the de
cision of the trial Court dismissing a petition on general
demurrer for failure to state a cause of action. Subse
quently in another case the Georgia Supreme Court made
9
a ruling, the effect of which was to show that the decision
of the Court of Appeals reversing the trial Court in the
principal case had been erroneous. Thereafter the prin
cipal case came back before the Court of Appeals, and that
Court certified to the Georgia Supreme Court the question
whether on the second writ of error it was bound by its
former decision or whether it should follow and apply the
contrary decision of the Supreme Court. The Georgia
Supreme Court answered the question as follows:
“ The former decision of the Court of Appeals has
settled the law of the case to the extent to which the
decision went; and it should be followed in this case,
though in others the subsequent decision of the Su
preme Court should be followed” (pp. 510-511, italics
ours).
In City of Atlanta v. Smith, 165 Ga. 146 (1927), the
Supreme Court of Georgia refused to reconsider a ruling
made by it on a previous writ of error in that case in
order to conform to a subsequent ruling of the United
States Supreme Court involving the same question of law
but between different parties. The Court said:
“ The principle in the decision may be reviewed and
overruled in another case between different parties,
but as between the parties the decision stands as the
law of the case” (p. 146).
While it is true that in the Southern Bell Telephone <&
Telegraph Company case and in the City of Atlanta case,
the “ law of the case” was established by the decision of
an appellate court, and that the “ law of the case” in the
instant case on the construction of Section 56, supra, was
established by the charge of the trial court, nevertheless
the legal consequences are the same. A ruling of the
lower court not excepted to, becomes the “ law of the case”
with an effect just as conclusive as if it had been made by
the Supreme Court of the State.
1 0
Lawrence v. Boswell, 155 Ga. 690 (1923);
Mayor, et al., v. Monroe, 22 Ga. App. 190 (1918);
Hendricks v. Strahley, supra;
Western <& A. R. v. Morgan, 40 Ga. App. 611
(1929);
Virginia Lumber Corp. v. Atlantic Coast Line R.
Corp., 46 Ga. App. 534 (1933).
As to other jurisdictions, see
United States v. Nickle, 70 F. (2d) 873 (C. C. A.
8th Circ., 1934);
Madison v. Hood, 207 Iowa 495 (1929);
Johnson v. Narragansett Filling Station, Inc., 148
A. 901 (R. I., 1930).
In the face of the foregoing authorities the general state
ment on which this Court based its decision that “ appel
lant cannot plead ignorance of the ruling in the Carr case,
and was therefore bound to anticipate the probability of a
similar ruling in his own case, and preserve his right to a
review here by appropriate action upon the original hear
ing in the court below” , is contrary to the settled law and
practice of the State. The statement quoted is not sup
ported by the citation of any Georgia decision; and every
Georgia precedent which your amici curiae have been able
to find after diligent search recognizes the binding quality
of the “ law of the case” . No decision in Georgia can be
regarded as giving the appellant warning that in his case,
despite Carr v. State, supra, the “ law of the case” , as estab
lished by the charge of the trial court would be departed
from. Tlius we see no basis under Georgia law for the
requirement of this Court that appellant should have an
ticipated a decision in his case which would follow the Carr
case, and repudiate the construction of the statute which
was the law of his case. As is forcefully stated in the dis
senting opinion in the instant case: “ He might wait until
31
the law of the case had been rejected by the reviewing
court before insisting that the effect would be an invasion
of his constitutional immunities” (79 L. ed. [Adv. 871,
877]).
The opinion of the Georgia Supreme Court on appel
lant’s motion for a rehearing does not suggest that the
Federal questions could have been raised after the deci
sion in the Carr case. In that opinion the Court below
declared that it would not consider the constitutional ques
tion raised by appellant’s motion for rehearing, not be
cause the question had not been raised on the original hear
ing before it, but because it had not been raised in the trial
Court:
“ * * * it is a mere attempt to draw into question
the constitutionality of the statute under which the
defendant was convicted, where no such question was
raised and passed upon in the trial court. * * * ‘ This
court will never pass upon the constitutionality of an
act of the General Assembly unless it clearly appears
in the record that the point was directly and properly
made in the court below and distinctly passed upon
by the trial judge.’ ” Herndon v. State, 179 Ga. 597,
600-601 (R., 196).
In short, if appellant had attempted on the original hear
ing of the case before the Georgia Supreme Court to chal
lenge the construction of sec. 56, supra, adopted by the
trial Court in his case, upon the basis of the construction
adopted in the Carr case, decided two months after his
trial in the Superior Court of Fulton County, the Georgia
Supreme Court would not have listened to him (a) because
the instructions of the trial Court had become the “ law of
the case” and binding on all parties thereto, and (b) be
cause he had not made the point before the trial judge and
specially assigned error on the trial judge’s ruling. This
Court dismisses appellant’s appeal for want of jurisdic
1 2
tion and condemns him to a living death of eighteen to
twenty years on the Georgia chain gang, on a supposition
as to his rights under Georgia law which appears to be
contrary to all the established rules of law and practice in
the State of Georgia.
It is respectfully submitted that appellant was not
“ bound to anticipate the probability” of a decision in his
case, based upon a construction of the statute radically
different than that adopted by the trial Court (and one
which rendered it invalid); and that when the Georgia Su
preme Court unexpectedly imported the new construction
of sec. 56 into the case he was taken by surprise, and
that his first opportunity to challenge the constitutionality
of the new construction was on his motion for rehearing,
supra. The case then properly falls within the doctrine
repeatedly announced by this Court that the federal claim
is timely where the ruling of the state court infringes fed
eral rights for the first time and a petition or motion for
rehearing presented the first opportunity for raising the
federal claim.
Great Northern R. Co. v. Sunburst, Oil & Ref. Co.,
287 U. S. 358, 367 (1932).
IV.
In spite of its verbal denials, the Georgia Supreme Court
did in fact consider and pass upon the Federal question
raised by appellant on his motion for rehearing.
The Supreme Court of Georgia in its opinion on the
motion for rehearing expressly disclaimed any intention
to consider the federal question raised, and denied that
it passed upon the same. 179 Ga., supra, at 600-601 (R.,
197). Yet it is impossible to read the opinion with an
eye to substance and regard what actually happened, and
avoid the conclusion that the Georgia Supreme Court con
sidered and intended to deny Federal rights first infringed
13
by its construction of sec. 56, supra, in its original decision.
Why did it feel called upon to explain its original decision,
and to so limit its original opinion that the opinion looked
and was entirely different after the exegesis! The consti
tutional questions raised in the petition for rehearing are
set forth at length in the opinion on rehearing; it decided
explicitly that “ all contentions made in the motion for
rehearing should necessarily fail, based, as they are, upon
an erroneous construction of our decision. * * * There is
no merit in the motion for rehearing.” (R., 196, 198).
The United States Supreme Court is not bound by the
verbal disclaimer of the Georgia Supreme Court on the
motion for rehearing, but in recognition of appellant’s
right to his day in court should look behind the words to
the substance of the State Court’s action.
Ward v. Love County, 253 U. S. 17, 22 (1920).
The question whether appellant’s constitutional rights were
infringed by his conviction and sentence to eighteen to
twenty years on the chain gang should not be decided upon
the empty pattern of mere words.
This Court recognized that it would be sufficient to confer
jurisdiction, even though the federal question were first
raised on motion for rehearing, if the State Court actually
considered the motion and passed upon the claims therein
made. It is respectfully submitted that looking at the
real action of the State Court in the premises, the appel
lant is entitled to be heard here on this additional ground.
CONCLUSION.
It is not the purpose of this brief to duplicate the con
vincing arguments set forth in the learned brief of appel
lant in support of his motion for rehearing. Your amici
curiae adopt the same as their own, and urge them upon
the Court.
For the reasons therein set forth and for the reasons
presented in this brief, your amici curiae respectfully sub
14
mit to this Court that petitioner has conclusively demon
strated that he seasonably and properly presented and
saved his federal question in the State Court, and that
he is entitled to be heard on his claim that “ the statute
as construed by the court below, and as applied to appel
lant, violates the due process clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, and the questions presented are within the
jurisdiction of this Court,” and that his petition for re
hearing should be granted.
Respectfully submitted,
CHARLES H. HOUSTON,
Counsel for National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People and Na
tional Bar Association, as amici curiae.
G eorge W . L a w r e n c e ,
T h u r g o o d M a r s h a l l ,
J a m e s M a r s h a l l ,
of Counsel.
ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS,
MORRIS L. ERNST,
Counsel for the American Civil Liberties
Union, Inc. as amicus curiae.
BETHUEL M . WEBSTER, J r.,
Counsel for the Church League for In
dustrial Democracy, The Methodist Fed
eration for Social Service, The Justice
Commission of the Central Conference
of American Rabbis, Rev. W. Russell
Bowie, Rev. Allan Knight Chalmers,
Rev. Harry Emerson Fosdick, Rev. Hu
bert C. Herring, Dr. Stephen S. Wise,
as amici curiae.
TRANSCRIPT OF RECORD.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
CTOBER TERM, 1922.
N o . 1 9 9
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, ET AL.,
APPELLANTS,
VS.
E. H. DEMPSEY, KEEPER OF THE ARKANSAS STATE
PENITENTIARY.
APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR
THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS.
FILED OCTOBER 24, 1921.
( 2 8 ,5 5 0 )
E. H. DEMPSEY, KEEPER OF THE ARKANSAS STATE
APPEAL FBOM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR
( 2 8 ,5 5 0 )
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1921.
N o . 5 9 5
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, ET AL„
APPELLANTS,
VS.
H. DEMPSEY, KEEPER OF THE ARKANSAS STA
PENITENTIARY.
THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS.
INDEX.
Page.
Petition for writ of habeas corpus---------------------------------------------------------- 3
Exhibit A—E. M. Allen’s statement to press--------------------------------- 15
B—Affidavit of Walter Ward______________________________ 19
Affidavit of George Green____________________________ 21
C—Affidavit of John Jefferson____________________________ 23
D— Record to Supreme Court U. S. on petition for certiorari
In No. 955, of October term, 1919__________________
Caption _______________________________________________ 25
Allowance of appeal___________________________________ 27
Record from circuit court of Phillips County__________ 27
Caption ___________________________________________ 27
Opening order of the court_______________________ 27
Organization of the grand jury---------------------------- 28
C. N. Biscoe, special baliff------------------------------------- 28
Organization of petit jury------------------------------------- 28
Order as to T. W. Keese_________________________ 29
Order as to J. L. Turner---------------------------------------- 29
Order of court____________________________________ 29
Report of grand jury--------------------------------------------- 29
Indictment ------------------------------------------------------------ 30
ii INDEX. Page.
Bill of exceptions filed____________________________ 31
Bill of exceptions_________________________________ 32
Testimony of R. L. Brooks____________________ 32
Dr. O. Parker___________________ 34
Tom Faulkner__________________ 35
John Jefferson__________________ 36
Walter Ward___________________ 46
Dave Archer____________________ 53
J. Graham Burke______________ 57
Oral instructions of the court________________ 60
Verdict ______________________________________ 64
Motion for new trial overruled_______________ 65
Judge’s certificate____________________________ 65
Order of court_____________________ 65
Judgment ______________________ :__________________ 66
Order of court and sentence_______________________ 67
Motion for new trial______________________________ 67
Affidavit of A lf Banks, Jr________________________ 71
Affidavit of William Wordlow_____________________ 73
Order overruling motion for new trial_______ ____ 74
Clerk’s certificate_______________________________ 75
Order submitting case_________________________________ 75
Judgment _____________________________________________ 76
Opinion _______________________________________________ 76
Order of submission on petition for rehearing________ 80
Petition for rehearing__________________________ ,______ 80
Order overruling petition for rehearing_______________ 83
Motion to stay issuance of mandate___________________ 83
Order overruling motion to stay mandate_____________ 83
Certificate of clerk of supreme court___________________ 83
Exhibit E—Letter of committee of seven to governor of Arkansas. 84
F—Opinion, Jackson, J_____________________________________ 84
G— Governor’s proclamation setting date of execution_____ 89
H—Resolution of R. L. Kitchen Post No. 41 of American
Legion ______________________________________________ 91
I—Resolution of Helena Rotary Club_____________________ 92
J—Resolution of Lions Club of Helena____________________ 93
K— Opinion, McCulloch, J_____________________ 94
Affidavit of T. K. Jones______________________________ 103
Affidavit of H. F. Smeddy___________________________ 108
Order granting writ of habeas corpus__________________________________ 119
Demurrer to petition for writ of habeas corpus____________ ___________ 120
Order dismissing writ of habeas corpus________________________________ 121
Order allowing appeal---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 121
Assignment of errors___________________________________________________ 122
Petition for appeal--------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 122
Bond on appeal--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 123
Certificate of probable cause____________________________________________ 124
Citation and service____________________________________________________ 125
Clerk’s certificate________________________________________________________ 125
Stipulation that cases be consolidated and heard on record in case No.
595 ------- ------------ ------------------------------------- --------------------------------------- 126
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 3
In the District Court of the United States for the Western
Division of the Eastern District of Arkansas.
Be it remembered, That on the 21st day of September,
A. D. 1921, came into the office of the Clerk of the District
Court of the United States for the Western Division of the
Eastern District of Arkansas, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, by Murphy, McHaney &
Dunaway, and Scipio A. Jones, Esqs., their attorneys, and
filed therein their Petition for Writ of Habeas Corpus, against
E. H. Dempsev, Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas, which Petition for Writ of Habeas Corpus is as
follows:
In the United States District Court for the Western Division
of the Eastern District of Arkansas.
F r a n k M o o re , E d . H ic k s , J . E . K n o x , E d. C o l e m a n and P a u l
H a l l , Petitioners,
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the Arkansas Penitentiary, Defend
ant.
Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus.
Your petitioners, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox,
Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, state that they are citizens and
residents of the State of Arkansas, and are now residing in
Little Rock, confined in the Arkansas State Penitentiary, in
the Western Division of the Eastern District of Arkansas,
within the jurisdiction of this court; that the defendant is the
keeper of the said Arkansas State Penitentiary, and as such
is unlawfully restraining your petitioners of their liberty, and
will, unless prevented from doing so by the issuance of the
write herein prayed for, deprive them of their lives on the
23rd day of Sept., 1921, in violation of the Constitution and
laws of "the United States, and Constitution and laws of the
State of Arkansas.
Petitioners further say that they are Negroes, of African
descent, black in color, and that prior to the times hereinafter
mentioned were citizens and residents of Phillips County,
Arkansas, at Elaine; that on the — day of October, 1919, they
were arrested, placed in the Phillips County jail and there
after until their trial were kept in close confinement upon an
alleged charge of murder in the first degree for the killing of
one Clinton Lee, a white man, said to have occurred on the
1st day of October, 1919; that said Clinton Lee was killed, as
they are informed, while a member of a posse of white men
who were said to be attempting to quell a race riot, growing
out of the killing of W. A. Adkins on the night of September
30th, 1919, at Hoop Spur, in said County and State; that said
Adkins was killed, as they are advised, under these circum
stances and conditions; Petitioners and a large number of the
members of their race were peaceably and lawfully assembled
in tfieir church house at or near Hoop Spur, with no unlawful
purpose in view, and with no desire or purpose to injure or do
any wrong to any one; that while they were thus assembled,
white persons began firing guns or pistols from the outside
into and through said church house, through the windows and
shooting the lights out therein, causing a great disturbance
and stampede of those assembled therein; that the white per
sons so firing on said church come there in automobiles, of
which there were several, and come for the purpose of break
ing up said meeting; that said Adkins was killed either by
members of his own party or by some other person unknown
to your petitioners; that the white men sent out the word to
Helena, the County seat, that said Adkins had been killed by
the Negroes, shot down in cold blood while on a peaceable mis
sion, by an armed force of Negroes, assembled at said church,
which caused great excitement all over the City of Helena and
Phillips County; that the report of said killing spread like
wild fire into other counties, all over the State of Arkansas,
and into other States, notably the Slate of Mississippi; that
early the next day a large number of white men of said county
armed themselves and rushed to the scene of the trouble and
to adjacent regions, the vicinity of Elaine being one of them,
and began the indiscriminate hunting down, shooting and
killing of negroes; that in a short time white men from adjoin
ing counties and from the State of Mississippi likewise armed
themselves, rushed to the scene of the trouble and began the
indiscriminate shooting down of Negroes, both men and
women, particularly the posse from the State of Mississippi,
who shot down in cold blood innocent Negro men and women,
many of whom were at the time in the fields picking cotton;
that highly inflammatory articles were published in the press
of Arkansas and especially of Helena and throughout the
United States, in which the trouble was variously called a
“ race riot,” “ an^ uprising of the Negroes” and “ A deliber
ately planned insurrection among the Negroes against the
4 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
whites” of that part of Phillips County; that the officers of
Phillips County, especially the Sheriff, called upon the Gov
ernor of the State, and the Governor in turn called upon the
Commanding Officer at Camp Pike for a large number of
United States soldiers to assist the citizens in quelling the so
called “ race riot,” “ uprising” or “ insurrection” ; that a
company of soldiers was dispatched to the scene of the trouble
who took charge of the situation and finally succeeded in
stopping the slaughter.
Your petitioners further say that they, together with a
large number of their race, both men and women, were taken
to the Phillips County jail, at Helena, incarcerated therein,
and charged with murder; that a committee of seven com
posed of leading Helena business men and officials, to-wit:
Sebastian Straub, Chairman, H. D. Moore, County Judge, F. F.
Kitchens, Sheriff, J. G. Knight, Mayor, E. M. Allen, J. E.
Horner and T. W. Keesee, was selected for the purpose of
probing into the situation and picking out those to be con
demned to death and those to be condemned and sentenced to
the penitentiary; that said Committee assumed charge of the
matter and proceeded to have brought before them a large
number of those incarcerated in jail and examined them re
garding their own connection and the connection of others
charged with participation in said trouble; that if evidence
unsatisfactory to said Committee was not given they would be
sent out and certain of their keepers would take them to a
room in the jail which was immediately adjoining, and a part
of the Courthouse building where said Committee was sitting,
and torture them by beating and whipping them with leather
straps with metal in them, cutting the blood at every lick
until the victim would agree to testify to anything their tor
turers demanded of them; that there was also provided in
said jail, to further frighten and torture them, an electric
chair, in which they would be put naked and the current
turned on to shock and frighten them into giving damaging
statements against themselves and others; also strangling
drugs were put up their noses for the same purpose and by
these methods and means false evidence was extorted from
Negroes to be used and was used against your petitioners.
Petitioners further say that on every day from October
1st, until after their trial on November 3rd, 1919, the press of
Helena and the State of Arkansas carried inflam-atory articles
giving accounts of the trouble, which were calculated to
arouse and did arouse bitter feeling against your petitioners
and the other members of their race; that on October 7th,
1919, the Helena World, a newspaper published and printed
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 5
in the City of Helena, and having a wide and almost universal
circulation throughout said County, published an article
written and given out by Mr. E. M. Allen, a member of said
Committee of Seven, for and on behalf of said Committee,
purporting to give the facts concerning what he called “ not
a race riot,” but a “ deliberately planned insurrection of the
Negroes against the Whites,” in which it was stated that the
Union of which petitioners were members, was “ established
for the purpose of banding Negroes together for the killing of
white people” ; that a copy of said said article is attached
hereto, made a part hereof and marked Exhibit “ A ” ; that
shortly1 after being placed in Jail, a mob was formed in the
city of Helena, composed of hundreds of men, who marched to
the County jail for the purpose and with the intent of lynch
ing your petitioners and others, and would have done so but
for the interference of United States soldiers and the promise
of some of said Committee and other leading officials that if
the mob would stay its hand they would execute those found
guilty in the form of law.
Petitioners further state that prior to October 1, 1919,
they were farmers, share croppers; that nearly all of the land
in ,Phillips County is owned by white men; that same is
rented out to share croppers to be tilled on shares, one half to
the tenant and the other half to the owner; that for some
years past there has grown up a system among the land
owners of furnishing the Negro tenants supplies on which to
make crops and which is calculated to deprive and does de
prive the Negro tenants of all their interest in the crops
produced by them; that in pursuance of this system, they re
fused to give their share croppers any itemized statement of
account of their indebtedness for supplies so furnished, re
fused to let them move or sell any part of their crops, but
themselves sell and dispose of the same at such prices as they
please, and then give to the Negroes no account thereof, pay
them only such amount as they wish and in this way kept
them down, poverty stricken and effectually under their con
trol ; that for the purpose of protecting themselves, if possible
against the oppressive and ruinous effects of this system, the
Negro farmers organized societies, with the view of uniting
their financial resources in moral and legal measures to over
come the same, which fact became quickly known to th planta
tion owners; that such owners were bitterly opposed to such
societies, sought to prevent their organization, ordered the
members to discontinue their meetings and sought by every
means they could employ to disrupt them; that on the 30th
day of September, 1919, petitioners and other members of the
6 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
Ratio Lodge, near Elaine, learned that some of the Negro
farmers of a nearby plantation had employed LT. S. Bratton,
an attorney of Little Rock, Arkansas, to represent them in
effecting a settlement for them with their landlords, or if he
could not so institute legal proceedings to protect their inter
ests, and that either he, or his representaives, would be there
on the following day to meet with all the parties concerned,
perfect the arrangements, and learn all the facts as far as
possible, and decided to hold a meeting with the view of see
ing him while there, and engaging him as an attorney to pro
tect their interest; that accordingly they met that night at
Hoop Spur Church house, which resulted, as hereinbefore set
out, in the killing of said Adkins and the breaking up of said
meeting; that on the morning of October 1st, Mr. 0. S. Brat
ton, son and agent of Attorney U. S. Bratton, arrived in
Elaine for consultation with those who might desire to em
ploy his father, was arrested, barely escaped being mobbed,
notwithstanding it was well known he was there only for the
purpose of advising with those Negroes as to their rights,
and getting from them such facts as would enable his father
intelligently to prepare for their legal rights; that he was
carried thence to the County jail, thrown into it and kept
closely confined on a charge of murder until the 31st day of
the same month, when he was indicted on a charge of barratry,
without any evidence to sustain the charge; that on that day,
he was told by officials that he would be discharged, but not
to go on the public streets anywhere, to keep the matter a
secret, to leave secretly in a closed automobile and to go to
West Helena, four miles away, and there take the train, so as
to avoid being mobbed; that he was told that he would be
mobbed, or would be in great danger of being mobbed if his
release became known publicly before he was out of reach;
that the Judge of the Circuit Court, the Judge of the same
court before whom petitioners were tried, facilitated the secret
departure and himself went to West Helena and there re
mained until he had seen said Bratton safely on the train
and the train departed.
Petitioners further say that the Circuit Court of Phillips
County convened on October 27th, 1919; that a grand jury
was organized composed wholly of white men, one of whom
T. W. Keesee, was a member of the said Committee of Seven,
and many of whom were in the posses organized to fight the
Negroes; that during its session, petitioners and many others
of the prisioners were frequently carried before it in an effort
to extract from them false incriminating admissions and to
testify against each other, and that both before and after,
FKANK MOOEE ET AL. VS. E. H , DEM PSEY, ETC. 7
they were frequently whipped, beaten and tortured; that those
in charge of them had some Avay of learning when the evi
dence was unsatisfactory to the grand jury, and this was
always followed by beating and whipping; that by these
methods, some of the Negro prisoners were forced to testify
against others, two against your petitioners, though no one
could truthfully testify against them; that on October 29th,
1919, a joint indictment was returned against petitioners ac
cusing them of the murder of said Clinton Lee, a man peti
tioners did not know, and had never, to their knowledge even
seen; that thereafter on the 3rd day of November, 1919, peti
tioners were taken into the court room before the judge, told
of the charge, and were informed that a certain lawyer was
appointed to defend them; that they were given no opportun
ity to employ an attorney of their own choice; that the ap
pointed attorney did not consult with them, took no steps to
prepare for their defense, asked nothing about their witnesses,
though there were many who knew that petitioners had noth
ing to do with the killing of said Lee; that they were imme
diately placed on joint trial before an exclusively white jury
and the trial closed so far as the evidence was concerned with
the State’s witnesses alone; that after the court’s instructions,
the jury retired just long enough to write a verdict of guilty
of murder in the first degree, as charged, and returned with
it into court—not being out exceeding two or three minutes,
and they were promptly sentenced to death by electrocution
for December 27th, 1919.
Petitioners further say that during the course of said
trial, which lasted less than an hour, that only two witnesses
testified to anything to connect them in any way with the killing
of said Clinton Lee; that said witnesses were Walter Ward
and John Jefferson, both of whom were Negroes and were
under indictment at the same time for the killing of said Lee;
that they were compelled to testify against them by the same
methods and means hereinbefore described; that their testi
mony was wholly false and that they gave such testimony
through fear of torture and were further told that if they
refused to testify that they would be killed, but that if they
did testify, and would plead guilty their punishment would be
light; that they thereafter plead guilty to murder in the
second degree and were sentenced to terms of imprisonment;
that they attach hereto the affidavits of each of said witnesses
showing the falsity of their testimony and the means of its
acquisition, make them a part hereof and mark them Exhibit
“ B ” and “ C ” respectively; that they also attach hereto a
8 FR A N K MOORE EX AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
certified transcript of the proceedings in the Phillips Circuit
Court as Exhibit “ D .”
Petitioners further say that large crowds of white people
bent on petitioners’ condemnation and death thronged the
courthouse and grounds and streets of Helena all during the
trial of petitioners and the other negro defendants; that on
account of the great publicity given theirs and the other cases,
on account of their being charged with connection with an
insurrection against the white people, and that four or five
white men were killed, on account of the fact that they are
Negroes, and those who run the court, the Judge upon the
bench, the Sheriff, the Clerk and all the jurors being white
men, on account of the fact that it was stated and widely
published that the purpose of the negroes was to kill the'
whites and take their property, and on account of all the race
prejudice which normally exists and which was enhanced a
thousand fold at the time, by bitterness beyond expression,
was impossible for them to get a fair and impartial trial in
said court before a jury of white men; that the attorney ap
pointed to defend them knew that the prejueice against them
was such that they could not get a fair and impartial trial
before a white jury of said county, yet he filed no petition for
a change of venue, did not ask the court for time to prepare
a defense, and did nothing to protect their interests; that the
court did not ask them whether they had counsel, or desired
to employ counsel, or were able to do so; but simply said a
lawyer, whom he named, would defend them; that they have,
therefore, not had a trial, have had no opportunity to make a
defense, but that their case was closed against them as virtu
ally and effectually as if on a plea of guilty; that if they had
been given the opportunity they would have employed counsel
of their own choice and have made a defense, their ability
to do so having been demonstrated since their conviction;
that the feeling against petitioners was such that it over
awed the Judge on the bench, the jury, the attorney appointed
to defend them and every one connected with said’ court; that
all, Judge, jury and counsel were dominated by the mob spirit
that was universally present in court and out, so that if any
juror had had the courage to investigate said charge with any
spirit of fairness, and vote for an acqu-ttal he, himself, would
have been the victim of the mob; that such was the intensity
of feeling against petitioners and the other defendant that
had counsel for them objected to the testimony of the two wit
nesses against them, said Ward and Jefferson, on the ground
that it was extorted by beating and torture, as they are ad
vised he should have done, he himself would have’ been the
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 9
10 PRAN K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
victim of the mob; that it is possible counsel did not know
how the evidence against them was obtained, and they do not
desire to appear to criticize him, yet he knew that if the evi
dence against them was acquired as before stated, it was
imcompetent and should have been excluded, a fact which
petitioners did not know; that petitioners were ignorant of
their rights, had never been in court before, and had counsel
asked them about this testimony they would have told him
how it was obtained; that through fear of the mob spirit no
witness was called in their behalf and they themselves were
advised not to take the stand on their own behalf; that as a
result of the mob domination of court, counsel and jury, the
court, although a court of original jurisdiction in felony cases,
lost its jurisdiction by virtue of such mob domination and the
result was but an empty ceremony, carried through in the
apparent form of law, and that the verdict of the jury was
really a mob verdict, dictated by the spirit of the mob and
pronounced and returned because no other verdict would have
been tolerated, and that the judgment against them is, there
fore a nullity.
Petitioners further say that the entire trial, verdict and
judgment against them was but an empty ceremony; that their
real trial and condemnation had already taken place before
said Committee of Seven; that said Committee, in advance of
the sitting of the court, had sat in judgment upon them and
all the other cases and had assumed and exercised the juris
diction of the court by determining the guilt or innocence of
those in jail, had acquired the evidence in the manner herein
set out, and decided which of the defendants should be elec
trocuted and which sent to prison and the terms to be given
them, and which to discharge; that when court convened, the
program laid out by said Committee was carried through and
the verdict against petitioners were pronounced and returned,
not as the independent verdict of an unbiased jury, but as a
part of the prearranged scheme and judgment of said Com
mittee; that in doing this the court did not exercise the juris
diction given it by law and wholly lost its jurisdiction by sub
stituting for its judgment the judgment of condemnation of
said Committee; that there is atached hereto as Exhibit “ E ”
a letter from said Committee to the then Governor of the
State showing the truth of said charges.
Petitioners further say that, ever since the law of Ark
ansas for the selection of jury commissioners, the grand and
petit jurors, as it now stands, was enacted, all of the judges
of the courts have been and are now white men, and that
ever since then said judges have appointed, without exception,
white commissioners to select the jurors, both grand and petit,
and that such commissioners have uniformally selected only
white men on such juries, that all of this has been done in
discrimination against the negro race, on account of their
color; that such has been the unbroken practice in Phillips
County for more than thirty years, notwithstanding the negro
population in said county exceeds the white population by
more than five to one and that a large proportion of them are
electors and possess the1 legal, moral and intellectual qualifi
cations required or necessary for such jurors; that the exclu
sion of said negroes from the juries was, at all times, inten
tional and because of their color, of their being negroes; that
such was the case of the grand jury by which petitioners were
indicted, and of the petit jury that pronounced them guilty;
that under the law of Arkansas, as construed by the Supreme
Court of the State, an objection to an indictment on the
ground that it was found by a grand jury composed only of
white men to the exclusion of negroes on account of their
color, must be made at the impanneling of the grand jury
and objection to the petit jury must be made before a plea is
entered to the indictment; that at the time said indictment was
found petitioners were confined in jail and did not know the
grand jury had been organized, did not know it was in session,
did not know they were to be indicted for the killing of said
Lee or any other person and did not know they were charged
therewith; that it was impossible for them to make any ob
jection to the organization of said grand jury for the very
simple reason that they were closely confined, had no attor
ney, and no opportunity to employ an attorney; that at their
trial counsel appointed to defend them made no objection to
the petit jury or to any previous proceeding; that their fail
ure to do so was through fear of the mob for petitioners and
himself, as they believe.
Petitioners further say that after their conviction and
sentence to death, their friends employed other counsel to
represent them; that through such counsel they filed a motion
for a new trial, copied in the record attached hereto as Ex
hibit “ D ,” which was promptly overruled and an appeal was
taken to the Supreme Court of Arkansas, the highest court in
said State, where, on the 29th day of March, 1920, the judg
ment of the Phillips Circuit Court was affirmed, a copy of the
opinion of said court being attached hereto as Exhibit “ F ”
(Ed. Hicks vs. State, 143 Ark. 158): that thereafter they
applied to the Supreme Court of the United States for a Writ
of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Arkansas, praying that
said court be required to send up the record and proceeding
ERANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. U
in said cause for review by the Supreme Court of the United
States, but that on the 11th day of October, 1920, the applica
tion for said writ was denied; that the Governor of the State
of Arkansas did on th e ------day of Aug. 1921, issue a procla
mation carrying into effect the judgment and sentence of the
Phillips Circuit Court against petitioners and in which he
fixed Sept. 23, 1921, as the date of their execution, a copy of
which proclamation is hereto attached as Exhibit “ G.”
Petitioners further say that on the 19th day of October,
1920, the Richard L. Kitchens Post of the American Legion of
Helena, Arkansas, an organization composed of approximately
three hundred white ex-service men living in. every part of
Phillips County, passed a resolution calling on the Governor
of the State of Arkansas, for the execution by death of peti
tioners and the seven other Negroes condemned to death by
• said Circuit Court at the same time and under the same cir
cumstances as petitioners, and protesting against the commu
tation of the death sentence of any of said Negroes, which
said Resolution was presented to the Governor of Arkansas,
and a copy of same is attached hereto as Exhibit “ H ;” that
at a meeting of the Rotarry Club of Helena, Arkansas, at
tended by seventy-five members, representing as many lead
ing industrial and commercial enterprises of said city, and of
the Lions Club of said city, attended by sixty-five members,
representing as many of the same kind of enterprises of said
city, each adopted a resolution approving the action of the
Richard L. Kitchens Post of the American Legion in the prem
ises, which said resolutions were presented to the then Gover
nor of the State of Arkansas and copies of each are hereto
attached as Exhibits “ I ” and “ J ” respectively; that said res
olutions further and conclusively show the existence of the
mob spirit prevalent among all the white people of, Phillips
County at the time petitioners and the other defendants were
put through the form of trials and show that the only reason
the mob stayed its hand, the only reason they were not lynched
was that the leading citizens of the community made a solemn
promise to the mob that they should be executed in the form
of law.
Petitioners further say that to further show the over
whelming existence of the mob spirit and mob domination of
their and other trials of negro defendants at the October term,
1919, of the Phillips Circuit Court, there were six defendants
convicted of murder in the first degree, to wit: John Martin,
Alf Banks, Will Wordlow, Albert Giles, Joe Fox and Ed Ware’
whose cases were also appealed to the Supreme Court of
Arkansas, which were reversed on account of bad verdicts,
1 2 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
due to the extreme haste in securing convictions and execu
tions (Banks vs. State, 143 Ark. 154), and remanded for a new
trial; that upon a re-trial of said cases, defendants were again
convicted and appealed to the Supreme Court, and their cases
were again reversed (Ware vs. State, Vol. 4 Sup. Court Rep.
No. 11, page 674), and remanded for a new trial on December
6th, 1920; that said cases were coming on for trial at the May
term of the Phillips Circuit Court, which convened on May
2nd, 1921, and it was represented to the Governor of the
State of Arkansas, by the white citizens and officials of Phil
lips County that, unless a date of execution was set for peti
tioners there was grave danger of mob violence to the other
six defendants whose cases would be called for trial at the
May term of said Court and that in all probability they would
be lynched; that in order to appease the mob spirit still preva
lent in Phillips County and in a measure to secure the safety
of the six negroes whose cases were to be called for trial
and were called on May 9th, 1921, the Governor issued a proc
lamation fixing a date of execution of Petitioners for June
10th, 1921, which was stayed by Court proceedings; that these
facts conclusively show that the mob spirit, mob domination,
is still universally present in Phillips County.
Petitioners further say that on the 8th day of June, 1921,
they filed a petition in the Pulaski Chancery Court for a
Writ of Habeas Corpus setting out the matters and things
as herein stated, and that on said date the Pulaski Chancery
Court issued its writ of Habeas Corpus, directed to the de
fendant, E. H. Dempsey, keeper of the Arkansas State Peni
tentiary, commanding him to have the bodies of the petitioners
in Court at 2 o ’clock P. M. on the 10th day of June, 1921, and
then and there state in writing the terms and cause of their
imprisonment; that on the 9th day of June, 1921, the Attor
ney General for the State of Arkansas filed with the Supreme
Court of Arkansas a Petition for Writ of Prohibition against
J. E. Martineau, Chancellor of the Pulaski Chancery Court,
and your petitioners, and that on the 20th day of June, 1921,
the Supreme Court of the State of Arkansas issued its Writ
of Prohibition against the Judge of the Pulaski Chancery
Court, prohibiting him from hearing the Petitions for Habeas
Corpus pending in his court and quashed the Writ of Habeas
Corpus theretofore issued; that a copy of the Opinion of the
Supreme Court in issuing said Writ of Prohibition is attached
hereto, made a part hereof and marked “ Exhibit K ,)) that
thereafter, to-wit: on the 4th day of August, 1921, your pe
titioners made application to the Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes,
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States,
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 13
14 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
for a Writ of Error, to the Supreme Court of the State of
Arkansas in the matter of said Writ of Prohibition, but same
was denied.
Petitioners, therefore, say that by the proceedings afore
said, they were deprived of their rights and are about to be
deprived of their lives in violation of Section 1, of the 14th
Amendment of the Constitution of the United States and the
laws of the United States enacted in pursuance thereto, in that
they have been denied the equal protection of the law, and
have been convicted, condemned, and are about to be deprived
of their lives without due process of law; that they are now
in the custody of the defendant, E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of
the) Arkansas State Penitentiary, to be electrocuted on the
23rd day of September, 1921; that they are now detained and
held in custody by said Keeper and will be electrocuted on
said date unless prevented from so doing by the issuance of
a writ of Habeas Corpus.
Petitioners therefore pray that a Writ of Habeas Corpus
be issued to the end that they may be discharged from said
unlawful imprisonment and unlawful judgment and sentence
to death.
(Signed) PRANK MOORE,
his
l L
< 6
i t
Witness to mark
(Signed) J.
ED x HICKS,
mark
J. E. KNOX,
his
ED x COLEMAN,
mark
his
PAUL x HALL,
mark
Petitioners.
R. BOOKER,
(Signed) S. A. JONES,
MURPHY, McHANEY & DUNAWAY,
Attorneys for Petitioners.
Frank Moore, Ed Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed Coleman and
Paul Hall on their oaths say that the matters and things set
out and contained in the foregoing petition for Writ of Habeas
Corpus are true to the best of their knowledge and belief.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 21st day of
September, 1921.
[ seal .] (Signed) J. R. BOOKER,
Notary Public.
My Commission expires Jan. 31, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
E x h ib it “ A . ”
Inward Facts About Negro Insurrection.
President E. M. Allen, of Business Men’s League, Issues
Statement to Press.
Hill’s Influence.
Winchester Negro Adroitly Misled Trustful Negroes and
Robbed Them of Cash, Liberty Bonds, and Savings
Stamps—His Activities.
The Committee of Seven.
The Committee of Seven, chosen to direct operations in
putting down the insurrection and to conduct investigations
with the view to discovering and punishing the guilty, is com
posed of the following citizens:
Sebastian Etraub, Chairman.
H. D. Moore, County Judge.
F. F. Kitchens, Sheriff.
J. C. Knight, Mayor.
E. M. Allen.
E. C. Horner.
T. W. Keese.
All persons, white or black, in possession of information
which might assist in discovering and running down those re
sponsible for the insurrection are urgently requested to confer
with the Committee as a whole or with some individual mem
ber thereof, it being understood that such action will be for
the public safety and that the informant’s identity will be
carefully safeguarded.
It is the Duty of Every Citizen in Possession of Such In
formation to Present it to the Committee.
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 1 5
The following statement was given to the press here late
yesterday afternoon by the President E. M. Allen of the Busi
ness Men’s League and the Committee of Seven, but for some
reason not explained editors of various papers to which the
statement was sent saw fit to substitute a different “ lead,”
in most cases failing completely to identify Mr. Allen.
Now the “ ignorance and superstitution of a race of child
ren” was played upon for momentary gain and for the band
ing together of Negroes to slay whites, was authoritatively re
vealed in a statement issued here yesterday by E. M. Allen, a
member of the Committee of Seven, who has heard virtually
all the prisoners’ confessions following last weeks’ uprising
in this section of Arkansas.
The Committee of Seven is composed of leading Helena
Business men. It has been authorized to carry on the investi
gation both by the municipal and county authorities and by
Governor Charles H. Brough of Arkansas. It is co-operating
with the military authorities. Among its members is Sheriff
F. F. Kitchens.
Mr. Allen is considered by leading officials and citizens
of Helena as being most competent to speak on the subject
because of his prominent part in the investigations which have
taken place. He has been a resident of Helena for thirteen
years and was one of the men who originally plotted and
created Elaine, center of the recent disorders.
Aside from being locally prominent as president of the
Helena Business Men’s League, and as the owner of consider
able property, Mr. Allen is Presidnet of the National Associa
tion of Insurance Agents, the headquarters of which are in
New York City. His name was on the list of those the negroes
plotted to kill yesterday as the signal for a general slaughter
of the whites, according to papers confiscated and confessions
of leaders captured.
Mr. Allen’s statement folknvs:
“ The present trouble with the negroes in Phillips County
is not a race riot, it is a deliberately planned insurrection of
the negroes against the white-, directed by an organization
known as the “ Progressive Farmers’ and'Household Union
of America,” established for the purpose of banding negroes
together for the killing of white people. This “ union” was
started by Robert L. Hill, a negro 26 years old, of Winchester,
Arkansas, who saw in it an opportunity of making easy money.
He had been a farmer all his life, but lately had been posing
16 FR A N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
FRAN K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 1 7
as a “ private detective doing work in this and all foreign
countries. ”
“ He started his first ‘ union’ work in April of this year.
He organized the Ratio Lodge in May of this year. He chose
Ratio because his mother happened to be living there. He
told the darkies that he was an agent of the government and
because the senators and representatives at Washington were
white men and in sympathy with the white men of the south,
it was impossible for the negroes to get the rights that had
been promised them for service in the army, and so the gov
ernment had called into existence this organization which
would be supported by the government in defense of the ne
groes against the white people. He told them it was ncessary
for all members of the Union to arm themselves in prepara
tion for the day when they should be called upon to attack
their white oppressors.
“ The slogan of the organization is “ We battle for our
rights.’ ’ The password of all the lodges was “ We have just
began. ’ ’
“ He told them that those members who were unable to
buy munitions would be supplied by the union from the gov
ernment storehouse at Winchester.
‘ ‘ The purely mercenary side of all develops as follows:
Negro men were charged $1.50 entrance fees and Negro
women 50 cents. At the second and third meeting he would
bring Dr. V. E. Powell of Winchester with him, who purported
to be the examining physician for the government in its work
of registering the negroes in defense of their rights. A certi
ficate was filled out and signe----- Negro upon payment of
fifty cents. This certificate was supposed to be the registra
tion document. Those negroes who were possessed of funds
in amounts from $5.00 to $25.00 were enrolled in an advanced
section of the union and upon payment of whatever sum he
(Hill) could procure in excess of $5.00, a certificate was given,
entitling the holder to attend the congresses of the ‘ union’ at
Winchester and speak on the floor of the meeting, regarding
any questions brought up, and to assist in keeping the Consti
tution of the United States from being questioned.
“ Another form of extortion was to sell shares of $10.00
each to the negroes in a proposed building to be erected by
the ‘ union’ at Winchester. Hill would find out what negroes
possessed thrift stamps and Liberty Bonds and would issue
a certificate stating that so many shares had been purchased
at $10.00 per share, and all negroes buying shares in the
amount of fifty dollars or more were told that their names
would be engraved in the building. In other words, he had so
1 8 PRAN K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
planned his campaign that any negro possessing from fifty
cents to fifty dollars was given an opportunity to invest in
something connected with the ‘ union.’
“ He then advised the members that the general attorney
of the ‘ union’ in Little Rock would for an additional consider
ation represent all the negroes in their settlements with the
landlords during the ginning season. He went to several of the
meetings with typewritten powers of attorney which he had
signed by the negroes, collecting amounts from twenty-five
dollars to fifty dollars each with the crop as security. He was
very adroit in making use of certain circulars issued by the
government and in distorting the purpose of the Arkansas
Warehouse and Ginners’ Law to convince the Negroes that
the United States government was endeavoring to correct
evils which he alleged existed among the farmers.
“ He further told the negroes that the plan for Secfrtary
Lane to provide homesteads for the soldiers had been carried
out where the white soldiers were concerned, but the negroes
had been refused participation in it. We found where Negro
soldiers at Elaine had sold their discharge papers for sums
ranging from fifty to one hundred dollars on the theory that
such discharges entitled the holder to forty acres of govern
ment land. He produced maps of state lands in Elaine
country (1,600) acres which he said could be bought for $200.
This amount was raised at one meeting and paid to him in
cash. The land was all described and certain negroes had
designated which parts of the various farms (all in cultiva
tion), they desired, to take over for themselves after the
white people had been driven off.
“ He urged all lodges to decide upon a plan of campaign
when the day came to strike and designate the part to be
played by every man. He told them that the government was
erecting at Winchester three huge storehouses where arms,
ammunition and trained soldiers would be ready for instant
use. On Wednesday morning after the first fight at Hoop
Spur the negroes crossed the track, and lay in the weeds all day
waiting for H ill’s army to materialize. They were within
easy range of automobiles going to and from Hoop Spur all
day and could easily have fired into them but they wished to
wait for H ill’s army in order to clean up in one fell swoop.
“ The fight at Hoop Spur was unpremeditated as far as
the negroes were concerned as they were organizing their
forces Wednesday morning to attack and capture Elaine but
when runners informed the leaders that white men were enter
ing the woods at Hoop Spur they decided to go up and wipe
out the little gang that was reported to be there, before enter
ing upon the more serious task of capturing Elaine. They
underestimated the size of the force from Helena and the
battle resulted.
“ Every negro who joined these lodges was given to kill
white people. Unquestionably the time for attack had been
set but plans had not been entirely perfected and the shooting
of the officers brought on the insurrection ahead of schedule.
“ Another scheme used by Hill to obtain money was to
appoint was to appoint leading negroes, or several of them, in
each lodge as private and foreign detectives’—furnishing them
large niekelplated stars and a pair of nickel-plated handcuffs,
for which they paid him $50.00 each.
“ His meeting at Winchester in August was attended and
addressed by white men. He simply played upon the ignor
ance and superstition of a race of children—most of whom
neither read nor write.
I have cross-examined and talked to at least one hundred
prisoners at Elaine. They belong to different lodges in that
section. The stories they tell are almost identical as to the
promises and representations made by Hill. He even told
them probably some of the negroes would be called upon to
die before ‘ Equal rights’ would be assured, but they must
look upon themselves as crusaders and die if necessary to
secure the freedom of the other members of their race.
“ A remarkable thing about the developments is that some
of the ringleaders were found to be the oldest and most re
liable of the negroes whom we have known for the past fifteen
years. He had made them believe that he had been intrusted
with a sacred mission which had to be carried out regardless
of the consequences.
“ All lodge meetings were required to maintain an armed
outer guard of six sentinels. H ill’s usual expression was,
“ Get your racks filled for the day to come.”
“ As far as oppression is concerned, many of the negroes
involved own mules, horses, cattle and automobiles and clear
money every year on their crops, after expenses are paid.”
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
E xhibit “ B ” .
A ffidavit of Walter Ward.
State of A rkansas,
County of Lincoln:
Walter Ward being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. .E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 19
My name is Walter Ward. I am 36 years of age, am
married and have a wife living at Elaine, Arkansas. Prior to
this trouble at Elaine I lived on Dr. Cruse’s place. I am now
confined in the State Penitentiary on the State Farm, at
Cummins, Arkansas, on a plea of guilty for murder in the
second degree for the killing of Clinton Lee, for which I was
not guilty. I was arrested on Friday after the trouble
started, kept at Elaine until Monday when I was taken to jail
at Helena. A short time after I had been in jail they told me
that I had to testify against Frank Moore, Frank Hicks and
these other men. I told them I didn’t know anything against
these other men. They told me that I did and that I had to tell it.
I refused to tell a lie on these men and they sent me back to
jail, later they took me out in another—where they stripped
me and whipped me with a rubber strap that had lead or
copper placed in it that cut me. Every lick he would hit me
would cut the blood out. I do not know how many licks I
was hit, but I do know that they nearly killed me. I was also
put in an electric chair, stripped naked and the current turned
on to shock and frighten me. They also put up my nose some
kind of strangling drugs to further torture and frighten me.
So the third time they took me out I agreed to testify to any
thing they wanted me to say. They had it all written out
what they said others had testified to and told me that I knew
it and that I had to tell it. So in order to save further punish
ment I agreed to testify and did testify as I was reported in
the record in the case against Frank Moore and others. What
I said in that case was absolutely untrue. I testified that they
had guns at their meeting when I joined it, which was untrue.
If anybody had guns I didn’t see them. I testified that Paul
Hall came to my house and woke me up and that I was to go
over to Frank Moore’s house, that I went by and got Ed.
Hicks, that I got a gun after I got over there from Frank
Moore, a 32 Smith & Wesson; that Frank Moore lined us up
two deep and marched us away; that all of the negroes had
guns; that we went on across the field and up to where there
was some white folks at the house and some of us went across
the railroad and that Frank Hicks made two shots in the dirt
road, shot up toward Dr. Richardson’s house, the McCoy
house, north, all of which was absolutely false.
I now state the truth to be that I was not at Frank
Moore’s house and that we didn’t gang up there, a great
crowd of us, and that we didn’t march away, and that we didn’t
all have guns, and that Frank Hicks didn’t fire any shots
up the road to my knowledge and that I know nothing about
any of the mattters as to which I testified. I testified as I did
2 0 FRA N K MOORE ET A_L. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . UEM PSEY, ETC. 2 1
only because I was beaten and tortured and compelled to do
so. Nobody knows except the men who tortured me, and
myself and the others there in jail with me how badly I was
treated. A great many other- suffered a like fate. They
would take the men out and whip them, we could hear the
licks and when the men would come back they would be
bleeding all over. I was also indicted for the killing of Clin
ton Lee, and was told that if I did not plead guilty I would
be sent to the electric chair, and in order to save myself fur
ther torture, and to save my life I plead guilty to murder in
the second degree, and was sentenced to 21 years in the peni
tentiary. I was not guilty. I did not fire a single shot in all
the trouble that occurred down there. All I knew was that
the negroes were trynig to keep out of the way of the white
people, as we had been told the white folks were going to kill
all the negroes. I still have the scars on me now where they
beat me to prove that I am telling the truth about being
whipped.
(Signed) WALTER WARD.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18 day of May,
State of A rkansas,
County of Lincoln:
George Green being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
My name is George Green. I am now 22 years of age,
and am confined in the State Penitentiary on a convict farm
at Cummins, Arkansas. I am the same George Green who
testified for the State in the case of the State of Arkansas vs.
Frank Hicks, who was tried on November 3, 1919, in the
Phillips Circuit Court, on a charge of murder in the first
degree for having killed Clinton Lee. On that trial I testified
that Frank Hicks was at the lodge meeting on Thursday night
before this trouble came up on the following Tuesday and had
his gun there. I also testified that everybody I saw had guns
there. I further more testified that on Wednesday I took my
shot gun and went over to Frank Moore’s house a little before
day light and that there were about thirty people there sitting
1921.
[ s e a l .] (Signed) J.
My com. exp. April 25, 1925.
J. H. ALBRIGHT,
Notary Public.
Exhibit “ B ” (2nd Page).
Affidavit of George Green.
2 2 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
around, all of them had guns, and that about 10 or 11 o ’clock
there were about seventy-five there and we all left including
the defendant, Frank Hicks, and marched away with Frank
Moore in command to go over towards the place where we
heard shooting; and that when we crossed the railroad and
had gotten in the public road Frank Hicks fired two shots,
and that when he went to shoot the second time I threw up
my hands, and says, “ Boys don’t shoot;” that he shot straight
up the road towards McCoy’s house, which was north; that
he shot in the direction of some automobiles, and that after
that I went home.
I now state and swear positive, that the testimony was
false from beginning to end, and that I testified as I did be
cause I was compelled to do so. I furthermore state that I
was not at Hoop Spur on the night the trouble started, and
that the first I knew about it was the next day when I heard
that the white folks were down in that country to kill out all
us negroes, and that I did nothing except to keep out of the
way. I was arrested on Saturday after the trouble started on
Tuesday, was taken to Helena, placed in jail and kept in close
confinement until court met. Shortly after I was taken to
Helena I was taken out of jail and into a room where three
men examined me. I do not know who these men were, but
they told me I had to testify against Frank Hicks. They
would ask me questions, and I told them I didn’t know any
thing about the matter and they would curse me, abuse me,
telling me I did know, that I had to tell it, and that if I
didn’ they would kill me. I was not whipped, but a great
many of the negroes there in jail with me were whipped.
They would take a man out of the jail and into an adjoining
room and we could hear the licks as they whipped him, and
when they would bring the man back blood would be running
from him. A great many men were taken out and whipped
and would be brought back in such a condition that they were
unable to walk. They would be dragged back to the cell door
and dumped into the cell and left for the other prisoners to
take care of them. Knowing how these negroes had been
treated and knowing that if I did not do what they told me
to do that I would be punished as they were, and in order to
avoid such punishment I finally agreed to testify to anything
that they wanted me to say. So they told me what I had to
say just as I testified to it in the trial, and when I was called
as a witness I did what they told me to do. At the same time
I was indicted for the murder of Clinton Lee, and they told me
that if I would testify against Frank Hicks and then plead
guilty, that they would get the court to make it light on me.
FRAN K MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC. 2 3
I later plead guilty to murder in the second degree and was
sentenced to six years in the penitentiary. What I testified to
against Frank Hicks was untrue. He did not fire the shots
that killed Clinton Lee or anybody else at any time that I
was with him. I was not guilty of having anything to do with
the killing of Clinton Lee or anybody else, and I only testified
as I did because I was compelled to.
(Signed) GEORGE GREEN.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18 day of May,
1921.
[ seal .] (Signed) J. H. ALBRIGHT,
Notary Public.
My Commission Expires April 25, 1925.
E ndorsedF iled Sept. 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
E xhibit “ C.”
Affidavit of John Jefferson.
State of A rkansas,
County of Lincoln:
John Jefferson being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
My name is John Jefferson. I am 30 years of age, and
am now confined in the State Penitentiary, on the State Farm
at Cummins, Arkansas, on a sentence to a plea of guilty for
murder in the second degree for the killing of Clinton Lee. I
first refused to plead guilty, because I was not guilty. I had
nothing to do with the killing of Clinton Lee, and know
nothing about who killed him. I was taken back to jail and
told that if I didn’t plead guilty that I would be sent to the
electric chair, so they took me back to court again and I
plead guilty and they gave me five years. I plead guilty to
save my own life. I had lived at Elaine three years prior to
this trouble there. I joined the union on Friday night before
the trouble on Tuesday night. This was the only meeting I
ever attended. I saw no guns at that meeting and I had no
gun myself. I was arrested on Friday following out in the
field picking cotton. They took me to Elaine and kept me
there until Monday when they took me to Helena and put me
in jail with a large number of other negroes. While I was
in jail they took a great many negroes out of the jail and
whipped them. I could hear the licks and when they came
24 FRAN K MOORE ET AJL. VS. E. H . DEM PSEY, ETC.
back bleeding and unable to walk and all whipped to pieces,
some of them were so badly beaten up that they had to crawl
for several days, being unable to walk, and they would also
punish them by putting strangling drugs to their noses to
punish them. I heard they had an electric chair in jail but
didn’t see it. They took me out of jail three times and talked
to me about myr testimony, told me that I had to testify
against Frank Hicks and Frank Moore and these other men.
and that if I didn’t testify against them they would do me
like they did the others, beat me up. On the other trial I
testified against Frank Hicks, and also Frank Moore, Ed.
Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall. In those
cases I testified that I saw Frank Hicks fire two shots up the
road toward some white gentlemen, about a quarter of a mile
away, and that Frank Hicks said that he would a got that
guy if it hadn’t been for that horse. I didn’t see Frank
Hicks fire any shots at all and I didn’t hear him make any
such remarks. The only reason that I testified the way I did
in those cases was that I was afraid that I would be beaten
up if I did not do so. Before I agreed to testify as I did they
took me out of jail and into a room and talked to me three
times before my testimony. They told me that I had to say
it, and that if I didn’t do it they would beat me up as they
did the others and send me to the electric chair in my own
case.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this — day of Mav,
1921.
Notary Public.
My Commission Expires---------- , ------ .
(Copy.)
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Bedding, Clerk.
TRANSCRIPT OF RECORD.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1919.
N o . 9 5 5 .
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, ED. COLEMAN,
AND PAUL HALL, PETITIONERS,
vs.
THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
ON PETITION FOB A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME
COURT OF THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
FILED MAY 24, 1920.
( 2 7 , 7 1 0 )
I
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITEO STATES
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, ED. COLEMAN,
AND PAUL HALL, PETITIONERS,
( 2 7 , 7 1 0 )
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITEO STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1919.
N o . 9 5 5 .
JANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, ED. COLEMA
AND PAUL HALL, PETITIONERS,
vs.
THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
ON PETITION FOE A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME
COURT OF THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
INDEX.
Original. Print.
Caption --------------------- 1 25
Allowance of appeal____________________________________________ 2 27
Record from circuit court of Phillips County___________________ 3 27
Caption ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3 27
Opening order of the court________________________________ 4 27
Organization of the grand jury____________________________ 4 28
C. N. Biscoe, special bailiff________________________________ 4 28
Organization of petit jury_________________________________ 5 28
Order as to T. W. Keese___________________________________ 6 29
Order as to J. L. Turner__________________________________ 6 29
Order of court_____________________________________________ 7 29 •
Report of grand jury______________________________________ 7 29
Indictment ________________________________________________ 8 30
Bill of exceptions filed____________________________________ 10 31
Bill of exceptions___________________________________________ 11 32
Original. Print.
Testimony of B. L. Brooks----------------------------------------- 12 32
Dr. O. Parker_________________________ 15 34
Tom Faulkner__________________________ 17 35
John Jefferson__________________________ 20 36
Walter Ward----------------------------------------- 35 40
Dave Archer____________________________ 45 53
J. Graham Burke_______________________ 51 57
Oral Instructions of the court-------------------------------------- 56 60
Verdict ________________________________________________ 64
Motion for new trial overruled------------------------------------ 63 65
Judge’s certificate-------------------------------------------------------- 64 65
Order of court_____________________________________________ 65 65
Judgment _________________________________________________ 66
Order of court and sentence---------------------------------------------- 66 67
Motion for new trial---------------------------------------------------------- 67 67
Affidavit of A lf Banks, Jr------------------------------------------------- 73 71
Affidavit of William Wordlow--------------------------------------------- 75 73
Order overruling motion for new trial-------------------------------- 77 74
Clerk’s certificate___________________________________________ 78 75
Order submitting case---------------------------------------------------------------- 79 75
Judgment _____________________________________________________ 36 6̂
Opinion _______________________________________________________ 31 6̂
Order of submission on petition for rehearing---------------------------- 88 80
Petition for rehearing-----------------------------------------------------*--------- 39 80
Order overruling petition for rehearing----------------------------------- 93 83
Motion to stay issuance of mandate----------------------------------------- 94 83
Order overruling motion to stay mandate--------------------------------- 94 83
Certificate of clerk of supreme court------- ------------------------------- 95 83
FRA N K MOORE ET AL VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS.
1 F rank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman, and
Paul H all, Petitioners,
v.
The State of A rkansas, Respondent.
Exhibit A.
2 Transcript examined and appeal granted Jan. 9th, 1920.
CARROLL D. WOOD,
Associate J. Sup. Ct.
3 Pleas Before the Hon. J. M. Jackson, Judge of the First
Judicial Circuit of the State of Arkansas, Phillips
County, Arkansas, October Term, 1919, November 3rd,
1919.
4495.
State of A rkansas,
against
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Murder in the First Degree.
Appearances:
Jno. E. Miller, Prosecuting Attorney, 1st Dist.
John I. Moore and Greenfield Quarles, Attorneys for
defendants.
4 State of Arkansas,
County of Phillips:
Be it remembered that the Circuit Court of Phillips
County, Arkansas, met at the Court House in the City of
Helena, Arkansas, October 27th, 1919, at 10 o ’clock A. M., it
being the day fixed by law for holding said court. There was
present and presiding the Hon. J. M. Jackson, Judge of said
Court, A. G. Burke, Clerk and F. F. Kitchens, when after due
2 8 FRAN K MOORE ET AL VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS.
proclamation by the Sheriff, Court was opened when the fol
lowing proceedings were had to-wit:
In the Matter of the Organization of the Grand Jury.
Now on this day comes the Sheriff in open court and
returns the venire heretofore issued by the Clerk of this
Court for the Grand Jurors, which were selected by the Jury
Commissioners at the April Term, 1919, of this Court, from
which venire the following qualified electors of Phillips
County, Arkansas, were duly examined, selected and sworn as
follows, to-wit:—C. L. Moore, Jr., T. W. Keesee, C. L. Bernard,
J. J. Pedro, J. W. Denison, James H. Pillow, C. A. Wooten,
Joseph Truemper, H. E. McRae, S. A. Wooten, B. A. Dunlap,
S. Straub, Abe Pupkin, E. P. Govan, Jr., and Jas. C. Rem-
bert, and Si. Frank and who having been duly sworn, were
empanneled to serve as Grand Jurors at the present term of
this court.
Thereupon the Court charged said Grand Jury as to their
duties and appointed H. E. McRae, one of their number as
Foreman; They then retired to consider of their duties.
In the Matter of C. N. Biscoe Sworn in as Special Bailiff to
Grand Jury.
Now on this day comes the sheriff in open court and pre
sents the name of C. N. Biscoe, a duly qualified elector of
Phillips County, Arkansas, who having been found to
5 possess the necessary qualifications, was duly sworn as
the law directs as special bailiff to the Grand Jury. He
then proceeded to the discharge of his duties.
In the Matter of the Organization of the Petit Jury.
Now on this day comes the sheriff in open court and re
turns the venire heretofore issued by the Clerk of this Court
for Petit Jurors who were selected at the April Term 1919 of
this Court by the Jury Commissioners, from which venire
the following qualified electors of Phillips County, Arkansas,
were selected as sworn as follows, to -w it-J oh n L. Turner,
D. J. Clatworthy, A. D. Adams, Andrew Friberg, E. M. Allen,
E. P. Moore, Harry Ball, E. R. Crum, J. Beilenson, John King,
S. L. Mundt, and S. H. Swenson fo f the 1st panel, and Chas.
Afflick, I. A. Metx, Tom Wallace, J. C. Brown, C. T. O ’Brien,
John Shepard, A. P. Collidge, Polk Agee, R. G. Foster, M.
Neely, W. H. Elsesser and E. P. Bloom for the 2nd panel, who
having been duly examined, were duly sworn and empaneled
to serve as Petit Jurors at the present term of this Court.
The court then charged said Petit Jury as to their duties
Circuit Court Record “ U ” page 62, October 27th, 1919.
6 In the Matter of T. W. Keese Excuse- from Grand Jury.
Now on this day ̂by leave of the court for good cause
shown, T. W. Keese is excused from further service on the
Grand Jury.
FBA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS. 2 9
In the Matter of John L. Turner Excused from Further
Service on the Petit Jury.
Now on this day by leave of the Court for good cause
shown John L. Turner, is excused from further services on
the Petit Jury.
In the Matter of John L. Turner Empanneled as a Grand
Juror.
Now on this day comes the sheriff in open court and pre •
sents the name of John L. Turner, Esq., a duly qualified
elector of Phillips County, Arkansas, who having been found
to possess the necessary qualifications was duly examined
sworn, and empaneled as Grand Juror at the present term of
this Court.
Circuit Court Record “ U ” , pages 65 and 66, Oct. 28, 1919.
7 Court met pursuant to adjournment Wednesday
morning at nine o ’clock A. M. Oct. 29th, 1919. There
was present and presiding the Hon. J. M. Jackson, Judge of
said Court, A. G. Burke, Clerk and F. F. Kitchens, Sheriff,
when after due proclamation by the Sheriff, Court was opened
when the following proceedings were had to-wit—
In the Matter of the Report of the Grand Jury.
Now on this day comes the Grand Jury in open court in
a body, all answering to their names as the same were called
by the Clerk, through their foreman, presented twenty-three
(23) bills of indictment, each endorsed a “ True Bill” and
signed by the Foreman; said indictments were each filed and
numbered as follows to-wit:
(Among which were)
30 FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS.
No. 4495.
State of A rkansas,
vs.
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, ,T. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Murder in the First Degree.
No Bail.
(And Others.)
There being no further business to report said Grand
Jury retired to further consider of their duties.
Circuit Court record “ U,” page 68, October 29, 1919.
8 Indictment.
Phillips Circuit Court.
State of A rkansas,
against
F rank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Indictment.
The Grand Jury of Phillips County in the name and by
the authority of the State of Arkansas, accuse Frank Moore,
Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, of the
crime of murder in the first degree committed as follows,
to-wit: The said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed.
Coleman and Paul Hall, in the county and State aforesaid, on
the 1st day of October, A. D. 1919; unlawfully, wilfully, felon
iously and with malice aforethought and after deliberation
and premeditation did kill and murder one Clinton Lee, by
shooting him, the said Clinton Lee, with a certain gun which
they, the said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Cole
man and Paul Hall, then and there had and held in their
hands, the said gun being then and there loaded with gun
powder and leaden balls against the peace and dignity of the
State of Arkansas.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS. 3 1
JNO. E. MILLER,
Prosecuting Attorney.
Endorsed: No. 4495. State of Arkansas vs. Frank Moore,
Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall. A true
bill. H. E. McRae, Foreman. Indictment for murder in the
first degree.
Filed in open court in the presence of the Grand Jurors;
this 29th day of Oct. 1919.
A. G. BURKE,
Clerk,
Bv L. E. BERARD,
D. C.
9 Issued Bench Warrant and require Bail in the sum of
No Bail.
JAMISON M. JACKSON,
Judge.
Witnesses: John Thomas, Frank Hicks, Gillmore Jen
kins, Ed. Mitchell, George Greer, Tom Kelley, Eddins Wooten,
Carleton Meyers, Dr. 0. Parker, Walter Ward.
State of A rkansas,
County of Phillips:
I have duly served a copy of the within indictment to
each of the within named defendants this Oct. 29th, 1919.
A. G. BURKE,
Circuit Clerk.
10 Original for Supreme Court.
State
vs.
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Paul H all, and Ed.
Coleman.
Bill of exceptions. Filed January 3rd, 1920. A. G. Burke,
Ct. Clk.
32 FRANK. MOORE ET AJL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
11 In the Phillips Circuit Court, November Term, 1919.
State of A rkansas, Plaintiff,
vs.
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Paul
Coleman, Defendants.
Bill of Exceptions.
H all, and E d.
m
Be it remembered, that on this 4th day of November,
1919, the above and foregoing cause coming on to be heard
before Hon. J. M. Jackson, Judge of the 1st Judicial Circuit
of Arkansas, and a jury duly empaneled to hear the same at
the regular November Term, 1919, of the Phillips Circuit
Court, and the defendants, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Paul Hall and Ed. Coleman appearing in person and
by attorneys, J. I. Moore and Greenfield Quarles, and the State
being represented by Hon. J. E. Miller, Prosecuting Attor
ney; and both parties announcing ready for trial, thereupon,
said cause proceeded to trial, and the following evidence was
introduced, heard and submitted; objections and exceptions to
testimony; instructions asked, given, modified and given and
refused, and other things had and done in said cause as fol
lows, to-wit:
12 State’s Testimony.
R. L. Brooks, having first been duly sworn, was called as
a witness by the State and testified as follows:
Q. Your name is R. L. Brooks?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you know Clinton Lee?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Were you with him along about the 1st of October
of this year?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Were you with him at the time he received an injury
down here at Elaine?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where was he at that time?
A. He was sitting in the extreme end, left side of the
car, Mr. Meyers’ car.
Q. In what County and State was that?
FRA N K MOORE ET AL. VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS. 3 3
A. Phillips County, Arkansas.
Q. Was he injured there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. How?
A. By a bullet from a rifle.
Q. Where did the bullet? hit him?
A. Right under his left arm.
Q. Did you see his body?
A. Yes sir; I helped to take him in the house.
13 Q. What became of Lee then?
A. Well, we took him in the house and he died in
about two or three minutes after we placed him in the bed.
Q. How long was it after the bullet? struck him before
he died?
A. Couldn’t have been over 5 minutes.
Q. Did you examine his body?
A. No sir.
Q. Did you see where the bullet? went in?
A. Yes sir, I saw where it went in his clothes.
Q. And struck him under the left arm, did it?
A. Yes sir, somewhere in here (shows).
Q. Now did you hear any shots over there?
A. I don’t, I can’t say I heard the report of the rifle, I
heard the hiss of the bullet?s, heard one of the bullets when it
struck a little piece of iron.
Q. How many bullets did you hear?
A. Two.
Q. How long was it between the bullets?
A. Well, I imagine just the length of time it would take
a man to unload and reload the gun.
Q. Pretty quick?
A. Yes sir.
Q. At that particular time what was this car that Mr.
Lee was in which way was it headed?
A. It was facing towards Helena; it was not exactly
straight up and down the road, it was in the process of turn
ing around, it was almost North and South.
Q. Mr. Lee was sitting on the right hand side of the car?
A. On the left hand side of the car.
14 Q. In the seat?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Then Mr. Lee was facing northwest was he?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And the bullet struck him back here?
A. Yes sir.
3 4 FRA N K MOORE ET AE. VS. TH E STATE.OF ARKAN SAS.
Q. That would have made the bullet come from what di
rection ?
A. From the South.
Q. And he died in a few minutes?
A. Yes sir.
Cross-examination:
Q. Who fired that shot?
A. I haven’t the least idea.
Q. You neither heard the report of the gun nor saw the
man that fired it ?
A. No sir.
(Witness excused).
15 Dr. 0. P a r k e r , having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as fol
lows :
Q. Your name is Dr. 0. Parker?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where do you live?
A. Elaine.
Q. What is your profession?
A. Physician.
Q. Did you know Clinton Lee?
A. I did not.
Q. You remember seeing him?
A. Yes sir.
Q. When did you see him!
A. Saw him when he was dying.
Q. When did he die? Where did he die?
A. In Mr. McCoy’s house.
Q. Is t h a t t h e house near A v lie r e h e was shot?
A. Yes sir; right in front.
Q. From what did Mr. Lee die?
A. They brought the man in dying, he was dying when
they brought him in. Mr. Tappin was on the bed there and I
was giving him first aid; I made no examination of his body.
Q. Did you see his body after he died?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And he died there just in a short time?
A. Yes sir, in the course of 4 minutes.
Q. Did you see the bullet hole or not?
16 A. No sir, I was busy with Mr. Tappan, and he was
dead before I got away, before T got to him, before I
got through with Mr. Tappan why Mr. Lee was dead.
FRAN K M OORE.ET AL. VS. TH E STATE OF ARKANSAS. .35
(No cross-examination.)
17 Tom Faulkner, having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as follows:
Q. Your name is Tom Faulkner!
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where do you live!
A. I live in Helena, Arkansas.
Q. Do you know Clinton Lee!
A. Yes sir.
Q. Were you with him at the time he was killed!
A. I was probably 50 or 100 feet from him at the time
he was killed.
Q. Did you hear the shots that killed him!
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where was Mr. Lee at the time he was shot!
A. Well, all the cars—he was there in one of the cars,
the cars were right in front of this McCoy house, and the
shots came from the South.
Q. Now did you see anybody except Mr. Leo about the
time the shots were fired!
A. Yes sir, I saw three Negroes.
Q. Where were they!
A. They were probably 3 or 4 hundred yards South of
this house.
Q. Where were they with reference to the road!
A. They were just off the road; a ditch runs alongside
of it and they were just on top of this ditching.
Q. Did you see any of the negroes fire the shots?
A. Yes sir.
Q. How many shots did he fire?
18 A. Two.
Q. Which way was he pointing the gun ?
A. Towards the car.
Q. In which direction was the man standing that shot?
A. He was facing this direction, shooting this way.
Q. He was South and shooting North then?
A. Yes sir, shooting in the direction of the car.
Q. How does the public road run there with reference
to the railroad?
A. It runs right alongside of the railroad.
Q. On the East side?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And the men that you saw doing the shooting were
36 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
3 or 4 hundred yards South, down the road from the McCoy
house?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you see any Negro or Negroes, at the time, or
shortly before that, crossing the railroad?
A. I didn’t see any of them crossing the railroad.
Q. Did you see any of them on the East side?
A. Yes sir.
Q. How many did you see over there?
A. Well, as I can remember there was 3, there might
have been more.
Q. Do you know what kind of gun it was that you hear-
fire- there?
A. It was a rifle.
Cross-examination:
Q. Did you know these three Negroes you say you saw?
A. No sir, I know they were Negroes.
19 Q. Which, if any, of these five defendants, did you
see there?
A. I couldn’t identify any of them.
(Witness excused.)
20 John Jefferson, having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as follows:
Q. Your name is John Jefferson?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Prior to October 1st where did you live?
A. Down at Elaine at Mr. M. P. Alderman’s plantation.
Q. Do you know Frank Moore?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You know Ed. Hicks?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You know J. E. Knox?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Sweat Coleman?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You know Paul Hall?
A. Yes sir?
Q. Did you belong to the union there, Farmer’s House
hold and Progressive Union?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What lodge do you belong to?
A. To the Elaine Lodge.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 3 7
Q. Who was President of the Elaine Lodge?
A. Ed. Hicks.
Q. This man over there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Who was the secretary?
A. The secretary, I never did for certain see the secre
tary, the night I joined there was a call meeting, the secretary
was not there but I was told Ed. Baker was.
21 Q. Do you know who was President of it?
A. Yes sir, I have learned.
Q. Who was it?
A. Joe Knox.
Q. One of these men over here?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Do you know who the Board members of the lodge
were?
A. You mean the whole record of the members?
Q. No, the Board members of the lodge?
A. I don’t know none of them, no more than you called
the leaders, the President, the Vice President and the Secre
tary.
Q. Was there any of these men there, Frank Moore, Ed.
Coleman, Paul Hall,—were they leaders in the lodge or not?
A. Frank Moore, I know he was there, but I don’t know
whether he was a leader, neither these other two you called.
Q. When you went to the lodge there what did the
parties take with them?
A. Take round to the lodge?
Q. Yes, did they take guns?
A. When I went to the lodge they had guns.
Q. What was the purpose of taking the guns?
A. Said they was looking for them to come down there
and pick them up.
Q. Looking for who?
A. Looking for the White folks to come down there and
break the meeting up.
Q. Well, what did they have their guns Xor?
A. They had their guns for protection, to fight with. The
first night I went there I didn’t have no gun, and they asked
me what did I bring to fight with and I told them I
22 didn’t — nothing, and this fellow says a couple of fel
lows come here and broke us up.
Q. How many meetings of the lodge did you attend when
these fellows were there?
A. I met only one meeting after I joined.
Q. Do you remember the night that meeting was on?
3 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
A. Yes sir.
Q. What night was it?
A. The meeting I j-ined, I j-ined Friday night before this
racket come up there.
We object to any testimony two or three nights before
this transaction.
Court: That will be admissible for the purpose of show
ing a conspiracy.
Mr. Miller: That is the purpose of it, your honor.
Court: If they do not show that it is admissible, that is
if they do not connect it with this affair, the jury will be
instructed to disregard it.
Mr. Moore: Please note our exceptions.
Q. You met Thursday night before this killing?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Were these parties there that Thursday night?
A. I know7 Ed. Hicks was there and Frank Moore and
this old gentleman, Sweat Coleman. Knox and Hall I didn’t
see them there.
Q. You didn’t see those two there that night?
A. No sir.
Q. Did these fellow's have guns there that night?
A. Yes sir.
23 Q. Were you up at Hoop Spur on Tuesday night?
A. No sir.
Q. Now' where did you go Wednesday morning, October
1st?
A. There w'as two fellows, Tom Sane and Dave Bishop
come to my house, I guess as near as I could come to it, about
4 o ’clock in the morning.
Q. Where did you go?
A. I w'ent on out to Frank Moore’s.
Q. You went on out to Frank Moore’s?
A. Yes sir, Frank Moore’s.
Q. Did you know7 where Frank lived?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Now w'ho lived there with Frank Moore?
A. Sw'eat, he lived right across the road from his house,
and the next house was Frank Hall.
Q. Now7 Frank Hall, is that Paul Hall’s brother?
A. Yes sir, Frank Hall’s house was closer to the other
two houses than Paul’s house was.
Q. What time did you get there in the morning?
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF .ARKANSAS. 3 9
A. I don’t know the exact time, but it was before day
light.
Q. Did you see anybody thei’ef
A. Yes sir.
Q. How many were there?
A. I guess there was 45 or 50 they was scattered around
there in the dark.
Q. What were they doing there?
A. Sitting down talking.
Q. What did they have?
A. Guns.
Q. What kind of guns?
A. Shot guns, Winchesters and this other gun
24 45-70’s and some had pistols.
Q. Now did you see these five fellows there?
A. I seen Moore; this other gentleman, Sweat Coleman,
and Paul, but this here Knox and Hicks I didn’t see them
there before daylight.
Q. Now Frank Moore, Sweat Coleman and Paul Hall
was there before daylight?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What were they doing?
A. They were all sitting down there talking.
Q. What was Frank Moore doing?
A. Frank Moore, he was there, he was in the house, pass
ing first out doors and inside and talking.
Q. What was he saying?
A. O, I heard him come out of the house, he spoke this
word, about they had been into it at Hoop Spur and they had
killed a man.
Q. What else did he say?
A. He said he taken a 45 automatic and a pair of hand
cuffs.
Q. What did he say about you boys gathering in there?
A. He didn’t say nothing then, until after daylight.
Q. Now after daylight did you see Hicks and Knox?
A. Yes sir, I seen them later up in the day.
Q. Then you saw all five of them there did you?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What were they doing there?
A. They were all there, some was over to his house and
some was over to Sweat’s house and some was over to Paul’s
house and some was around there in the bushes.
Q- Now what did you hear Frank Moore saying
there during that morning?
A. I heard him say later up in the day, I guess it was
4 0 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
about 12 or 1 o ’clock; that was on the bridge in the road, he
hollored for all of us to come on up there; he says don’t you
hear that shooting, he says come on and let’s go up there
and help them people out, and everybody come on up there,
and he paired us all up.
Q. What do you mean by pairing you up?
A. Two and two.
Q. Who did that?
A. Frank Moore.
Q. Who was helping Frank Moore?
A. It was Frank Moore, Hicks and Knox.
Q. These three men over here?
A. Yes sir.
Q. They were lining you all up, two and two?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What were they telling you to do?
A. Told us all—Moore he got in front and says come
on and let’s go and help them people out at the shooting.
Q. What did these fellows tell you?
A. Just go up there and help them out; and he started
on out through the field, through the woods towards Hoop
Spur.
Q. Now who was in front you say?
A. Moore.
Q. Frank Moore?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where was Hicks and Knox?
A. Hicks was along in the middle.
26 Q. What was he doing?
A. He was walking along with the gang.
Q. And what was Know doing?
A. He was at the rear end.
Q. What was his business back there?
A. He was back there—he says if arry one breaks ranks
he was going to shoot him down.
Q. Now that was Joe Knox?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Now where was Paul Hall at that time?
A. Paul Hall was in the gang Jut I don’t know where he
was.
Q. Was there any of the boys gathered in there at Paul
Hall’s house?
A. Yes sir, some come in there, but they didn’t go to his
house until after day light.
Q. What was Sweat Coleman doing?
A. He was there in the gang too. He wasn’t doing no
PRANK MOORE EX AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 41
more than the rest of them, around there with his gun.
Q. What kind of a gun did he have?
A. A 45-70.
Q. What was he doing with it?
A. Well, I ain’t heard him say nothing.
Q. You never heard Sweat say anything?
A. No sir—I was not close to him.
Q. Which one of the men were you close to?
A. When, we was marching on up I was near to the rear
end, I was not far from Ed. Hicks.
Q. Frank Moore, and Ed. Hicks and Knox, they had yon
in charge there?
A. Yes sir.
27 Q. And Coleman and Paul Hall was along?
A. Yes sir, they was along with us.
Q. Now, did all these parties have guns?
A. All of them had guns.
Q. Now where did you go from there?
A. We went on and marched out through the woods, on
up to the open field.
Q. Who had you in charge all that time?
A. The same fellows. And we come out through the
field, we come out I guess about a quarter of a mile from the
house, and we seed this crowd of men and this fellow Moore
he stopped and we stopped and he says; Hicks says let’s go
across this way and cut them off.
Q. Cut who off?
A. These white gentlemen at this house.
Q. What crowd of men was that?
A. I don’t know.
Q. What kind of fellows were they?
A. White fellows.
Q. Then you started across, north------
A. About a quarter of a mile from the house where they
was, we turned and went across the railroad.
Q. Who decided to turn back here to the railroad?
A. After we got to the field?
Q. Yes.
A. Ed. Hicks and Frank Moore.
Q. Why were you doing that?
A. They was coming out there to go across there
28 and cut the white men off.
Q. Did you turn and go across there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did you do then?
4 2 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF * ARKANSAS.
A. We all went across there—some went across the rail
road and some stopped on the other side.
Q. As you were crossing the railroad there, where does
the public road run there?
A. The railroad and the public road, right side by side.
Q. Parallel, side by side?
A. Yes sir.
Q. On which side of the railroad did you come up from?
A. We come up from over on the West side.
Q. You were coming from the West going East?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Which side of the railroad is the public road on?
A. It is on the East side of it.
Q. Do you know where the McCoy house is there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you cross the railroad there?
A. Where, we struck it, yes sir.
Q. How far from the McCoy house was it to where you
struck the railroad there?
A. It is about a quarter of a mile.
Q. Which way is the McCoy house from the railroad? I
mean from where you boys crossed the railroad?
A. It was north-west.
Q. As you crossed the railroad there did anything hap
pen?
A. Yes sir, that is where this fellow made the two
29 shots.
Q. Which fellow?
A. Frank Hicks.
Q. Was he in the bunch there?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Frank Hicks made the shots?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you see Frank Hicks when he made the shots?
A. Yes sir, 1 did.
Q. Where was he?
A. He was in the public road.
Q. How did he shoot?
A. Well, he just squatted that away and took aim and
made two shots.
Q. What kind of a gun did he have?
A. He had one of them 45-70’s too.
Q. Did he say anything?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did he say?
4 3FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF, ARKANSAS.
We object, Frank Hicks is not on trial.
Court: I understand, but he was present with the de
fendants.
Mr. Moore: It is not shown he could have heard what
was going on.
Q. Where was Moore then?
A. Moore, he was out there in the road too, he wasn’t so
far from Hicks.
Q. What was he saying?
A. I ain’t heard him say nothing.
Q. But he was right there?
30 A. Yes sir.
Q. That was the man that lead you up there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where was Ed. Hicks?
A. He was across the road, he was over in the field.
Q. How far was he from you?
A. From the fellow that shot— I guess may be he was 25
or 30 yards.
Q. Where was Sweat Coleman?
A. I don’t know where he was, but he was in the gang
there somewhere.
Q. You know how close he was to Frank Hicks?
A. Sweat Coleman?
Q. Yes.
A. No sir.
Q. Where was Joe Knox?
A. Joe Knox, I seen him he was on the side of the rail
road.
Q. How close to Hicks?
A. He was about 15 or 20 yards from Hicks.
Q. Do you know where Paul Hall was?
A. No sir, I don’t know where he was.
Q. Now at that time what did you say Frank Hicks said ?
A. At the time he shot?
O sir.
A. He made the first shot, he taken his gun down and
re-loaded it, and somebody was in the gang and told him
don’t shoot, but I could not testify who it was, he says yes,
I am going to shoot, and he threw up and made the second
shot, and and when he made the second shot he said,
31 I would have got that guy if it hadn’t been for
the horse; there was a horse between him and this
S’entlemen where he shot.
Q. After that where did you go?
44 FRANK MOORE EX AX. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
A. After that we went on across, part of the gang, you
see it was split all up after these two shots was made; after
that all of us went down the West side of the track, and the
other gang went on the other bank; we split up there after he
made the shots, some went on the West side of the railroad
and some went on the East side.
Cross-examination:
Q. Now you say you were all called together, and when
you heard these shots, you went up the road to help the folks
out?
A. Yes sir.
Q. How far was it up there to that place?
A. Oh, I don’t know, I guess it was something like a
mile.
Q. That was where you gathered together to help out
somebody wasn’t it?
A. That was where we was gathered at, that was before
we left to go.
Q. How far was it from where this shooting was done by
Hicks up to where the shooting you had heard, how far was it
from there?
A. From Moore’s house?
Q. Yes.
A. I guess nigh a mile, or a mile or two.
Q. Where did you go after the shooting?
A. After the shooting, went over on Yellow Banks, on
the West side of the road.
32 Q. When were you arrested, captured?
A. I was out there on Mr. Alderman’s place.
Q. They went down there and got you?
A. Hes sir, the agent sent for us to come up here; eight
or nine of us to come to his house.
Q. Who was the agent?
A. Mr. Curry.
Q. You have been indicted for murder too, here, haven’t
you?
A. I got one of them bills like all the rest of us got.
Q. What else did you get?
A TVmt’<? nil
Q. You got that bill all right?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What does it say?
A. The bill says murder in the first degree.
Q. Who have you talked to about this case?
A. I don’t know how you mean?
FBANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ABKANSAS. 45
Q. Did you tell somebody this story before you went on
the witness stand?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Who did you tell it to?
A. I talked it around here, they questioned me down
there, I don’t know who it was, it was some of the gentlemen
1 talked to one or two before I talked to these other.
Q. Who was it said don’t shoot down there when Hicks
was shooting at that man?
A. I don’t know somebody in the crowd, sa?/d don’t
shoot, but I couldn’t testify who it was.
Q. Were you before the Grand Jury?
A. No sir, I ain’t never been before the grand jury.
33 Q. You say you were not before the Grand Jury and
gave your testimony?
A. I give my testimony, I don’t know if it was for the
Grand Jury or not. I give my testimony down here.
Q. How many men were there in the room when you
were in there?
A. I don’t know sir, looked like to me it was 6 or 7.
Q. What did you go into that thing for; who did you ex
pect to kill when you went into that lodge?
A. I didn’t expect to kill no one.
Q. You didn’t join it for the purpose of killing anybody
then?
A. No sir.
Q. When did you make up your mind to kill somebody?
A. I ain’t never made up my mind to kill anybody.
Q. When did these fellows make up their minds to kill
somebody ?
A. I don’t know when they made up their minds to kill
somebody.
Q. Whose gun did Ed. Hicks use in shooting at Mr. Lee?
A. I seen him with it when I first seen him, I ain’t seen
him get it from nobody else.
Q. You didn’t see him get it from anyone else?
A. No sir, he had it when I seed him.
Q. Did Sweat Coleman have a gun at that time?
A. Yes sir, he had a 45-72.
Q. He didn’t give that to Hicks to do the shooting with?
A. No sir, I ain’t seen him give it to him, Hicks had one.
Q. How long have you lived down there in that country?
A. Down there at Elaine?
A. Yes?
A. I have been down at Elaine, soon be 5 years.
34 Q. Where did you come from when you went there?
A. I left from Helms, Miss.
46 FRAN K MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
Q. What County is that in?
A. Washington County.
Q. What did you do over there that you had to come
over here?
A. I didn’t do anything. I left there in 1914; the panic
was on and I was hunting for somewhere to make a living.
Q. You think it was profitable to come over here and
organize a lodge for killing people?
A. No sir, I didn’t come for that.
Q. When did you find out that somebody was to be killed
after you joined that lodge?
A. I didn’t find out that nobody was to be killed, but I
heard this Hill mention it in the lodge that it was going to be
trouble, but just for to say kill somebody I never heard
nothing about it?
Q. Where is Hill?
A. I don’t know, that is the first time I ever seen him
and the last time.
Q. Have you been looking for him since?
A. No sir.
Q. Now Hill was the man that said there was going to
be trouble was he?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did anybody else say there was going to be trouble?
A. I haven’t heard anybody else.
Q. None of these fellows said that did they?
A. No sir.
Q. Did you hear any talk about killing anybody that
morning when you met there before daylight?
A. No sir, 1 didn’t hear no one say they were going to
kill somebody elce.
Witness excused.
35 W alter W ard, having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as follows:
Q. What is your name?
A. Walter Ward.
Q. Where did you live prior to October 1st?
A. At Dr. Cruise’s.
Q. Near Elaine?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you know Paul Hall?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You know Prank Moore?
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 4 7
A. Yes sir.
Q. Ed. Hicks?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Do you know Sweat Coleman?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Do you know J. E. Knox?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You belong to the Union?
A. Yes sir.
Q. The Farmer’s Progressive Household Union of
America ?
A. Yes sir, I belong to the Union.
Q. What union did you belong to?
A. The same one they belonged to.
Q. The same one who belonged to?
A. Hicks and them.
Q. You mean these fellows over here?
A. Yes sir.
Q. They belonged to your Union?
A. No sir, I belonged to dey union.
Q. 1 thought you said their union?
36 A. That is who 1 jined under.
Q. Who had charge of the union that you joined?
A. Hills and Ed. Hicks, is all I know.
Q. You saw these other fellows in the Union there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did they take anything with them when they went
to the Union?
A. No sir, I didn’t—they taken guns is all I saw.
Q. You know why they taken them?
A. They said they was looking for trouble.
Q. Who said that now?
A. That is what the head leaders said.
Q. Who were the head leaders?
A. Ed. Hicks is one of them and Hill was one.
Q. This man here?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What about Frank Moore?
A. Frank Moore was one of them too.
Q. One of the leaders?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What about Knox?
A. They tell me he is Vice President.
Q. You need not tell anything unless you know it, don’t
tell anything anybody said or told you.
4 8 FBANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
Judge Moore: We object to the leading questions he has
been asking.
Objection sustained.
Q. Where were you on Wednesday morning?
A. I was at home until about half past four.
Q. Where did you go then?
A. Paul Hall woke me and told me to go to Ed. Hicks’
house.
37 Q. This man over here?
A. Yes sir.
Q. He came to your house?
A. Yes sir, him and two more men, I didn’t know the
other two.
Q. Wednesday morning?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did he tell you to do?
A. He told me to get up and I told him I was sick, and
he told me to get up and come to the door and I did so, and
he told me that Frank Moore sent him after me, and for me
to go and wake up the President; and I told him I was sick
he says well you got to go, you will have to crawl, he says
get your gun, I says it is over to old man Keys, and he says
come if you ain’t got no gun.
Q. What did he say he wanted you to do ?
A. I didn’t know what he wanted me to do until I got
over there.
Q. Paul Hall sent you to Ed. Hicks, the President?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And told you to go back where?
A. Told me to come on back over to Frank Moore’s
house, at the bridge at Frank Moore’s house.
Q. Did you go?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you take your gun?
A. I didn’t have narry one until I got there.
Q. Who did you get one from?
A. Frank Moore.
Q. How come you to get one from him?
A. He gave me a 32 Smith & Wesson.
Q. Who did, Frank Moore?
A. Yes sir.
38 Q. Did he tell you what he wanted you to do with
the gun?
A. He didn’t tell me until the shooting at Hoop Spur
then he hollered come on, and all of us was over at Frank
Hall’s house and he hollered come on.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 49
Q. Who hollowed that?
A. Frank Moore. He lines us up two deep, and he got
in the lead and had Hicks near the middle and Sweat was
behind.
Q. Where was Knox?
A. Knox was in the line somewhere but I couldn’t tell
you where.
Q. Where was Paul Hall?
A. He was in line but I couldn’t tell you where.
Q. During the morning there, how long did you boys
stay there?
A. We stayed there until 11 or 12 o ’clock.
Q. Now during the morning did you have any conversa
tion with Paul Hall, or hear Paul making any talks there?
A. No sir.
Q. Did you hear Frank Moore say anything?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What was Frank saying?
A. He was telling Ed. Hicks that they had been to Hoop
Spur and they had killed a White man at Hoop Spur and a
colored one, and they took a 45 automatic off of them.
Q. What else did he say?
A. He said he wanted us to go up there.
Q. For what purpose?
A. He didn’t say for what purpose, but he says let’s go,
he says if a man breaks ranks he was going to turn loose on
him; and if they find a man picking cotton in the
39 field, that is where they were going to kill him at,
right there.
Q. Did you see Sweat Coleman there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you hear him talking that morning?
A. Yes sir. That was at Frank Moore’s house, he had
a 45-70 Sweat did.
Q. What was Sweat doing?
A. Nothing but moving this 45-70 around.
Q. What was he saying?
A. All he was saying, I got a 45-70 Sweat
Q. What did he say he was going to do with it?
A. He didn’t near say; if he did I didn’t near hear him.
Q. He called it a 45-70 Sweat?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Now where did you Negroes go from there?
A. We went on across that field there. I don’t know
whose field it is, Mr. Archdale’s I reckon, and went up to
where that gang of TYhite folks was at the house and we split
5 0 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
there; I went on across the field, some of us went across the
railroad, and some stayed on this side, and Frank Moore and
Frank Hicks set down in the road.
Q. Where was Paul Hall at that time?
A. Paul Hall was over in the field on the other side of
the railroad.
Q. Where was Coleman?
A. Old man Coleman was over on the other side of the
road—I don’t know which side.
Q. Where was Knox?
A. Up on the railroad.
40 Q. What happened there?
A. Frank Hicks made two shots.
Q. How close were you to him?
A. I was over inside of the field, about 10 yards from
him.
Q. Who was the closest man to Frank Hicks?
A. Frank Moore was sitting down close to him as from
here to that gentleman.
Q. Where did he shoot?
A. He shot up the road, up there, at Dr. Richardson’s
house down in the field, right up the road.
Q. Right up the road at the McCoy house?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did he shoot north or south?
A. Shot north.
Cross-examination:
Q. You say you didn’t have any gun?
A. No sir, I didn’t have any gun.
Q. Now when you got out of bed and started to go to
that house—whose house did you say you were told to go to?
A. Ed. Hick’s house.
Q. You were told to go and wake him up?
A. Yes sir. Wake up all on that road.
Q. Did you go?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Who went with you?
A. Nobody didn’t go with me, but some come behind me.
Q. Why didn’t you stay out of that thing if there wasn’t
anybody there to make you go?
41 A. I was scared. I was scared to go to the White
folks.
Q. If you were scared that was a mighty good time to
make your get-away, if there wasn’t anybody with you?
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 5 1
A. I couldn’t get away from the gang when the gang
come right back by my house.
Q. But you went up to his house alone?
A. All the gang was behind me.
Q. All the gang? Have you been indicted with this
bunch ?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did they indict you for?
A. For some kind of murder, I don’t know.
Q. Who are you accused of killing?
A. Clinton Lee.
Q. Did you shoot at Clinton Lee?
A. No sir.
Q. Did you tell anybody else to shoot at him?
A. No sir.
Q. Did you have any agreement with anybody that he
or anybody else should be killed?
A. No sir.
Q. Did anyone in this affair have any agreement there
with anybody else that any one would be or should be killed?
A. That was Hill’s speech that night.
Q. But there was no trouble on hand then?
A. No sir, wasn’t no trouble on hand then.
Q. Who after that night ever intimated that anybody
was to be killed? Any one ever intimate after that night that
Hill had the lodge meeting, two weeks before, that anybody
was to be killed?
A. I hadn’t been in there two weeks.
42 Q. Did you ever, after you joined, did ever any of
the members, either these defendants or anybody else,
tell you that anybody was to be killed?
A. No sir.
Q. Then the only fellow whom you ever heard discuss
that was this fellow Hill who is gone?
A. That’s the only man I ever heard.
Q. Did anybody tell Frank Hicks to shoot that gun?
A. No sir, George Green told him to don’t shoot; he was
on the railroad.
Q. What did you do after the shooting ?
A. I run. Started to run and they said God damn you
stop, where in the hell you niggers going.
Q. Did you stop?
A. Yes sir, we stopped.
Q. Then what did you do?
A. Some of us laid down in the woods and some of us
got behind stumps and laid there until Frank Moore says let’s
5 2 FRANK MOORE ET AX.. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
go, and we went on back down in the corn field, and when the
train passed up Frank and them went on to Henry Thomas’
house.
Q. Where did you go from there?
A. Went across Yellow Banks.
Q. How long did you stay down there?
A. Stayed down there until dark.
Q. Then where did you go?
A. I went on across Mr. Craig’s and Mr. Crow’s field
and went back on the place, and Mr. Lingard got------
Q. Who was with you?
43 A. Knox was over there.
Q. Were you and Knox hunting for trouble then?
A. No sir, we was getting out of trouble.
Q. Did you say you staid there until Friday—what be
came of you then?
A. I come on up to Elaine and give up to Mr. Cazort
and they told us niggers to come out of the bushes and stop
cutting the fool.
Q. What had you been doing?
A. I hadn’t been doing nothing but I was scared to go
where the white folks was at.
Q. And here you are up here under indictment and you
haven’t done a thing.
A. No sir.
Q. What have these other fellows done to anybody?
A. I don’t know as they made a shot.
Q. So far as you know they haven’t done anything to
anybody ?
A. No sir.
Q. You woke up the President?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Was he sick too?
A. No sir, he didn’t say he was.
Q. What did you tell him to do after you woke him up?
A. I told him Frank Moore sent for us to meet over at
Frank Moore’s house.
Q. Did you meet over there?
A. Yes sir.
Redirect examination:
Q. Who was it told you to stop?
44 A. I don’t know, it was some of them hollored to
us to stop.
Q. You stopped?
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 5 3
A. Yes sir, he says God damn you stop.
Q. Then they were ready to shoot somebody else other
than white folks—you thought they were going to shoot you?
A. I know they would if I had kept going.
(Witness excused.)
45 Dave A rcher, having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as fol
lows:
Q. Your name is Dave Archer?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you belong to the Union?
A. No sir.
Q. Do you know Paul Hall?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Frank Moore?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Ed. Hicks?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Sweat Coleman?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And J. E. Knox?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You remember the trouble that came up down in
that country?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Where were you Wednesday morning?
A. When the first trouble happened?
Q. The Wednesday morning after the Tuesday night?
A. I was in the alfalfa patch right there behind my
house.
Q. Did you go any place that morning?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What time?
A. About 10 o ’clock.
46 Q. Where did you go?
A. Ed. Hicks sent out some men after the fellows
that didn’t belong to the Union to capture them and put
them------
Q. Did they capture you?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You mean these negroes?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did they do with you?
5 4 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
A. They carried me over and put me in Ed. Hicks’
squad.
Q- Where was Ed. Hicks’ squad?
A. Over at Paul Hall’s house.
Q. How long did you stay there?
A. Just about an hour before I got away.
Q- How did you get away?
A. Hicks was pointing the way for us men to go to
watch for the white people------
Q- What were they going to do?
A. He said they was going to kill the white people when
they come down there.
Q. Who said that?
A. That is what Hicks told the men.
Q. Told you negroes to do that?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did you do then?
A. I went down in the slough with them, and when we
got down in the slough why I laid my weapon down and I
says I will be back directly, 1 says you watch until I come
back, and I went on down in the slough and got in the field,
the way they carried me; and I went on down to Elaine, and
before I got to Elaine good the white people was coming up
there and so Mr. Stokes------
47 Q. You live on Mr. Stokes’ place!
A. Yes sir.
Q. You got away and went where?
A. To Elaine.
Q. To whose house?
A. 1 went on down to Elaine and told them about they
Pad me and T got away; I got Mr. Stavton to bring me back
to his house.
Q. You have been indicted and charged with any—you
have been arrested have you?
A. No sir.
Q. Now you say Ed. Hicks took charge of you when vou
got there—did you see Frank Moore there?
A. Frank was at his house, they first carried me to
Frank’s house.
Q. Did you hear Frank Make a speech?
A. Yes sir.
Q. What did he say?
A. He said he was going to do the same thing he was
telling his men.
Q. To do what?
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 5 5
A. Ho was going to kill all the white people that come
down there that evening.
Q. Did you see Joe Knox?
A. Preacher Knox, no sir.
Q. Sweat Coleman, did you see him?
A. He was at his house, they carried me right through
his yard.
Q. Did you hear him say anything?
A. No sir, they didn’t let me stop there.
48 Q. Did you see him with a gun?
A. He was setting on the gallery, he hollored, he
says hello, they have got you.
Q. Did you see Paul there?
A. Paul was at his house.
Q. And then they carried you over to Paul’s house?
A. They carried me over to Frank’s and they cele
brated me over to Paul’s house.
Q. They escorted you from one house to the other?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Had the boys left there before you did?
A. No sir, I left when that fellow Hicks over there told
them all to get in the slough.
Q. Did you see Paul Hall with anything that morning?
A. He had a Winchester.
Q. Did he say anything?
A. No sir, he was watching for the white folks, he said.
Q. He said he was watching for them?
A. Yes sir.
Q. You say Ed. Hicks and Frank Moore did most of
the talking to you there, in your presence?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you hear Sweat say anything?
A. No sir, they didn’t let me say anything to Sweat.
Q. Did you hear Knox say anything?
A. No sir, I didn’t hear nothing of him.
Cross examination.
Q. What you say your name is?
49 A. Dave Archer.
Q. Where are you from?
A. Elaine.
Q. How long have you lived at Elaine?
A. Well, I have been with Mr. Stokes three years.
Q. Where did you come from when you went there?
A. I came from Modoc.
Q. How long—you live at Modoc?
A. I lived there about thirteen or fourteen years.
Q. Who do you live with!
A. I used to stay with Mr. Jim Harden.
Q. How long since Jim Harden lived at Modoc?
A. I don’t know exactly, when I come from Mississippi
over here to Modoc he was there, and I don t know how long
that has been.
Q. Don’t you know that Mr. Jim Harden hasn’t lived at
Modoc for 15 years?
A. Well, I lived on his place.
Q. Who is your father-in-law?
A. Alex Brown.
Q. When did you tell Mr. Stokes about what was go
ing on over there?
A. Well, I told them just as soon as I got away from
them.
Q. That same day?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you tell him who it was?
A. Yes sir, I told him who carried me over there, the
3 men, one was named Smith, but the other two boys, Dr.
Cruise told me they was name- Foster, but they was
strangers to me. The army man carried me.
50 Q. What did you have?
A. They made me get my gun too.
Q. What kind of a gun?
A. Shot gun.
Q. Double barrel shot gun?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you have it loaded?
A. No sir, I had my loads in my pocket.
Q. You have told about what other people said over
there, what did you say?
A. I didn’t say anything.
Q. Did you tell them that they ought not to do that?
A. I was scared.
Q. Did you say anything or not?
A. I didn’t say anything, I was scared, I was studying
how to get away.
Q. Were you very badly frightened?
A. Lord, yes sir.
Q. But you remember what these other fellows said?
A. Yes sir, T took good notice of what the boss mens
says.
Q. Who were the boss men?
56 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 5 7
A. Mr. Hicks there and Mr. Moore.
Q. What did Knox say?
A. I didn’t hear him say anything.
Q. What did he do?
A. I don’t know what he did do.
Q. What kind of a gun did Knox have?
A. I never did see his gun.
Q. Have you told all you know about this case?
A. That’s all I know, no more than what they done to
me, as I told you.
(Witness excused.)
51 J. Graham Burke, having first been duly sworn, was
called as a witness by the State and testified as fol
lows:
Q. Your name is J. Graham Burke?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Judge, you know Sweat Coleman and J. E. Knox?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Ed. Hicks?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And Paul Hall?
A. No sir, I don’t know him.
Q. Now did you have a conversation with these three
men?
A. Yes sir.
Judge Moore: Who had the conversation with them?
A. Well, Mr. Mosby and myself together, I don’t recall
now which one.
Q. Where was that conversation?
A. In the County Judge’s office down stairs.
Q. Was that a conversation or an investigation you
were making?
A. It was an investigation that we were making at that
time.
Q. You were acting as municipal court judge were you?
A. No, not in that sense.
Q. You were not undertaking to commit these people
to jail?
A. No sir, more tcf find out who were in the various
gangs.
Q. How did they happen to be there in your presence,
who brought them?
5 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
A. We sent for them they were in jail, they were in
custody.
52 Q. You sent for them and brought them out there?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Were they charged with any criminal offense!
A. Well, yes sir, warrants had been issued for them.
But at that time there was no way of having them tried,
Judge Moore------
Q. Did you advise these men, you or Mr. Mosby, that
what they said there would likely be used against them?
A. I don’t know that we did, no sir, we just merely
asked them questions and they either denied them or ad
mitted them.
Q. They were not put on notice that you were making
an investigation to ascertain whether they were criminally
responsible?
A. No sir. The questions were merely asked, and they
either had the right to answer or deny them.
Q. You knew they were under arrest?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And you had them brought in by an officer?
A. Yes sir.
Q. And an officer was present?
A. Yes sir. T don’t know that the particular officer
that brought them in was present------
Q. I am not asking you about the particular officer.
(End of Judge Moore’s examination.)
Q. Was there any coercion used in talking to these
negroes?
A. No sir.
Q. Any promises of reward made to them?
A. If anybody made them any promises I don’t know it,
I didn’t.
53 Q. Were their statements or not made voluntarily
to you?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Or there in your presence?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Did you indulge in any tactics that cause them to
make any statements through fear?
A. No sir.
Q. At that time or at any other time?
A. No sir.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 59
Recross-examination:
Q. Were they handcuffed?
A. No sir.
Q. Did anybody else use any coercion?
A. No sir.
Q. Was there any coercion, to your knowledge, used at
any time before they were brought before you?
A. Not that I know of Judge Moore. There wasn’t
any used in my presence.
Redirect examination:
Q. Judge Burke, you say you heard Sweat Coleman
make statements concerning his connection with it?
A. Yes sir.
Q. Just tell the jury what he said about it?
A. As well as I remember Mr. Moselv or myself one
asked him if he was a member of the Union and he
54 admitted that he was, and we asked him when he re
ceived knowledge of the fact that there had been a
man killed at Hoop Spur, and admitted that he found it out
the next morning, and that he was either at Frank Moore’s
or Paul Hall’s house, and that they ganged up there and after
the shooting up at Hoop Spur they went up there with the
gang.
Q. Did he say anything about having a gun?
We object, let the witness state.
A. Well, I don’t remember, recall what kind of a gun he
said he had, I remember he made the statement that he had
a gun, but I don’t remember what kind.
Q. Did he say anything about where he went?
A. 0-, yes, he told us where he went, that after he left
there------
We object to that as leading.
Court: Yes, this is an intelligent witness.
A. If you wish for me to go into dentils I will do so. He
made the statement that whoever it was, I have forgotten
now who he said notified him, but any way he went up to
Frank Moore’s house or Paul Hall’s house and they set
around there, and different ones of them ganged around there
until 11 or 12 o ’clock, when the shooting happened at Hoop
60 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
Spur—the gang organized and went towards Dr. Richard
son’s place, and that when they got up to the railroad track
there, Sweat told about these two shots being fired. I don’t
recall now whether he told who it was that made the shots,
but there was two shots made there he said, and they split
up there and went on each side of the railroad, on which side
of the track Sweat was I don’t remember what he said about
that, whether he said he went towards Yellow Banks or on
the other side of the railroad.
55 Q. He told you about the two shots?
A. Yes sir, he was up there and said these two shots
were made.
Q. What about Knox?
A. Well, Knox’s statement was practically the same as
Sweat’s so far as that point is concerned; that he went up
there with the gang, that he got with them and went up to
wards Dr. Richardson’s; as to where he said he was when
these shots were made, I don’t recall.
Q. Did he say he went up there with the gang?
A. Yes, he admitted that he went up there with the
gang.
Q. Now what about Ed. Hicks?
A. Well, Ed. Hicks’ statement was about the same, that
he was in the gang that went towards Mr. McCoy’s house;
and after he got up there these shots were fired; that he took
a gang of negroes and went on one side of the railroad—
seems that the crowd split! there, according to his statement
part followed Frank Moore and some went with him and went
back toward Yellow Banks, but he admitted being in the gang
that went up there.
State rests. ,,
Defendants rests. (Defendants offered no testimony.)
56 Instructions.
Oral.
Thereupon, the Court orally instructed the jury as fol
low:
“ Gentlemen of the jury, the defendants, Frank Moore,
Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall have been
indicted by the grand jury of your county charged with the
crime of murder in the first degree, committed as follows, to-
wit: The said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 61
Coleman and Paul Hall, in the County and State aforesaid, on
the 1st day of October, A. D. 1919, unlawfully, wilfully, fel
oniously and with malice aforethought and after deliberation
and premeditation did kill and murder one Clinton Lee, with
a certain gun which they, the said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks,
J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, then and there had
and held in their hands, the said gun being then and there
loaded with gun powder and leaden balls.
Under this indictment, gentlemen, it is sufficient, if the
proof justifies it, to convict the defendants of murder in the
first degree, or to convict them of murder in the second de
gree or to acquit them.
Murder is the unlawful killing of a human being in the
peace of the State with malice aforethought either express or
implied; the manner of the killing is not material, further
than it may show the disposition of mind or the intent with
which the act was committed. Express malice is that deliber
ate intention of mind to unlawfully take away the life of a
human being, which is manifested by external circumstances
capable of proof. Malice shall be implied when no con-
57 sideiable provocation appears, or when all the circum
stances of the act manifests am abandoned or wicked
disposition. The killing being proven, the burden of prov-
ing circumstances of mitigation that justifies or excuse- the
homicide shall devolve upon the accused, unless by the proof
upon the part of the prosecution it is sufficiently manifest
that the offense amounted only to manslaughter, or that the
accused was justified or excused in committing the homicide.
All murder which shall be perpetrated bv means of poiswo or
by lying m Avait, or by any other kind of ivilful, deliberate,
malicious or premeditated killing shall be deemed murder in
the first degree; all other murder shall be deemed murder in
the second degree. You will observe that in order to consti-
tute murder m the second degree it is neccessary to show that
the killing was unlaAvful and done with malice aforethought •
it is immaterial for hoAv long the malice existed so that it ex
isted and preceded and caused the homicide. No deliberation
and premeditation is necessary in murder in the second de
gree; to raise it to murder in the first degree there must not
only be malice aforethought, but the specific intent to kill
and premeditation and deliberation, and premeditation means
thought ot before hand; deliberation means the having in
mmd the consequences of a course of conduct as distinguished
trom acting on a sudden impulse Avithout the exercise of the
reasoning powers. It is immaterial how long the premedita
tion and deliberation exists so that it existed and preceded
62 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
tb,e killing. In other words, gentlemen of the jury, the dis
tinction between murder in the first degree and murder in
the second degree there need not be specifi/ intent to
58 take human life at the time the fatal shot is fired.
Nor need there be any premeditation or deliberation;
that is the distinction between murder in the first and murder
in the second degree; in murder in the first degree it must be
done with malice aforethought and with premeditation and
deliberation and with the specific intent to take human life at
the time the fatal shot is fired.
The defendants in this case, gentlemen, are indicted for
murder, or rather are charged in the indictment with murder
in the first degree; they are indicted as principals, under this
section of the Statute: One who aids, assists, abets, advises or
encourages shall be deemed in law a principal, and be puni
shed accordingly. So, if you find from the evidence in this
case that the defendants, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall were present at the time
that Clinton Lee was killed, and that they, or either of them,
aided, assisted, abetted, advised or encouraged the commis
sion of the offense, and were present at the time the offense
was committed, then you will find them guilty as charged in
the indictment, and the punishment is the same as the princi
pal.
If you find, from the evidence in this case that the de
fendants are guilty as charged in the indictment or rather
that some of the defendants are guilty, it is youp duty to
find the ones guilty that the evidence shows is guilty beyond
a reasonable doubt and to exonerate or acquit the ones that
you have a reasonable doubt as to their guilt; in other words,
you may find all of the defendants guilty, or a part of them
guilty, one or any number of the defendants guilty; and you
can find them guilty of murder in the first degree or guilty
of murder in the second degree; and if you find from the evi
dence that the defendants are guilty but entertain a doubt
as to whether they are guilty of murder in the first
59 degree or guilty of murder in the second degree,
then it becomes your duty, under the law, to give the
defendants, or defendant, the benefit of that doubt, and find
them guilty of the lower or lesser degree; that is or murder
in the second degree; and if upon the whole case you should
entertain a reasonable doubt as to the defendants’* guilt, you
should give them the benefit of that doubt and find them not
guilty.
If you find from the evidence in this case that the defend
ants are guilty as charged in the indictment, the form of
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 6 3
your verdict will be: We, the jury find the defendant (giv
ing the names of the ones you find to be guilty) guilty as
charged in the indictment, of murder in the first degree, and
sign it by one of your number as foreman. In the event that
you return that kind of a verdict, the law fixes the punish
ment, which is death by electrocution; and the other form of
your verdict for murder in the first degree is: “ We, the
jury, find the defendants (naming them) guilty as charged in
the indictment, of murder in the first degree, and fix their
punishment at life imprisonment in the State Penitentiary.”
In other words, gentlemen, it is optional or in the discretion
of the jury as to whether the death penalty or life imprison
ment is inflicted, in the event you should find the defendants
guilty of murder in the first degree.
If you find the defendants guilty of murder in the second
degree, the form of your verdict will be: We, the jury find
the defendants, (naming them) guilty of murder in the sec
ond degree and fix their punishment” —confining them
60 to the Penitentiary for some period of years, not less
than five nor more than 21 years.
If upon the whole case you should entertain a reason
able doubt of the defendants’ guilt you should give them the
benefit of that doubt, and in that event the form of your ver
dict would simply be: We, the jury, find the defendants not
guilty. ’ ’
Gentlemen of the jury, you understand that under this in
dictment, where there are five defendants indicted charged
with murder in the first degree, you can find one of the de
fendants guilty of murder in the first degree, and one guilty
of murder in the second degree and find some of them not
guilty, or just as the evidence shows in the case. Under this
indictment they are indicted jointly, and where the evidence is
not sufficient to warrant the conviction of murder in the first
degree, you can find them guilty of murder in the second de
gree, that is one or more; or if the evidence is not sufficient
to warrant a conviction of murder in the second degree, of
one or more of them, and you have a reasonable doubt of
their guilt, as stated to you before, you should give them the
benefit of it and acquit them.
The State is required to prove all of the material allega
tions in this indictment as in all criminal cases and to prove
them to your minds beyond a reasonable doubt, and if the
jury should entertain a reasonable doubt as to any material
allegations in this indictment, they should give the defendant
or defendants the benefit of that doubt and acquit them. A
reasonable doubt, gentlemen of the jury, is not a mere pos-
sible or imaginary doubt, because everything relating
to human affairs and depending upon moral evidence
61 is open to some possible or imaginary doubt, but it is
such a doubt as would cause a prudent man to pause or
hesitate in the graver transactions of life, and a juror is sat
isfied beyond a reasonable doubt if from a fair and candid
consideration of all the evidence he had an abiding convic
tion of the truth of the charge. ;
The defendants in this case, as in all others of a crimi
nal nature, where a person is charged with a criminal offense,
is presumed to be innocent, and that' presumption attends
and protects him until such time as it is overcome by legal
and competent evidence upon the part of the State. The fact
that an indictment has been returned against these defend
ants should not be considered by you in determining their
guilt or innocence; they are presumed to be innocent of the
crime of which they are charged until each and every mater
ial allegation in the indictment is establishment to the minds
of each and every member of the jury beyond a reasonable
doubt. ’ ’
To which oral instruction, given to the jury by the court,
defendant, at the time, duly excepted and caused his excep
tions to be noted of record.
These were all the instructions in the case.
62 Thereupon, the jury retired to consider of its ver
dict and presently returned into open court the follow
ing verdict.
Verdict.
We, the jury, find the defendants, Frank Moore, Ed.
Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, Paul Hall guilty of murder
in the first degree as charged in the indictment.
JNO. P. MILES,
Foreman.
To which verdict of the jury counsel for defendants, at
the time, duly excepted and caused their exceptions to be
noted of record.
Thereupon, counsel for defendants, in due time, presented
to the court a motion for a new trial, which said motion is in
the following words and figures, to-wit:
64 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
63 Order.
Now on this the 20th day of December, 1919, the above
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 6 5
and foregoing motion for a new trial coming on to be heard
before the Court and being presented to the Court, after argu
ment of counsel, and the Court being fully advised in the
premises, and after due consideration of the same, the court
doth overrule and deny said motion for a new trial; to which
ruling and action of the Court in overruling and denying said
motion for a new trial, the defendant, at the time, duly
excepted and caused their exceptions to be noted of record.
Thereupon, the defendants prayed an appeal from the
judgment and order of the Phillips Circuit Court to the Su
preme Court of Arkansas, which said prayed for an appeal
was by the Court granted, and time being asked, 60 days was
by the Court granted from and after November__1919 to the
defendants within which to prepare, tender and file their bill
of exceptions herein.
64 Certificate.
Now on this day comes the defendants, by their attor
neys, Murphy and McHaney and Scipio Jones, and presents
to the Court this their bill of exceptions herein, and the same
upon examination by the court, being found to contain all
the evidence introduced, heard or submitted; all exhibits in
troduced in testimony and offered in testimony and refused;
all objections and exceptions to testimony, all instructions
asked, given, modified and given and refused; the motion for
a new trial and the Court’s order overruling the same; and
to contain all proceedings had and done in said cause, and to
be in all things correct, the same is by the court approved
and ordered filed as a part of the record in this cause.
Given under my hand this the 30th day of December 1919.
JIMASON M. JACKSON,
Judge of the First Judicial
Circuit of Arkansas.
65 Court met pursuant to adjournment Monday morn
ing at nine o ’clock a. m. November 3rd 1919.
There was present and Presiding the Hon. J. M. Jackson,
Judge of said Court, A. G. Burke, Clerk and F. F. Kitchens,
Sheriff, when after due proclamation by the Sheriff Court
was opened when the following proceedings were had to-wit:
6 6 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
State of Arkansas,
vs.
Prank Moore, E d. H icks, J. E . K nox, E d. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Murder in the 1st Degree.
Now on this day comes the State of Arkansas by its Pros
ecuting Attorney Jno. E. Miller, Esq., and the defendants in
person and by attorneys John I. Moore, and Greenfield
Quarles, Esquires, the defendants having been arraigned
plead not guilty, whereupon come Jno. P. Wiles, W. C. Gard
ner, J. L. Shenep, F. Murry, Arthur Miller, Walter Sanders,
Harry Ball, A. Friberg, J. D. Clatworthy, John King, Tully
Horner and M. Neely, twelve good and lawful jurors who
having been duly sworn and examined were impaneled to try
the issues in this cause, when after having heard the evidence,
the instructions of the court and argument of counsel, retired
to consider of their verdict, when after a short deliberation,
returned into court with the following verdict.
“ We, the jury find the defendants Frank Moore, Ed.
Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, guilty of
murder in the first degree as charged in the indictment.”
(Signed.) JNO. P. MILES,
Foreman.
It is therefore considered, ordered and adjudged by the
court that the defendants Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall are guilty of murder in
the first degree.
Circuit Court Record “ U ” , page 79, November 3rd 1919.
66 Court met pursuant to adjournment Tuesday morn
ing at nine o ’clock a. m. Nov. 11, 1919. There was pres
ent and presiding the Hon. J. M. Jackson, Judge of
said Court, A. G. Burke, Clerk and F. F. Kitchens, Sheriff,
when after due proclamation by the Sheriff, Court was opened
when the following proceedings were had to-wit:
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 6 7
4495
State of A rkansas,
vs.
Frank Moore, E d. H icks, J. E . K nox, E d. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Murder in the 1st Degree.
Now on this day the defendants were brought into Court
and no legal cause being shown why sentence of the court
should not be pronounced against them; It is therefore con
sidered, ordered and adjudged by the Court that the defend
ants Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and
Paul Hall, be delivered to the keeper of the Penitentiary of
the State of Arkansas, who shall keep said defendants until
the 27th day of December, 1919, when between the hours of
sun rise and sun set, said defendants are to be electrocuted
until dead, dead, dead.
Circuit Court Record “ U ” , page 109; Nov. 11, 1919.
67 Motion for New Trial.
Defendants, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed.
Coleman and Paul Hall, jointly and severally move and pray
the court to set aside the verdict of the jury herein and grant
them and give to them a new trial herein for the following
reasons:
1.
They are all Negroes, of the African race, and were at the
time of the trial, and for a long time previous thereto had
been citizens of the United States and of the State of Arkan
sas, and residents of Phillips County; that the deceased, Clin
ton Lee, whom the defendants are charged by the indictments
with murdering, was killed on the 1st of October, 1919, by
some person unknown to the defendants in a deadly conflict
following a disturbance between the White and black races
of said County on the night previous, for which they were in
no way responsible; that the excitement of the white resi
dents and citizens of said County was intense, and their feel
ings against the blacks, including the defendants, bitter,
active and persistent; that in the course of it, some four or
6 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
five white men and a large number of negroes were killed,
from 50 to 60; that on or about said 1st day of October, 1919,
defendants were, along with many other negroes, two hun
dred or more, taken into custody by said whites, carried to
the County jail and there kept in close custody and confine
ment until they were indicted and put upon trial; that at the
time of the returning of the indicment and of said trial, said
excitement and bitterness of feeling among the Whites of
said County against the negroes, especially against defend
ants, was unabated, still at the height of intensity; that this
feeling among the whites was co-extensive with the County;
that during their confinement they were frequently
68 subjected to torture for the purpose of extracting
from them admissions of guilt, as others then also
in custody, to force them to testify against defendants; that
they were given no opportunity to consult with friends or to
seek assistance for defense or relief nor were they even in
formed of the charge against them until after their indict
ment; that while they were thus confined several hundred
white men of said County assembled at or near the Court
House and jail for the purpose of mobbing them, and were
only prevented from doing so as defendants are informed and
believe, by the presence of the U. S. soldiers; that the indict
ment was returned on the 29th day of October by the grand
jury composed wholly of white men; that on the 30th day of
the same month subpoenaes for the State’s witnesses were
issued, to appear and testify in their case on the 3rd of
November following; that on said 3rd of November, without
ever having been permitted to see or talk with an attorney
or any other person in reference to their defense, they were
carried from the jail into the Court Room and put on trial the
court appointing an attorney for them, before a jury com
posed wholly of white men; that the excitement and feeling
against the defendants among the whites of said County was
such that it was impossible to obtain any unprejudiced jury
of white men to try them and that no white jury being fairly
disposed, would have had the courage to acquit them; that
the trial proceeded without consultation on their part with
any attorney, without any witnesses in their behalf and with
out an opportunity on their part to obtain witnesses or pre
pare for defense; that no evidence was offered in
69 their behalf; that they had no knowledge or familiar
ity with court procedure, had never been at a trial
in court before and had no definite idea of their rights therein
and no conception of what steps should be taken for their pro
tection; that the whole course of the trial, from beginning to
end, occupied about three fourths of an hour; that the jury
after hearing the State’s evidence and the Court’s charge
retired and returned immediately, that is, within about from
three to six minutes, with a verdict of guilty against the
defendants.
Defendants, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and
Paul Hall further say, that no copy of the indictment was
ever served upon them, nor upon any attorney for them, and
defendant Frank Moore says that a copy of said indictment
was delivered to him on the day preceeding the trial but not
48 hours before the trial; and they all say that they never
consented to waive such service nor requested nor consented
to the trial without the same. Defendants, therefore, say
that they were convicted and sentenced to death without due
process of law.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 69
2.
That under the law as it has existed for many years, the
Circuit Courts of the State, at each Term, appoint jury Com
missioners to select grand and petit jurors to serve at the
succeeding term, and for more than thirty years it has been
the unbroken practice of said courts to appoint only white
men on such commissions, and of such commissioners to select
only white men for grand and petit jurors for the succeeding
terms,—constituting a discrimination, in the administration of
the law against the negroes on account of their color and of
their being members of the African race; and that
70 if in the course of the court’s proceedings, it became
or becomes necessary to issue a venire for talismen,
to the sheriff, the unvariable course is, and has been, to sum
mon only white men; this practice with reference to the selec
tion of grand and petit jurors and the summoning of talismen
prevails and has prevailed in the Circuit Court of Phillips
County with unbroken uniformity to the extent that no negro
has been appointed a jury commissioner, or selected to serve
as a juror, either grand or petit, for more than thirty years,
and that no negro has been appointed to or has sat upon any
jury in said court at any time during such period; that the
Negro population of said County exceeds the white population
at least five to one and that among them are a great many
men possessed of intellectual, moral and legal qualifications
for jury commissioners and for Grand and petit jurors, and
that they are excluded therefrom solely on account of their
race and color; that the defendants have thus been by said
discriminating practices and by said trial, deprived of their
7 0 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
rights under the Constitution of the United States, and especi
ally the 14th Amendment thereto, and were, in and by said
trial and proceedings, and still are, denied the equal protec
tion of the law.
Defendants further say that while it is true, as they are
now advised, that the proper and regular place and time to
have objected to the grand jury, and to the indictment re
turned by it, would have been before the trial, yet as before
stated, they knew nothing about such proceedings or the
proper order thereof, and were given no opportunity to object
to the grand jury or any member thereof and knew nothing
of their right to raise any objection to either grand
71 or petit jury, and nothing about how to challenge or
to object to either of them and were not advised in
that regard; and that they, therefore, feel that their objec
tion, taken at this time should prevail to the extent of secur
ing them a new trial.
Third.
That the verdict is contrary to the law and the evidence
and is not supported by sufficient evidence. Defendants say
that for the purpose of proving the statements in the first
and second grounds of this motion, they have ascertained the
names of the jury commissioners at the various terms of this
Court from 1905 to 1919, inclusive, beginning with:
Jas. A. Tappan, S. A. Wooten, S. C. Moore, W. A. Short,
Lee Pendergrass, A. N. Tanner, M. A. Short, E. S. Ready,
R. E. Chew, James Clopton, G. H. Friberg, Albert Tanner,
J. I. McRee, W. A. College, H. W. Mosby, R. E. Chew, Jr.,
T. J. Tanner, B. L. Lyford, Asron Meyers, Amos Jarman,
H. C. Coolege, Ben Lyford, Sam Solomon, W. W. Richardson,
Jos. Mays, Dade Moore, Gray King, Oscar Reyburn, H. D.
Moore, J. D. Mays, W. M. Straub, J. N. Ware, Jas. R. Lanier,
B. J. Cunningham, Louis Solomon, R. L. Lyford, Hugo Mundt,
C. P. Sanders, J. M. Hudson, B. F. Davidson, E. C. Hornor,
E. J. Landon, E. N. Allen, B. J. Cunningham, J. L. Solomon,
C. L. Moore, Jr., W. M. Richardson, Greenfield Quarles, S. L.
Mundt, Morris Hanft, Jos. C. Meyers, Wellford White and
D. T. Hargraves; also A. C. Burke and J. R. Rush who have
served as clerk of this court for many years in succession;
also Henry Jones,_______Jackson, E. C. Morris, Henry Avan,
R. B. Campbell and J. S. Drew,—now pray that they may
be summoned to testify on the hearing of this
72 motion, and that they may be permitted to prove
said statements.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 7 1
Fourth.
Because the court erred in rendering judgment and sent
ences against the defendants.
Defendants further pray that the verdict and judgment
herein against them be set aside and that they be granted a
fair and impartial trial.
MURPHY & McHANEY and
SCIPIO JONES,
Attorneys for* Defendants.
We and each of us state that the matters and things here
in stated are true and correct to the best of our knowledge
and belief.
his
ED. COLEMAN. X
mark
his
ED. X HICKS,
mark
his
PAUL HALL. X
mark
FRANK MOORE.
J. E. KNOX.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this the 18th day of
December, 1919.
MARTIN L. BARNETT,
[ seal .] Notary Public.
C. E. Mch. 20, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed Dec. 20, 1919. A. G. Burke, Clerk.
73 Alf B a n k s , Jr., being first duly sworn on his oath
says:
I am a negro. I was living in Phillips County, Arkan
sas, up to the 1st of October, 1919, when I was arrested and
thereafter kept in custody, until after I was sentenced to
death, on a charge of murdering W. A. Adkins. I was then
sent to the State Penitentiary for execution and am now in
the custody of the keeper of the Penitentiary. I was never
told of the charge against me, until I was indicted. I was put
in the County jail at Helena and kept there in close confine
72 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
ment, with no opportunity to see or confer with anyone about
my defense. A large number of negroes, a hundred or more
were held in custody there with me during all that time. I
was frequently whipped with great severity, and was also put
into an electric chair and shocked, and strangling drugs would
be put to my nose to make me tell things against others, that
they had killed or shot at some of the white people and to
force me to testify against them. I had not seen anything of
the kind, and so told them, at first; but they kept on, and
tortured me so that I finally told them falsely that what they
wanted me to say was true and that I would tesify to it.
They would have me blindfolded when torturing me. Once
they took me up stairs, put a rope around my neck, having
me blindfolded, pulled on the rope, and one of them said,
“ Don’t knock the trick out yet, we can make him tell,” or
words to that effect. That feeling that they would kill him, he
agreed to tell what they wanted him to. That they would go
over it and tell him that he knew that was so, and that he
had to tell it. During the trials, at one or two of them, they
took me from the jail to the Court-room to testify against
them; I think it was the trial of Joe Fox and Albert Giles,
and I think also against one or two others. As they were
taking me to the court room, they told me if I changed my
testimony or did not testify as I had said, when they
74 took me back, they would skin me alive. I testified as
I had told them in the same way they had made me tell,
as near as I could. It was not true; it was false. This whip
ping and torturing was known generally among the negroes
there in custody, and it was known what it was for, to make
testify. I know that they so whipped and tortured a great
many of them. But cannot say that they whipped them quite
all. The- used negroes they had in or about the jail to do
most of the whipping, but some white men would be present.
One of the Negroes who did part of the torturing was Kid
Collins, who seemed to be a trustee about the jail. Many of
the scars from this torturing are still upon my body. I would
never have testified falsely as I did if I had not been made
to do it.
his
ALF X BANKS,
mark
Witness to mark:
J. R. BOOKER.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 7 3
Subscribed and sworn to before me this the 18th day of
December, 1919.
J. R. BOOKER,
[seal.] Notary Public.
My commission expires Jan. 31st, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed December 20th, 1919. A. G. Burke, Clerk.
75 W illiam W ordlow, being duly sworn on oath states:
I am now in the custody of the keeper of the Arkansas
State Penitentiary, under sentence of death, on the charge of
murdering W. A. Adkins. I was taken in custody by white
men on or about the 1st of October, last, and was held in cus
tody until sometime in November following when I was sent
enced. I was kept in close confinement in the jail at Helena,
and was not told of the charges against me until after or
about the time I was indicted. There were a great many
negroes, more than a hundred in the same jail with me. I was
not permitted to see my friends, talk with them, or do any
thing towards preparing my defense. While in custody there,
I was frequently taken from the cell, blindfolded, whipped
and tortured to make me tell things I did not know, and fur
nish false information, and testify against other of the ne
groes. They whipped and tortured all or nearly all of the
negroes in the same manner and for the same purpose. They
would usually have negroes, either other prisoners or trustees
about the jail, to actually do the whipping and torturing,
though some white men would be present. One of the negroes
they thus used, was Kid Collins, and I think another one was
named Dalzell. I did not learn and did not know any of the
ether names. All of the other negroes knew of this whipping
and torturing and the purpose of it, and most, if not all of
them, were treated in the same way. They, the officers would
tell me that I knew things that I did not know, and that I
aad to tell it or they would kill me. To escape from the tor
ture, I finally said what they wanted me to say. When they
would take us before the grand jury, if we did not testify as
they wanted us to, we would be taken out and tortured again,
and I have many of the scars still on mv bodv, which can be
seen by anybody who desires to see them.' I was taken
from the jail up into the court room to testify against
76 Ed. Ware, about the killing of W. A. Adkins, and other
matters, and probably against one or two others. T
was bothered and so overcome that I cannot recollect with
74 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
certainty. I know that I testified against Ware and that
what I so testified, was not true, it was false, and I would—
have so testified, if I had not been forced to. All that I said
against him or against any one else, was forced. I do not
know of any negro who killed or advised or encouraged the
killing of either Mr. Adkins, Mr. Lee, Mr. Tappan or any one
else, and would not have voluntarily testified that I did. As
I was taken to the court-room, I was given to understand that
if I did not testify as they had directed, I would be killed.
his
WILLIAM X WORDLOW.
mark
Witness to mark:
J. R. BOOKER.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this the 18th day of
December, 1919.
[ s e a l .] J. R. BOOKER,
Notary Public.
My commission expires Jan. 31st, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed Dec. 20, 1919. A. G. Burke, Clerk.
4495.
State of A rkansas,
vs.
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
H all.
Murder in the 1st Degree.
Now on this day comes the defendants by attorneys
Murphy & McHaney and Scipio Jones, Esq., and by leave of
the court file motion for a new trial in this cause, which said
motion coming on to be heard and the court being well and
sufficiently advised as to what order to render herein doth
overrule said motion, to which action of the court in overrul
ing said motion the defendant- at the time excepted and asked
that their exceptions be noted of record which was done, and
defendants prayed an appeal to the Supreme Court of Arkan
sas, which was granted, and defendants are allowed 60 days
within which to prepare and file their bill of exceptions.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 75
Circuit Court Record “ U,” page 122 December 20,
1919.
78 Certificate.
State of A rkansas,
County of Phillips:
I, A. G. Burke, Clerk of the Circuit Court in and for the
County and State aforesaid, do hereby certify that the fore
going 70 pages of typewritting contain true and perfect copy
transcribed from the records and proceedings had in the Cir
cuit Court of said County, in the cause therein stated, and I
do so certify.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
seal of office, at Helena, Arkansas, this the 8th day of Janu
ary, A. D. 1920.
[l.s.] A. G. BURKE,
Circuit Clerk,
By L. E. BERARD,
D. C.
Endorsements: No. 2416. Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall vs. The State of Arkansas.
Phillips, J. M. Jackson, J. Transcript. Filed January 9,
1920. W. P. Sadler, Clerk. By C. R. Stevinson, D. C.
79 State of Arkansas,
In the Supreme Court, ss:
Be it remembered, that at a term of the Supreme Court
of the State of Arkansas, begun and held on the 24th day,
being the fourth Monday of November, A. D. 1919, at the
Courthouse, in the City of Little Rock, the following proceed
ings were had, to-wit: On the 22nd day of March, 1920, a
day of said term:
No. 2416.
Frank Moore, Ed. H icks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
Hall, Appellants,
v.
T he State of A rkansas, Appellee.
Appeal from Phillips Circuit Court.
This cause being regularly called, come the parties
7 6 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
thereto by their attorneys, and said cause is submitted upon
the transcript of the record, the briefs filed and upon oral
argument, and is by the court taken under advisement.
80 November Term, 1919.
(Caption Omitted.)
March 29, 1920.
This cause came on to be heard upon the transcript of the
record of the circuit court of Phillips county, and was argued
by counsel, on consideration whereof it is the opinion of the
Court that there is no error in the proceedings and judgment
of said circuit court in this cause.
It is therefore considered by the Court that the judgment
of said circuit court in this cause rendered be, and the same
is hereby, in all things, affirmed with costs.
It is further considered that said appellee recover of said
appellants all her costs in this court in this cause expended
and have execution thereof.
81 In the Supreme Court of Arkansas, March 29, 1920.
No. 293.
H icks
v.
State of A rkansas,
Moore et al.
v.
State of A rkansas,
Opinion.
Smith , </.:
Appellant Frank Hicks was indicted for murder in the
first degree, alleged to have been committed by shooting one
Clinton Lee, and at his trial was convicted of that crime. Ap
pellants Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and
Paul Hall, were indicted for the same crime, and were tried
together, and were all convicted of murder in the first degree.
Appeals have been perfected from both judgments, and as the
questions raised are substantially the same in each case we
dispose of both with one opinion.
It is insisted as ground for reversal in each case that
appellants, who are all men of color, were discriminated
against on that account, in that no colored man sat, or was
summoned to serve, upon either the grand jury which returned
the indictments or upon the petit juries which tried the cases,
and that no colored man had served on any jury in Phillips
county—where the trials occurred—for many years. This
assignment of error is answered by saying that the question
was first raised in the motion for a new trial, and it, there
fore, comes too late to be now considered. Tillman v. State,
121 Ark. 322; Eastling v. State, 69 Ark. 189.
It is also insisted on behalf of all the appellants that
82 the verdicts are contrary to the law and the evidence,
and are not supported by sufficient evidence, and that
the trials occurred under such circumstances as that appel
lants have been convicted without due process of law. The
facts upon which these contentions are chiefly made were not
developed at the trial but are brought into the record by affi
davits filed in support of the motions for new trials.
Discussing these questions together, it may be said that
appellants, together with many other men of their own race,
were members of an organization known as the Farmers Pro
gressive Household Union of America. According to the affi
davits filed in support of the motions for new trials, this was
a fraternal and social organization, organized for the lawful
purpose of promoting the financial interests of its members;
that it met in secret, excluding all persons except those who
had been properly initiated, but according to the testimony
on behalf of the State members were told upon their initiation
to expect and prepare for trouble with the white people.
Members went armed to the meetings, and armed pickets were
placed about the church in which the meetings were held to
prevent persons not members, fortified with the password,
from approaching the building. While one of these meetings
was in progress an automobile containing three white men
passed along the public road near this building, and stopped
some forty or fifty yards from it, whereupon the pickets fired
into the car and killed one of the men in it.
At the trials from which these appeals come the fol-
83 lowing facts were developed. Early in the morning
after the killing of the man in the car a number of the
lodge members, probably as many as fifty, including appel
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 7 7
7 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
lants, assembled at or about the houses of appellants Moore,
Hall and Coleman, about a mile from Elaine and Hoop Spur,
where the shooting of the night before had occurred. All, or
practically all, of the members were armed, and appellant
Moore made the statement that they would kill the white peo
ple who came there. All of this is admitted, but it is ex
plained that the members had gathered only to resist an
attack being made on themselves and that they intended to
kill the white men whom they expected to come only to pre
vent the white men from killing them.
Sometime between 11 a. m. and 1 p. m. firing near Elaine
or Hoop Spur was heard, whereupon appellants, with a num
ber of others, fell into line, and proceeded to march toward
Elaine, Moore having said, as they fell into line, that some of
their members were being attacked and that they would go
and help them fight. As they marched along by twos and
fours they crossed a railroad, and, as they did so, they ob
served, at the home of one McCoy, a white man, about a quar
ter of a mile away, a number of white men standing in the
road at McCoy’s house or seated in the cars which had
stopped there on the road-side. When they observed the
white men appellant Frank Hicks said he would shoot at
them. He knelt, took aim and fired two shots, one of which
struck Clinton Lee, who died just after he was carried into
McCoy’s house. These shots were fired from a high-powered
rifle, and at such distance away that some of the white men
standing near Lee stated that they did not hear the
84 report of the gun which killed him. This party of
white men consisted of officers who had come to Elaine
to effect the arrest of the men who had killed the man in the
automobile the night before. There was testimony to the
effect that when Hicks said he would shoot a member of his
party told him not to do so, but no one made any attempt to
restrain him. After this shooting the party dispersed, and
during the excitement of the next few days two other white
men were killed and a number of negroes.
It is now insisted that because of the incidents developed
at the trial and those recited in the motions for new trials,
and the excitement and feeling growing out of them, that no
fair trial was had, or could have been had, and that the trial
did not, therefore, constitute due process of law.
It is admitted, however, that eminent counsel was ap
pointed to defend appellants, and no attempt is made to show
that a fair and impartial trial was not had, except as an infer
ence from the facts stated above, the insistence being that a
fair trial was impossible under the circumstances stated.
FRANK MOORE ET AL.. VS. THE .STATE OF. ARKANSAS.. 7 9
We are unable, however, to say that this must necessarily
have been the case. The trials were had according to the law.,
the jury was correctly charged as to the law of the case, and
the testimony is legally sufficient to support the verdicts re
turned. We cannot, therefore, in the face of this affirmative
showing, assume that the trial was an empty ceremony, con
ducted for the purpose only of appearing to comply with
the requirements of the law, when they were not in
85 fact being complied with.
As to the appellants Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman, and Paul Hall, it is insisted that the testi
mony does not sufficiently connect them with the act of Frank
Hicks in firing the fatal shot to make them criminally respon
sible for that act. The law of the subject was properly de
clared, and we think the testimony of the numerous witnesses
who were examined and cross-examined at the trial supports
the finding that those appellants were present when Frank
Hicks killed Clinton Lee, and that they aided, abetted and
assisted him in doing so, and if this is true they are as guilty
as Hicks himself. According to these witnesses those appel
lants were all armed, and before leaving the place from which
they started the purpose of going to Elaine to fight the white
men found there was announced, and we think this testimony
warranted the jury in finding that Hicks’ act in firing the
fatal shot was done pursuant to a conspiracy previously
formed, which contemplated violence, and the possible killing
of white men.
In the case of appellant Frank Hicks it is insisted that
the judgment must be reversed because of the defective ver
dict. The verdict as found in the bill of exceptions was orig
inally written in typewriting as follows: “ We, the jury, find
the defendant, Frank Hicks, guilty as charged in the indict
ment.” Over this verdict has been interlined between the
words “ guilty” and “ as” , the following words: “ of
86 murder in the first degree,” so that the verdict as inter
lined reads: “ We, the jury, find the defendant, Frank
Hicks, guilty of murder in the first degree as charged in the
indictment.” On the margin of the page of the transcript on
which this verdict appears is the following certificate made
and signed by the trial judge. “ The interlineation made in
this verdict was made before I signed the bill of exceptions,
and correctly shows the verdict as it was returned by the
jury. J. M.'Jackson, Circuit Judge.” The judgment of the
court also sets out in full the verdict returned, and the verdict
as it is there recorded conforms to the certificate of the trial
judge set out above.
8 0 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OP ARKANSAS.
It is true that in the cases of Johnson v. State, 84 Ark.
95, and Hobbs v. State, 86 Ark. 360, and Bridger v. State, 122
Ark. 391, we ignored as unauthorized certain interlineations
made with a lead pencil for the reason, there stated, that the
interlineations were unexplained and unauthenticated and
apparently made without authority. But it has not been de
cided that this court will necessarily ignore interlineations
appearing in a bill of exceptions or a transcript. Upon the
contrary, interlineations may be a proper part of the record,
and will be so treated by us unless it appears such interline
ations were not properly authorized. Here we have the certifi
cate of the trial judge saying that the interlineation was
made before he had approved or signed the bill of exceptions,
and, in addition, we have in the judgment proper a record of
the verdict which shows it to be in proper form.
We have given these cases the careful consideration
87 which their importance require, but our consideration
is necessarily limited to those matters which are prop
erly brought before us for review, and as no error has been
made to appear in either case the judgments must be affirmed.
It is so ordered.
88 November Term, 1919.
(Caption Omitted.)
April 19, 1920.
The appellants having filed a petition for rehearing
within the time allowed by law, and duly served the same, it
is now submitted and by the Court taken under advisement.
89 In the Supreme Court of Arkansas.
No. 2416.
F rank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. K nox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
Hall, Appellants,
vs.
T he State of A rkansas, Appellee.
Petition for Rehearing.
Appellants respectfully pray the Court to grant them a
rehearing herein, and says:
1. That the Court is in error in its conclusion that their
claim that the selection and organization of the grand jury,
which returned the indictment against them and the petit
jury that convicted them, composed wholly of white men, was
FEANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 8 1
a discrimination on account of their color,—assigned as a
ground of the motion for a new trial, comes too late to be
considered.
Under the rules of practice in this state, as previously
announced by this Court, they could have raised the question
as to the grand jury at no earlier stage of the proceeding,
haying been denied all opportunity to be present or make
objection to such grand jury or any of its members, at the
time of its organization.
2. The Court is in error in its conclusion that the fact
that the “ Farmers Progressive Household Union of America,”
was according to the affidavits filed in support of the motion for
a new trial, a fraternal and social organization, organ-
90 ized for the lawful purpose of promoting the financial
interests of its members, who were admonished, on
their initiation, that attempts had been made to break up the
lodge by white people, and to expect and prepare for trouble
with the white people.
All this occurred in the evidence of witnesses for the
State, members of the organization,—not one word of it or
about it either in the motion for a new trial or in any affi
davit in support of it.
3. The Court is in error in concluding and holding that
appellants’ insistence “ that because of the incidents devel
oped at the trial and those recited in the motion for a new
trial, and the excitement and feeling growing out of them,
no fair trial was had, or could have been had, and that the
trial did not, therefore, constitute due process of law,” was
not necessarily the case.
If the facts were as recited—undisputed facts—it is man
ifest that appellants were not accorded due process of law,
and that a fair and impartial trial was not had,—was, under
the circumstances, impossible.
4. The Court is in error in its conclusion that the trial
was had according to law, the testimony legally sufficient to
support the verdict, and that it must necessarily appear that
due process of law was denied, and “ that the trial was an
empty ceremony, conducted for the purpose only of appearing
to comply with the requirements of the law,” to entitle
appellants to a new trial.
91 Where the circumstances brought out on motion for
a new trial or elsewhere bring the fairness and imparti
ality into anything like serious question, the judgment of
conviction should be reversed. In the language of the appel
late court in Rutherford v. U. S. 258 Fed., page 863, “ It is not
enough to justify a conviction that the defendant is guilty.
He has a right to be tried in accordance with the rules of law.
The defendants in this case did not have the temperate and
impartial trial to which they were entitled, and for that rea
son the judgment is reversed.”
The Court is in error in its apparent conclusion that the
matters set up in the motion for a new trial are not properly
brought before it for review, and that the judgment must,
therefore, be affirmed.
If it be conceded that the matters relating to the grand
and the petit juries were raised too late, still the other mat
ters set up in the motion which are undisputed, are not too
late, if true, demand a reversal, and should be considered.
Moreover, while • counsel appointed to represent appellants,
may, with reference to learning and capacity, be justly con
sidered eminent, they were members of the local bar, domi
nated by the unfriendly and violent spirit that dominated the
whole proceeding, and scrutinizing search of the record will
fail to show any real effort on their part to afford appellants
any real protection. Has it ever before occurred that a de
fendant charged with so grave a crime has been denied
all opportunity to get witnesses, to prepare for defense,
tried, so to speak, in the midst of a populace excited
and enraged against him, by a jury whose members were of a
different race and color from his won, and one of whose mem
bers he is charged of having murdered could find no relief in
the appellate court? Such a case will thus go into judicial
history, if it must retain its present status.
Appellants therefore pray a rehearing be granted them
herein, and that the judgment against them be reversed.
SCIPIO A. JONES,
MURPHY & McHANEY,
Attorneys for Appellants.
I, 6. W. Murphy, certify that I am one of the Attorneys
of appellants; that I have carefully examined the foregoing
petition for rehearing, that the same is not filed or presented
for delay, and that I believe it to be meritorious and well
based.
G. W. MURPHY,
Attorney for Appellants.
8 2 FRANK MOORE EX AL. VS., THE STATE OF. ARKANSAS.
Filed April 14, 1920. W. P. Sadler, Clerk.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. 8 3
93 November Term, 1919.
(Caption Omitted.)
April 26, 1920.
Being fully advised, the petition for rehearing, filed herin,
is by the Court overruled.
94 November Term, 1919.
(Caption Omitted.)
April 26, 1920.
Come the appellants by their attorneys and file a motion
praying that an order be granted staying the issuance of a
mandate in this cause, pending appeal to the Supreme Court
of the United States, and said motion is by the Court taken
under advisement.
November Term, 1919.
(Caption Omitted.)
May 3, 1920.
Being fully advised, the motion of the appellants for an
order staying the issuance of a mandate in this cause, is by
the court overruled.
95 State of A rkansas,
In the Supreme Court, s s :
I, W. P. Sadler, clerk of said court, do hereby certify that
the foregoing is a true, full and complete transcript of the
record and proceedings in the case of Frank Moore, Ed.
Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and Paul Hall, Appellants,
vs. The State of Arkansas, Appellee, and also of the opinion
of the court rendered therein, as the same now appears on
file in my office.
In testimony whereof, 1 have hereunto set my hand and
affixed the seal of said court at my office, in Little Rock,
Arkansas, this May — , 1920.
[Seal of the Supreme Court of Arkansas.)
W. P. SADLER,
Clerk Supreme Court of Arkamas.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
( 1 5 7 9 . )
8 4 FRANK MOORE ET Alu VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
Exhibit “ E. ”
(Copy.)
Hon. Charles H. Brough, November 14th, 1920.
Governor of Arkansas.
Dear Governor:
We, the undersigned memebers of the Committee of
Seven, appointed by you in the Elaine-Hoop Spur Insurrection
in this County, earnestly urge you to let the law take its
course untrammelled by Executive Clemency.
With all the provocation our people refrained from mob
violence. The reason they did this was that this Committee
gave our citizens their solemn promise that the law would be
carried out. This Community can be made a model one so far
as resorting to mob violence is concerned, but should the Gov
ernor commute any sentence of these Elaine rioters, this
Avould be difficult, if not impossible.
We respectfully urge you to support law and order as we
supported it. There were 150 Negroes legally guilty of
murder in the first degree—actively present and assisting in
the wilful and deliberate murder of white citizens—and this
Committee assisted in seeing that only leaders were brought
to trial. Leniency has been already shown. We think the
law itself is on trial.
All of our citizens are of the opinion that the law should
take its course.
(Signed) S. STRAUSS,
Chairman.
E. M. ALLEN,
T. W. KESSEE,
H. D. MOORE,
H. C. HORNER.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
E xhibit “ F. ”
H icks
vs.
State.
Opinion Delivered March 29, 1920.
Appeal from Phillips Circuit Court. J. M. Jackson, Judge,
Affirmed.
Scipio A. Jones and Murphy, McHaney for appellants.
1. Appellants were discriminated against on account of their
color and no colored men sat upon the jury or was
summoned to serve.
2. The verdict is plainly against the evidence. 107 Atl. 554.
3. The verdict is defective.
Defendants are not guaranteed under our Constitution, nor
that of the United States, a trial by members of his own
race, but only a fair and impartial — by a jury who are
unbiased and unprejudiciol without regard to color or
race. 100 U. S. 322. The panel should have been chal-
langed, and as he did not, he can not complain that there
were no Negroes on the jurv. 21 Ark. 212, 5 Id. 444;
29 Id. 17; 101 Id. 462; 94 Id.' 465.
John D. Arbuckle, Attorney General, and J. B. Webster,
Assistant, for Appellee, Robert C. Knox, of Counsel.
Smith, J .:
Appellant Prank Hicks was indicted for murder in the
first degree, alleged to have been committed by shooting one
Clinton Lee, and at his trial was convicted of that crime.
Appellants, Prank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Cole
man and Paul Hall, were indicted for the same crime, and
were tried together, and were all convicted of murder in the
first degree. Appeals have been perfected from both judg
ments, and as the questions raised are substantially the same
in each case we dispose of both with one opinion.
It is insisted as ground for reversal in each case that ap
pellants who are all men of color, were discriminated against
on that account, and that no colored men sat, or was summoned
to serve, upon either the grand jury which returned the indict
ments or upon the petit juries which tried the cases, and that
no colored men had served on any jury in Phillips County—
where the trials occurred—for many years. This assignment
of error is answered by saying that the question was first
raised in the motion for a new trial, and it, therefore, comes
too late to be considered. Tillman vs. State, 121 Ark. 332;
Eastling vs. State, 69 Ark. 89.
It is also insisted on behalf of all the appellants that the
verdicts are contrary to the law and the evidence, and are not
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 8 5
supported by sufficient evidence, and that appellants have
been convicted without due process of law. The facts upon
which these contentions are chiefly made were not developed
at the trial, but are brought into the records by affidavits filed
in support of the motions for new trials.
Discussing these questions together, it may be said that
appellants, together with many other men of theif own race,
were members of an organization known as the Farmers’
Progressive Household Union of America. According to the
affidavits filed in support of the motions for new trials, this
was a fraternal and social organization, organized for the law
ful purpose of promoting the financial interests of its mem
bers; it met in secret, excluding all persons except those who
had been properly initiated, but, according to testimony on
behalf of the State, members were told upon their initiation
to expect and prepare for trouble with the white people. Mem
bers went armed to the meetings, and armed meetings were
held to prevent persons not members, fortified with the pass
word, from approaching the building. While one of these
meetings was in progress, an automobile containing two white
men and one Negro passed along the public road near this
building, and stopped some forty or fifty yards from it, where
upon the pickets fired into the car and killed one of the white
men in it.
At the trial from which these appeal- come the following
facts were developed. Early in the morning after the killing
of the men in the car a number of the lodge members, prob
ably! as many as fifty, including appellants, assembled at or
about the houses of Appellants Moore, Hall and Coleman,
about a mile from Elaine and Hoop Spur, where the shooting
of the night before occurred. All, or practically all, of the
memebers were armed, and appellants, Moore made the state
ment that they would kill the white people who came there.
All of this is admitted, but it is explained that the members
had gathered only to resist an attack being made on them
selves, and that they intended to kill the white men whom they
expected to come only to prevent the white men killing them.
Sometime between 11 A. M. and 1 P. M. firing near Elaine
or Hoop Spur was heard, whereupon appellants, with a num
ber of others, fell in line, and proceeded to march toward
Elaine, Moore having said as they fell into line, that
some of their members were being attacked, and that they
would go and help them fight. As they marched along by
twos and fours, they crossed a railroad, and, as they did so,
they observed, at the home of one McCoy, a white man about
a quarter of a mile away, a number of white men standing in
6 6 FBANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
the road at McCoy’s house or seated in the car which had
stopped there on the roadside. When they observed the white
men, appellant Frank Hicks said he would shoot at them. He
knelt, took aim and fired two shots, one of which struck Clin
ton Lee, who died just after he was carried into McCoy’s
house. These shots were fired from a high-powered rifle, and
at such a distance away that some of the white men standing
near Lee stated that they did not hear the report of the gun
which killed him. This party of white men consisted of offi
cers who had come to Elaine to effect the arrest of the men
who had killed the man in the automobile the night before.
There was testimony to the effect that when Hicks said he
would shoot a member of his party told him not to do so, but
no one made any attempt to restrain him. After this shooting
the party dispersed, and during the excitement of the next
few days other white men were killed and a number of
Negroes.
It is now insisted that because of the incidents developed
at the trial and those recited in the motion for new trials, and
the excitement and feeling growing out of them, no fair trial
was had, or could have been had, and that the trial did not,
therefore constitute due process of law.
It is, admitted, however, that eminent counsel was ap
pointed to defend appellants, and no attempt is made to show
that a fair and impartial trial was not had, except as an infer
ence from the facts stated above, the insistence being that a
fair trial was impossible under tire circumstances stated.
We are unable, however, to say that this must necessarily
have been the case. The trials were had according to law, the
jury was correctly charged as to the law of the case, and the
testimony is legally sufficient to support the verdicts returned.
We cannot, therefore, in the face of this affirmative showing,
assume that the trial was an empty ceremony, conducted for
the purpose only of appearing to comply with the require
ments of the law, when they were not in fact being complied
with.
As to the appellants, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox,
Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, it is insisted that the testimony-
does not sufficiently connect them with the act of Frank
Hicks in firing the fatal shot to make them criminally respons
ible for that act. The law of the subject was properly de
clared and we think the testimony of the numerous witnesses
who were examined and cross-examined at the trial supports
the finding that those appellants were present when Frank
Hicks killed Clinton Lee, and that they aided, abetted and
assisted him in doing so, and if this is true they are as guilty
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 8 7
as Hicks himself. According to these witnesses, those appel
lants were all armed, and before leaving the place from which
they started the purpose of going to Elaine to fight the white
men found there was announced, and we think this testimony
warranted the jury in finding that Hick’s act in firing the
fatal shot was done pursuant to a conspiracy previously
formed, which contemplated violence, and the possible killing
of white men.
In the case of appellant Frank Hicks, it is insisted that
the judgment must be reversed because of the defective ver
dict. The verdict as found in the bill of exceptions was orig
inally written in typewriting as follows: “ We, the jury, find
the defendant, Frank Hicks, guilty as charged in the indict
ment.” Over this verdict has been interlined, between the
words “ guilty and “ as” the following words: “ of murder in
the first degree, ’ ’ so that the verdict as interlined reads:
“ We the jury find the defendant, Frank Hicks, guilty of mur
der in the first degree as charged in the indictment,” on the
margin of the page of the transcript on which this verdict
appears is the following certificate made and signed by the
trial judge: “ The interlineations made in this verdict was
made before I signed the bill of exceptions and correctly
shows the verdict as it was returned by the jury, J. M. Jack-
son, Circuit Judge.” The judgment of the court also sets out
in full the verdict returned, and the verdict as it is there
recorded conforms to the certificate of the trial judge set out
above.
It is true that in the cases of Johnson v. State, 84 Ark. 95
and Hobbs v. State 86 Ark. 360, and Bridger vs. State, 122
Ark. 391, we ignored as unauthorized certain interlineations
made with a lead pencil for the reason there stated, that the
interlineations were explained unauthenticated and apparently
made without authority. But it has not been decided that this
court will necessarily ignore interlineations appearing in a bill
of exceptions or a transcript. Upon the contrary, interlinea
tions may be a proper part of the record and will be so treated
by us unless it appears such interlineations were not properly
authorized. Here we have the certificate of the trial judge
saying that the interlineations was made before he had ap
proved or signed the bill of exceptions, and, in addition, we
have in the judgment proper a record of the verdict' which
shows it to be in proper form.
We have given these cases the careful consideration which
their importance required, but our consideration is necessarily
limited to those matters which are properly brought before us
8 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
■FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 8 9
for review, and as no error has been made to appear in eother
case the judgments must be affirmed. It is so ordered.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
E xhibit “ G. ”
State of Arkansas,
Executive Department.
Proclamation.
To all to whom these presents shall come, Greetings:
Know ye, that whereas, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, Paul
Hall, Frank Hicks, Ed. Hicks and Frank Moore, were con
victed at the November, 1919, Term, of the Phillips County
Circuit Court of the crime of murder in the first degree, and
sentenced by said court to death by electrocution, and their
cases being appealed to the Supreme Court of Arkansas, the
pendency of which appeal suspended execution beyond the
date fixed by the said trial court, and said judgments of con
viction being by said court affirmed, it now becomes my duty
as Governor of the State of Arkansas, under Section 3262 of
Crawford and Moses’ Digest of the statutes of Arkansas, to
fix the date of their execution, and each of them;
Now, therefore, I, Thomas C. McRae, Governor of the
State of Arkansas, acting in my official capacity, do hereby
and herein fix the date for the execution of the said J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman, Paul Hall, Frank Hicks, Ed. Hicks and
Frank Moore, and each of them, to be on Friday, the 10th day
of June, 1921.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused to be affixed the Great Seal of State, in the Executive
Chamber, at Little Rock, Arkansas, on this the twenty-ninth
day of April, 1921.
[seal] THOMAS C. McRAE,
Governor.
By the Governor:
IRA C. HOPPER,
Secretary of State.
State of Arkansas,
Executive Department.
Proclamation.
To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting:
Know ye, that whereas, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, Paul
Hall, Frank Hicks, Ed. Hicks and Frank Moore were convicted
at the 1919 term of the Phillips County Circuit Court for the
crime of murder in the first degree, and sentenced by said
court to death by electrocution, and their cases being appealed
to the Supreme Court of Arkansas the pendency of which ap
peal suspended execution beyond the date fixed by said trial
court, and said judgments of conviction being by said court
affirmed it became my duty as Governor of the State of Ark
ansas, under Section 3262 of Crawford & Moses’ Digest of the
statutes of Arkansas to fix the date of their execution, which
I did on the 29th day of April, 1921. Before the date set for
execution the Chancery Court of Pulaski County assumed
jurisdiction in these cases and issued a restraining order pro
hibiting said execution. The State Supreme Court was ap
pealed to by the state for a writ of prohibition ag-inst the
Chancery Court to prevent said court from assuming juris
diction. The Supreme Court of Arkansas issued said writ of
prohibition against the Chancery Court, from which judgment
there has been no further appeal, and it therefore now be
comes my duty as Governor of the State of Arkansas, under
Section 3262 of Crawford and Moses’ Digest of the statutes
of Arkansas, to fix the date of their execution, and each of
them.
Now Therefore, 1, Thomas C. McRae, Governor of the
State of Arkansas, acting in my official capacity, do hereby
and herein affix the date for the execution of the said J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman, Paul Hall, Frank Hicks, Ed. Hicks and
Frank Moore, and each of them to be on Friday, the twenty-
third day of September, 1921.
In Testimony Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused to be affixed the Great Seal of State, in the Executive
Chamber, at Little Rock, Arkansas, on this the twelfth dav of
August, 1921.
[ seal .] THOMAS C. McRAE,
Governor.
90 FRANK MOORE ET \L. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
9 1
Bv the Governor:
IRA C. HOPPER,
Secretary of St,ate.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. .VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
Endorsed: Filed September 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding,
Clerk.
E xhibit “ H .”
Resolution.
It has been brought to the attention of the Richard L.
Kitchens Post No. 31, American Legion, Helena, Arkansas,
that the Governor is contemplating commuting the sentence
of four of the negroes, who are now under death sentences for
their participation in the Elaine Riot, to lesser sentences, and
we, the members of this post feel that any action toward this
end by the Governor, would do more harm in the community
and breed lawlessness, as well as disregard for constituted
authority, as at the time of this race riot the members of this
Post were called upon to go to Hoop Spur and Elaine to pro
tect life and property, and in compliance with this request,
there were two American Legion members killed and one seri
ously injured, besides the other non-members who also
perished, and when the guilty negroes were apprehended, a
solemn promise was given by the leading citizens of the com
munity, that if these guilty parties were not lynched, and let
the law take its course, that justice would be done and the
majesty of the law upheld.
The twelve negroes now under sentence of death, but
whose sentences are suspended — account of court procedure,
and six of these negro cases have — taken to the Supreme
Court of the United States, which court declined to review.
The other six cases, whose original trials were reversed and
new trials given them, were convicted, and their cases were
appealed to the Supreme Court of the State and attorneys of
their own selection were permitted to handle their cases.
Now therefore be it resolved by this Post assembled on
this the 19th dau of October, 1920, that we most earnestly
protest against the commutation of aim of the sentences of
these twelve negroes convicted of murder in the Elaine riot
of October 1919, their having received a fair trial and—proven
guilty, and the leniency of the court was shown in the balance
of the cases tried, these being the ring leaders and guilty mur
derers, and that law and order will be vindicated and a solemn
promise kept.
92 FRANK MOORE ET AX.. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
Be it further resolved that a com-ittee of four be ap
pointed by the Post Commander. This Committee is hereby
empowered to represent this Post at a conference, or several
conferences, with the Governor of Arkansas and to take such
steps as they may deem necessary to carry out the wishes of
this resolution and leaving nothing undone to have these sen
tences carried out. This committee to report in full to the
next meeting of this post.
Passed unanimously 8:30 P. M. October 19, 1920, base
ment of the Episcopal Church, Helena, Arkansas.
R. H. MOTT,
Post Commander.
EDWIN BUEKS,
Adjutant.
Committee appointed:
Mr. Herbert Thompson, Chairman.
Mr. T. H. Faulkner, Jr.
Mr. J. B. Lambert.
Mr. L. J. Wilkes, Jr.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
E xhibit “ I .”
(Copy.)
November 10, 1920.
At a regular meeting of the Helena Rotary Club, held
this date and attended by seventy five members, representing
seventy five of the leading industrial and commercial enter
prises of this City, there was read the resolution which was
adopted by the Richard L. Kitchens Post, No. 41, American
Legion, Helena, Arkansas, on the 19th day of October, 1920,
protesting to the Governor against the commutation of sen
tences of any of the negroes who have been heretofore con
victed of participation in the Elaine Insurrection; and by
unanimous vote of the Helena Rotary Club, it was,
Resolved: That the Helena Rotary Club does hereby give
its unqualified approval and support of the action and reso
lution of the Richard L. Kitchens Post No. 41, of the Ameri
can Legion, and pledges its full co-operation and assistance
to the accomplishment of the purposes of said resolution, and
it is also
FRANK MOORE E l AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 9 3
Resolved That a copy of this resolution, officially signed
by the President and Secretary of the Helena Rotary Club, be
presented to the Commander of the Richard L. Kitchens Post,
No. 41, American Legion of Helena, Arkansas.
(Signed) HELENA ROTARY CLUB OF
HELENA, ARKANSAS,
By S. STRAUB,
President.
OZERO C. BREWER,
Secretary.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
Exhibit “ J .”
(Copy.)
At a regular meeting of the Lions Club of Helena, held
this date and attended by sixty members, representing sixty
of the leading industrial and commercial enterprises of this
city, there was read the resolution which was adopted by the
Richard L. Kitchens Post No. 41, American Legion, Helena,
Arkansas, on the 19th day of October, 1920, protesting to the
Governor against the commutation or sentences of any of the
negroes who have been heretofore convicted of participation
in the Elaine insurrection; and by unanimous vote of the
Lions Club of Helena, it was
Resolved: That the Lions Club of Helena does hereby
give its unqualified approval and support of the action and
resolution of the Richard L. Kitchens Post, No. 41, of the
American Legion, and pledges its full co-operation and assist
ance to the accomplishment of the purpose of said resolution.
And it is also
Resolved: That a copy of this resolution, officially signed
by the President and Secretary of the Lions Club of Helena,
be presented to the Commander of the Richard L. Kitchens
Post, No. 41, American Legion of Helena, Arkansas.
(Signed) LIONS CLUB OF HELENA,
ARKANSAS,
By JOS. C. MAYERS,
President.
SKIPWITH ADAMS,
Secretary.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
9 4 FRA2JK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY. ETC.
E xhibit “ K .”
In the Supreme Court of Arkansas, June 20, 1921.
No. 52.
State ex Rel.
v.
M a r t i n e a u , Chancellor.
Opinion.
McCulloch, C . J.:
Frank Hicks, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed.
Coleman and Paul Hall, who had previously been indicted and
convicted of the crime of murder, and who were being con
fined in the State Penitentiary awaiting execution of the death
sentences, filed a petition for habeas corpus in the chancery
court of Pulaski County, praying that they be discharged
from custody and from said judgments of conviction. This
petition was filed and presented to the Chancellor on June 8,
1921, who immediately ordered the issuance of a writ of
habeas corpus directed to the keeper of the penitentiary, and
the Chancellor also ordered the issuance of a writ of injunc
tion restraining the said keeper from executing the death
sentences upon said petitioners in accordance with said judg
ments of conviction and the proclamation of the Governor
fixing the date of executions. The writs were issued and made
returnable for hearing before the chancery court at 2 o ’clock P.
M. on June 10,1921, and E. H. Dempsey, keeper of the peniten
tiary was made respondent in the proceedings and copies of the
proceedings and process were served on him and on the Attor
ney General, who appeared before the Chancellor on behalf of
the State and the keeper o f the penitentiary and made objec
tions challenging the jurisdiction of the chancery court.
A petition has been filed here praying for a writ of prohi
bition to restrain the chancery court from proceeding in the
matter, alleging that it is not within the jurisdiction of that
court. The chancery court postponed further hearing on the
matter unitl a decision of this court could be rendered as to
the jurisdiction of that court. The petitioners in the proceed
ing below, as well as the Chancellor, have responded to the
present petition and the former seek to uphold the jurisdic
tion of the chancery court. Relators presented the present
petition to the Justices of the Supreme Court on June 9, 1921,
for a temporary writ of prohibition pending the presentation
of the matter to the court in session, but on objection being
made by respondents to the hearing at that time it was post
poned to the first session of the court on Monday, June 13,
1921, and the cause was set down for hearing on that day.
On the outset of the hearing by this court respondents
were opposed to proceeding at this time on the ground that
the notice was not given for the length of time required by
statute. There is a statute regulating the practice on appli
cations for mandamus and prohibition, which provides that
ten days’ notice of an application shall be given. Crawford
& Moses Digest, 6251 and 7023. This statute manifestly ap
plies only to proceedings of this nature in courts of original
jurisdiction. It defines a writ of mandamus, treated in the
chapter, “ as an order of a court of competent and original
jurisdiction,” and defines a writ of prohibition as “ an order
from a circuit court to an inferior court of limited jurisdiction
prohibiting it from proceeding in a matter out of its jurisdic
tion.” Crawford & Moses Digest, Secs. 7021-22. This does
not apply to proceedings in the Supreme Court where juris
diction is derived from the Constitution, but there is no stat
ute regulating the practice. Prairie C. C. M. Co. v. Kittrell,
107 Ark. 361. This leaves the matter of notice as one to be
fixed by the rules of this court. This seems to have been the
thought in the mind of the court in deciding the case of
Tucker ex parte, 25 Ark. 567, which arose shortly after the
adoption of the civil code containing the provision referred
to in regard to notice.- In the opinion it was said following,
the common law practice, that a writ of prohibition should
not be “ issued unless an opportunity be offered those sought
to be prohibted of showing cause against it, ’ ’ but no reference
was made to the statute requiring notice. There is no estab
lished rule of this court on the subject and it is a question to
be determined in each instance whether reasonable notice has
been given. In the present case we concluded that the notice
was, under the circumstances, reasonable and the request for
further postponement was denied. In fact, there was no con
tention that the notice was unreasonable if we concluded that
the statute referred to did not apply.
Again it is urged that the remedy should not be awarded
under the writ of prohibition for the reason that the proper
objection had not been made to and overruled by the Chan
cellor to the exercise of jurisdiction. The rule has often been
recognized in decisions of this court that prohibition is not
FBANK MQOBE ET AL. VS. E. H, DEMPSEY, ETC. 95
available until objection to the wrongful attempt to exercise
jurisdiction has been raised in the inferior tribunal and over
ruled; but exceptions to that rule have been found. Reese v.
Steel, 73 Ark. 66; Monett Road Imp. Dist. vs. Dudley, 144
Ark. 169.
The state of the matter as presented here is this: The
chancery court has already exercised jurisdiction by issuing
an injunction staying execution of the judgments in the crim
inal cases and has set the cause for final hearing. Relators
made objection to the exercise of jurisdiction, but the chan
cery court declined to decide either the question of jurisdic
tion or the merits of the case until after this court determined
the question of jurisdiction. The Chancery court on June 10,
postponed the hearing indefinitely until this court decides the
present case. The effect of the court’s attitude is therefore
to retain jurisdiction and to further exercise it in due time
unless prohibited by this court. The case, therefore, falls
within the exceptions stated in Monett Road Imp. Dist. v.
Dudley, supra. Relators are now under restraint until the
writ of injunction issued by the chancery court in the attempt
to exercise jurisdiction which it is alleged that court did not
rightfully possess, and the failure of the court on the request
of the relators to relinquish jurisdiction is tantamount to
overruling the objection.
This brings us to the consideration of the main question
in the case, whether or not, upon the allegations of the peti
tion filed below, the chancery court possessed jurisdiction,
either by injunction or under the writ of habeas corpus, to
review the proceedings in which the accused respondents were
convicted of the crime of murder or to interfere with the
judgments of conviction. The facts are stated in detail and
at great length in the petition filed, and include the record
of the proceedings in which the accused respondents were in
dicted, tried and convicted, the record of the appeal to this
court, the judgment of affirmance and the opinion of this
court, and also the record of the application to the Supreme
Court of the United States for a writ of certiorari to review
the proceedings.
The accused respondents were indicted by the grand jury
of Phillips County of the crime of murder in the first degree,
alleged to have been committed by shooting one Clinton Lee.
It is charged in the indictment and was proved at the trial
that the killing of Lee occurred on October 20, 1919, and on
the 3rd day of November, 1919, the trials occurred. Frank
Hicks was tried separately and the other five were tried to
gether, and each trial resulted in a conviction of murder in
96 PRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSET, ETC.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 9 7
the first degree. When the accused were brought into court
and arraigned they had no attorney to represent them and
the court appointed counsel, certain members of the Phillips
County bar who represented the accused throughout the trials.
There were no exceptions saved during the progress of the
trials, but the records show that counsel for the accused cross-
examined all of the State’s witnesses at length. Before the
final adjournment of the circuit court for the term and within
the time allowed by law the accused or their friends employed
to represent them the counsel who now appear in their behalf
in the present proceedings, and they filed a motion for a new
trial, supported by affidavits, which was heard by the court
and overruled on December 18, 1919. The motion set forth, as
grounds therefor, that the verdict was contrary to the law and
the evidence and that the court erred in rendering judgment
upon the verdict. The motion also set forth at considerable
length and in detail the circumstances surrounding the ac
cused at the time of the killing of Clinton Lee and from then
up to and throughout the trials of the causes, stating among
other things that “ at the time of the returning of said indict
ment and trial said excitement and bitterness of feeling among
the whites of said county against the negroes, especially
against the defendants, was unabated and still at the height
of intensity.” It alleged, in substance, that the trials of the
accused occurred during a period of great excitement; that
the accused were given no opportunity to consult with friends
or to employ counsel and while they were confined awaiting a
trial a mob composed of several hundred armed white men
surrounded the jail and courthouse and that the excitement
and feeling against the accused among the white people of
the county was such that it was impossible to obtain an im
partial jury. The substance of the ground thus pleaded was
that they had not been given fair trial on account of the
alleged domination of a mob over the court and jury. Upon
overruling the motion for new trial the circuit court allowed
the accused sixty days within which to prepare and file a bill
of exceptions which was filed within the time allowed and an
appeal was duly prosecuted to this court and after arguments
the case was decided by this court affirming the judgment of
conviction. All of the assignments of error in the motion for
new trial were reviewed in the opinion of the this court and
decided against the contention of the accused, Hicks v. State,
143 Ark. 58. Thereafter a petition was presented to the
Supreme Court of the United States for a writ of certiorari,
which was by that court refused. Since that time the accused
respondents have remained in the custody of the keeper of the
penitentiary awaiting the action of the Governor in fixing the
date of execution, and the proclamation of the Governor fixing
the date of the execution on June 10, 1921, has been suspended
by the injunction of the chancery court.
The petition filed below contains a repetition of the alle
gations contained in the motion for new trial with reference
to the excitement prevailing at and before the trial in the
circuit court and the alleged domination of mob violence. It
also contains a charge, which was also stated in the motion
for new trial, that the accused, being negroes, were denied the
right and privilege guaranteed by the Constitution of the
United States by the exclusion of men of their race from the
grand jury and from the trial jury in Phillips County. The
petition recites facts in regard to publications in newspapers
and resolutions passed by civic and fraternal organizations
prior to the trial and subsequent thereto alleged to be calcu
lated to arouse the people of Phillips County to a high pitch
of excitement. It also gives a history of the events which are
said to have led up to the killing of Clinton Lee and declares
the innocence of the accused of the crime charged in the in
dictment. It also alleges that the witnesses introduced by
the state in the prosecution of the accused were tortured into
giving false testimony, which said witnesses had retracted
since the trial. It contains and allegation that prior to the
indictment of the accused there had been an investigation by a
committee of white citizens in Phillips County for the pur
pose of ascertaining who were the guilty parties in the homi
cide which had occurred and it is stated in the petition that
“ The entire trial, verdict and judgment against them was but
an empty ceremony; that their real trial and condemnation
had already taken place before said ‘ Commit-ee of Seven,’
that said committee, in advance of the sitting of the court,
had set in judgment upon their and all other cases and
assumed and exercised the jurisdiction of the court by deter
mining the guilt or innocence of those in jail, had acquired the
evidence in the manner herein set out, and decided which of
the defendants should be electrocuted and which sent to prison
and the terms to be given them, and which to be discharged;
that when court convened, the program laid out by said com
mittee was carried through and the verdict against petition
ers was pronounced not as the independent verdict of an un
biased jury, but as part of the pre-arranged scheme and judg
ment of said committee; that in doing this the court did not
exercise the jurisdiction given it by law and wholly lost its
jurisdiction by substituting for its judgment the judgment of
condemnation of said committee.’ ’
9 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
The doctrine has been announced by this court that courts
of equity in this State are not clothed with jurisdiction to
review proceedings in criminal cases or to interfere with such
proceedings either by injunction or under the writ of habeas
corpus. State ex rel. Williams, 97 Ark. 243, Ferguson v.
Martineau, Chancellor, 115 Ark. 317. In State ex rel. v. W il
liams, there was an instance where the chancellor had, after
indictment of the accused in the circuit court, issued a writ of
habeas corpus for the purpose of allowing bail and we held
that the circuit court acquired exclusive jurisdiction of the
cause upon the return of the indictment and that the chancery
court had no jurisdiction to interfere even to the extent of
allowing bail. In disposing of the matter, we said: “ The
Chancellor has nothing to do with the administration of the
criminal laws nor right to interfere with them neither has he
appellate jurisdiction over criminal trials nor appellate or
supervisory jurisdiction over the actions of chancellors or
circuit judges granting or refusing bail.”
The case of Ferguson vs. Martineau, Chancellor, supra,
was one where the chancellor issued an injunction to restrain
the keeper of the State Penitentiary from executing a death
sentence, the writ being issued to suspend proceedings and
stay the execution until the sanity of the accused could be
inquired into in the probate court. In disposing of the case,
in which we held that the chancery court was proceeding be
yond its jurisdiction we said: “ Courts of equity have to do
with civil and property rights, and they have no jurisdiction
to interfere by injunction with criminal proceedings. They
can not stay processes of courts having the exclusive jurisdic
tion of criminal matters, where no civil or property rights are
involved.”
These two decisions seem to be conclusive of the contro
versy now before us and to settle the question that the chan
cery court was without jurisdiction. But it is insisted that
while such is the effect of our decisions in establishing the
jurisdiction of courts that they do not reach to the particular
question now presented, which is that under the “ due process
of law” provision of the Constitution of the United States
any court having authority to issue a writ of habeas corpus
possesses jurisdiction to inquire into and review the proceed
ings in criminal cases for the purpose of determining whether
or not the judgment was the result of “ due process of law
within the meaning of the Federal Constitution.” In other
words, the contention is that the provision of the Constitution
with reference to due process of law and the Federal statutes
prescribing the remedies whereby the constitutional guaranty
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 99
1 0 0 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
may be enforced must be read into the State laws so that the
prescribed remedies may be afforded in the State courts.
Counsel for respondents rely on the case of Frank v.
Mangum, 237 U. S. 309, as sustaining this contention but an
analysis of that decision and a consideration of the language
employed by the learned justice who wrote it shows very
clearly that such is not the effect of that decision. The court
distinctly recognized the well established rule at common-law
and under the British statutes, that on habeas corpus a court
was confined in its inquiry to the face of the process of the
judgment under which the prisoner was held in custody. The
case of Ex parte Watkins, 3 Peters 193, was cited where Chief
Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, fol
lowed the common law rule stated above and decided that a
court could not, under habeas corpus, look beyond the face of
the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction to deter
mine whether or not a prisoner was being unlawfully held.
This is in accordance with repeated decisions of our own court
holding that if a petitioner for habeas corpus “ is in custody
under process regular on its face nothing will be inquired
into save the jurisdiction of the court whence the process
came.” State ex rel v. Neel, 48 Ark. 283; Barnett ex parte, 51
Ark. 215; Ex parte Perdue, 58 Ark. 285; Ex Parte Foote, 70
Ark. 12; Ex parte Byles, 93 Ark. 612; Ex parte Williams, 99
Ark. 475.
But the Supreme Court of the United States in the Frank
case, supra, held that Congress had, by the Act of February
5, 1867, (Revised Statutes, Section 753 et seq.) conferred upon
the Federal Courts express authority to inquire beyond the
face of the process or judgment under which a prisoner is
being held and “ extended the writ of habeas corpus to all
cases of persons restrained of their liberty in violation of
Constitution or law or treaty of the United States.” Further
speaking on this subject, the court said: “ The effect” (Acts
1867) “ is to substitute for the bare legal review that seems to
have been the limit of judicial authority under the common
law practice, and under the act of 31 Car. II, c. 2, a more
searching investigation, in which the applicant is put upon
his oath to set forth the truth of the matter respecting the
causes of his detention, and the court, upon determining the
actual facts, is to ‘ dispose of the party as law and justice re
quire.’ ”
The statute referred to does not apply to any courts ex
cept to the Supreme Court and circuit and district courts of
the United States, and it defines the practice in those courts
and the powers of the courts under the remedy afforded by
FKANK MOOKE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 101
the writ of habeas corpus. The statute does not purport to ap
ply to the courts of the States and Congress had no authority,
had it attempted to do so, to prescribe the power of the State
courts and the practice to be followed in matters within their
jurisdiction. The court in the Frank case in effect held that
the statute had no application to the State courts, for it said
this: “ But repeated decisions of this court have put it beyond
the range of further debate that ‘ due process’ clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment has not the effect of imposing upou
the States any particular form or mode of procedure, so long
as the essential rights of notice and a hearing, or opportunity
to be heard, before a competent tribunal are not interfered
with.”
And again in speaking of the due process mandate in the
Constitution, the court said: “ The prohibition is addressed
to the State; if it be violated, it makes no difference in a court
of the United States by what agency of the State this is done;
so, if a violation be threatened by one agency of the State
but prevented by another agency of higher authority, there is
no violation by the State. It is for the State to determine
what courts or other tribunals shall be established for the
trial of offenses against its criminal laws, and to define their
several jurisdictions and authority as between themselves.
And the question whether a state is depriving a prisoner of
his liberty without due process of law, where the offense for
which he is prosecuted is biased upon a law that does not
violence to the Federal Constitution cannot ordinarily be de
termined, with fairness to the State, until the conclusion of
the course of justice in its courts.”
And again the court said on this subject: “ as to the ‘ due
process of law’ that is required by the Fourteenth Amend
ment, it is perfectly well settled that a criminal prosecution
in the courts of a state, based upon a law not in itself repug
nant to the Federal Constitution and conducted according to
the settled course of judicial proceedings, as established by
the law of the State, so long as it includes notice, and a hear
ing, or an opportunity to be heard, before a court of compe
tent jurisdiction, according to established modes of proced
ure, is ‘ due process’ in the constitutional sense.”
What the result would be of an application to a Federal
Court under the statutes referred to and upon the facts stated
in the petition we need not inquire. A perusal of the opinion
of the-Supreme Court of the United States in the Frank case,
supra, is, however, illuminative of the subject. The court,
after reviewing all of the facts as narrated in the petition
and referring to the various proceedings in the State courts,
1 0 2 I'RANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
said: “ The narrative has no proper place in a petition ad
dressed to a court of the United States except as it may tend
to throw light upon the question whether the State of Georgia,
having regard to the entire course of the proceedings, in the
appellate as well as in the trial court, is depriving the appel
lant of his liberty and intending to deprive him of his life
without due process of law. Dealing with the narrative, then,
in its essence, and in its relation to the context, it clearly
appears to be only a reiteration of allegations that appellant
had a right to submit, and did submit, first to the trial court
and afterwards to the Supreme Court of the State, as a
ground for avoiding the consequences of the trial.”
The court further said that “ this familiar phrase ‘ due
process of law’ does not mean that the operations of the State
government shall be conducted without error or fault in any
particular case, nor that the Federal Courts may substitute
their judgment for that of the State courts, or exercise any
general review over their proceedings, but only that the fun
damental rights of the prisoner shall not be taken from him
arbitrarily or without the right to be heard according to the
usual course of law in such case.”
Further discussion would seem to be useless. It was not
contended in the argument here that there is any other charge
in the motion upon which relief could be granted, except the
one to the effect that the trial court was dominated by a mob,
which suspended the functions of the court and prevented a
fair trial. There are no other facts in the petition which
would warrant a review of the judgment of the circuit court
of Phillips County. The allegations with regard to newly dis
covered evidence and the retraction by the State’s witnesses,
which is, in effect, an allegation of the discovery of new evi
dence, afford no grounds for a review of the judgments of
conviction, for there is no provision in the laws of this State
for the granting of a new trial after the lapse of the term on
the ground of newly discovered evidence, Howard vs. State,
58 Ark. 229; Thomas v. State, 136 Ark. 290; Satterwhite v.
State, MS. Op.
It follows that the chancery court is without jurisdiction
to proceed and the writ of prohibition will, therefore, be
granted and the writ of habeas corpus as well as the injunc
tive order issued by the court will be quashed.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Redding, Clerk.
Affidavit of T. K. Jones.
S tate of T en n essee ,
County of Shelby, ss:
T. M. Jones, being first duly sworn, deposed and said:
My name is T. K. Jones. My age is 42, and I reside at
250 Lucerne Place, Memphis, Tennessee. I know the petition
ers Frank Hicks, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Know, Ed.
Coleman and Paul Hall, and have known them since about the
1st of October, 1919.
For about six years prior to July 15, 1921, I was special
agent for the Missouri-Pacific Railroad. In the year 1919 1
was special agent in charge of the Memphis Division from
Noble, Arkansas, to McGehee, Arkansas, Memphis to Bald
Knob, Memphis to Marianna, Helena to Clarendon and Brink-
ley, with headquarters at Wynne, Arkansas. On the night of
September 30, 1919, I was in Helena, Arkansas. Mr. Dick
Dazell came to me about 7 o ’clock P. M. of that date, and
asked me if special officers Smiddy and Atkins could go with
Mr. Charles Pratt down to Elaine that night to arrest a man
by the name of Clem, charged with some kind of a misde
meanor, and I told him that they could go if they wanted to.
Mr. Smiddy and Mr. Atkins were both in the employ of the
Missouri-Pacific Railway, working under my direction. Mr.
Smiddy did not go, but Mr. Atkins did go with Mr. Pratt,
and I was present about 9 o ’clock P. M. when they left in a
Ford automobile in front of the court house on this trip. I
heard them say before leaving that they had to go by Mr.
E. J. Weyeth’s house, and when they left, instead of going in
the direction of Elaine, they left in the direction of Mr.
Weyeth’s house. I did not hear them say for what purpose
they were going to Mr. Weyeth’s house.
Later on I went to the Cleiborne Hotel and went to bed.
Mr. Smiddy had a room across the hall from me in the same
hotel.
About 2 o ’clock in the night Mr. Dazell called me on the
telephone and told me that the men who had left that night
had gotton into some trouble down about Hoop Spur and that
there was some shooting and that our men might be hurt.
And he asked me if Mr. Smiddy and I could go with him and
some others that were going down there to investigate the
matter. I told him that we would. And I waked Mr. Smiddy
and we dressed and went down with them, there being two
automobile loads of us, four of us in Mr. Dazell’s car and five
in Mr. Aubrey’s car.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. -103
We arrived at Hoop Spur church house about 3:30 or
4:00 o ’clock in the morning. It was still dark. We found the
dead body of Mr. Atkins about 30 feet north of the bridge
across the slough which runs across the public road just north
of the Hoop Spur church. As soon as we discovered the body
of Mr. Atkins I jumped out of the automobile and went to it
and found that he was dead. I paid no particular attention
to what the other members of the party were doing, but was
looking after Mr. Atkins. We found the Ford automobile
close by. I went up to the church house and saw the disar
ranged condition of the benches and everything as described
by Mr. Smiddy in his affidavit. There was a horse and wagon
out north of the church hitched to the fence, and we found a
saddle in the road out south of the bridge near the church.
This bridge is proha-ly thirty five or forty yards north of the
front of the church. After spending proba-ly thirty minutes
at the church house we drove on to Elaine where Mr. Dazell
phoned to Mr. Kitchens at Helena and reported what we had
found. About sun-up we returned to the Hoop Spur church.
I made no further examination of the church chouse, and I
did not know whether it was shot into or not from my own
observation; but a shed house standing to the north of the
church with the roof slanting to the north appeared to have
been shot into from the north. I was more concerned about
the disposition of Mr. Atkins’ body than I was about the con
dition of the church house.
Along in the afternoon of the same day while again at
Elaine I heard some planters talking and from their conversa
tion I understood that a number of white men had gone to
the Hoop Spur church house the night before for the purpose
of breaking up the meeting of the negroes there and that the
white poeple had shot into the church and started the shoot
ing. Just who these men were I do not now recall. One of
them said to the other that, “ My negroes don’t belong to that
blankety blank union.” The other said, “ How in the hell do
you know they don’t ? ” He answered and said, “ I told my
negroes about two weeks ago that if they joined that blankety
blank union I would kill every one of them.”
I didn’t go out with any of the parties in search of the
negroes. Mr. Sam Austin and I were left near the Hoop Spur
commissary to guard the road across where the public road
crosses the railroad with orders to arrest all negroes who
came by there armed. Mown came by. We stayed there from
about 8 o ’clock in the morning until about 12:30 and no
negroes came by. At about 12:30 some man came by there in
an automobile and told us they had a tip the negroes were
1 0 4 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
FBANK M 00BE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC. 105
going to attack the McCoy house and for us to go down there,
which was a short distance from where we were, probably a
half a mile. We went down there and remained until about 3
o ’clock and there was no attack made and we left.
While at the McCoy house Lieut. Tappan was brought in
in a dying condition and I saw him die on the bed in the
McCoy house. Tappan was shot in the left side of the face
and neck with a load of buck shot. While there I saw a bunch
of negroes cross the railroad and dirt road going east about
half a mile south of the McCoy house and disappear in a corn
field on the east side of the road. I didn’t see any negroe in
that bunch with a gun or other weapon in his hand. If any
negro in the crowd had a gun I didn’t see it. I know posi
tively no negro stopped in the road, kneeled, and made a shot
or two up the road, because if he had done so I would have
seen him as I was looking right at the bunch of negroes that
crossed the road.
I was not immediately present when Clinton Lee was
shot. I saw him after he was shot and also saw the hole iu
the rear end of the automobile and was told that he was
killed by the shot that made that hole. There was no loose
horse in the road between the McCoy house and the negroes.
Automobiles were running up and down that road almost con
tinuously, and if the negroes had desired to kill any white
men they had ample opportunity to do it, as there was pass
ing along the public road all the time. The local freight train
on the Missouri-Pacific Railroad made several trips up and
down the road during the day with the caboose loaded with
men, and if the negroes had desired to kill anybody they
could have killed them.
So far as I know no person traveling along the public
highway was shot into or disturbed in any manner. I did
not see a single negro with a gun or weapon of any kind dur
ing the whole day I was in the country.
I caught a local freight train and rode it up to Wabash,
and from there I went back to Elaine, arriving about 3:30,
where I remained until 7 or 8 o ’clock and caught a train back
to Helena. As I passed the Hoop Spur church house on the
return trip I noticed that it had been burned down sometime
during the day.
From the information I gathered while I was down there
the whole trouble started because the white folks objected to
the negroes having this union; that the negroes were organiz
ing to employ counsel to represent them in getting settlements
from their white landlords, and the white folks objected to
this procedure. I did not go down into the Elaine territory
and more on this business. I was in Helena after the negroes
were brought to the county jail, which was probably a week
after the trouble started; and I was there off and on for sev
eral days at a time until the trials came off and during the
trials.
I saw a great many negroes whipped on the third floor
of the county jail to compel them to give evidence against
themselves and others about the trouble.
I know that Mr. Smiddy conveyed a number of prisoners
from the jail to be examined by The Committee of Seven and
brought them back, and I know that the negroes were fre
quently whipped and otherwise tortured after they were
taken before the Committee and brought back. They would
take the negroes before this Committee and bring them back
to the whipping room of the jail, and apply the lash until the
negroes were willing to testify and would testify to anything
that was wanted of them to save themselves from further
torture. They were not only whipped but formaldehyde was
put to their noses and were stripped naked and put into an
electric chair which they had in the room to further frighten
and torture them. I not only personally saw a great many
negroes whipped with a leather strap that would cut the blood
at every lick, but I whipped probably two dozen of them my
self. I either whipped or helped to whip several of these
petitioners, I don’t know which, but I do remember that I
helped to whip Frank Moore and J. E. Knox. To the best of
my recollection Walter Ward, one of the witnesses against the
petitioners, was whipped two or three times and put in the
electric chair to make him testify against the petitioners.
Not all of the prisoners were whipped, but those that
were not whipped saw others that were whipped and were
told if they did not give the testimony that was wanted that
they would get the same thing that those that were whipped
got.
After a negro was whipped, as a general proposition, he
•was unable to walk back to his cell and was dragged back and
dumped in and his clothes were thrown in after him. They
were whipped so brutally and unmercifully that a physician
had to be called in to take care of them afterwards. I do not
now recall the physician’s name, but I was told that he was a
county physician. I was — him in the cells a number of times
attending to the injuries of these negroes that had been
whipped had received.
In this manner the testimony that was used in the trials
of these cases and the others was acquired. So far as I know
no negro made a voluntary statement that implicated any
1 0 6 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
other negro in anything criminal, and 1 believe that 1 would
have known it if it had been done. The negroes would be told
that such and such a statement they had made was a blankety
blank lie; That they knew such and such was true, and after
being whipped the negroes would says, “ Boss, yes, sir, that is
so; I will say anything you want me to say,” —or something
to that effect.
Court met in Helena the latter part of October or about
the first of November, and a great many of these negroes were
indicted. They were indicted without taking before the
Grand Jury the witnesses who were to give the evidence.
Some person would go before the Grand Jury and tell them
what such and such a person would testify to, and upon the
information thus acquired the Grand Jury returned the in
dictment.
So far as I know the negro witnesses who were used in
the trials before the petit jury never appeared before the
Grand Jury at all, and they were the only one from whom
they got any statements to connect any of the defendants
with the commission of any offense.
At the trials of these cases the only evidence they had
against these petitioners to connect them with any criminal
offense was the evidence that he had extorted in the manner
above set out. I was present during the trials in the court
room. Large crowds thronged the court house and grounds,
all of whom were unfriendly to the defendants, and desired
their condemnation and death. The feeling against them was
so bitter and so strong and so universal that it was absolutely
unanimous and no man could have sat upon a jury in any of
these cases and have voted for an acquittal and remained in
Helena afterwards.
So far as I can now recall the jurors that sat upon these
and the other cases were very briefly examined, and I do not
remember that any juror was challenged by the defendant’s
counsel.
Shortly after the negroes were placed in the jail a mob
was formed and came around the court house and jail for the
purpose of lynching some of these negroes, but the presence
of United States soldiers and advice of some level-headed
prevented the purpose of the mob. They were told that if the
mob would not lynch the negroes that they would be tried and
convicted.
Those that did the whipping of the negroes in the Phil
lips County jail other than myself and Mr. Smiddy were Mr.
Dick Dazell, Louis Anselman, Charlies Gist, and some others
whose name- I do not now recall.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 10.7
1 0 8 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
I make this affidavit freely and voluntarily to the end
that justice may be done and I stand ready at any time to
testify in any court orally as to the facts and statements
herein made.
And further affiant sayeth noth.
(Signed) T. K. JONES.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of Sept.
1921.
[ s e a l .] M. W. ALLEN,
Notary Public.
My commission expires Jan. 16, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid. B. Bedding, Clerk.
Affidavit of H. F. Smiddy.
S tate of T en n esse e ,
County of Shelby, ss:
H. F. Smiddy, being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
My name is H. F. Smiddy, age 32, and reside at 133
South Lauderdale, Street, Memphis, Tennessee. I know the
petitioners, Frank Hicks, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall, and have known them
since about October 1st, 1919. During September, October
and November, 1919, I was employed by the Missouri Pacific
Railroad Company as Special Officer, under Mr. T. K. Jones
and worked from Wynne south to McGehee, Arkansas. Dur
ing the latter part of November or early in December, I quit
work for the Railroad Company and was employed by the
City of Helena as plains clothes man under Chief of Police Sam
Austin, and later, some two or three months, I quit this work
and was employed as a Deputy Sheriff of Phillips County,
Mr. Frank Kitchens being the Sheriff and Mr. J. R. Dalzell
being Chief Deputy, under whose directions I worked for
about one year, during which time Mr. Kitchens died and
Mr. Dalzell was appointed to fill the unexpired term. I con
tinued as Deputy until Mr. Jim Mays became sheriff. During
all this time I was either making Helena my headquarters or
was living there.
I was in Helena the night of September 30, 1919, the
night the shooting occurred at the Hoop Spur Church near
Hoop Spur, when Mr. W. A. Adkins was killed. Mr. Atkins
FEASTK MOOSE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETG. 109
was a Special Officer under Mr. T. K. Jones the same as I
was, and we worked together. On the night of September
29th, Mr. Atkins and I were up all night trying to locate a
negro charged with breaking into an interstate shipment, and
we continued all day of the 30th and arrived in Helena about
7 p. m. Shortly afterwards Mr. Charles Pratt, who was a
deputy sheriff of Phillips County came to me and Atkins and
asked us to make a trip with him to Elaine. I told him I was
too speepi and tired and declined to go. Atkins agreed to go
with him. I had supper with Atkins. Afterwards about 9 or
9:15 p. m. they got in an automobile in front of the court
house, together with a negro, by the name of Kid Collins, and
left, and said they were going by Mr. E. J. Weyeth’s house to
get some whiskey. That was the last time I saw them that
night. Shortly afterwards I went to the hotel and went to
bed. Mr. T. K. Jones was also in Helena and had a room in
the same hotel just across the hall from mine. About two
o ’clock that night Mr. Jones called me and told me that Mr.
Dalzell had called him and told him that the men sent down
to Elaine had some trouble north of Elaine, that there was
some shooting and possible some one got hurt, and that they
wanted us to go down with them as a posse was being organ
ized for that purpose. We dressed and went with them.
There were two cars left, Dick Dalzell’s and Aunrey Burke’s.
In Mr. Dalzell’s car there were, Mr. Dalzell, Mr. Amos Jar
man, Mr. Jones and myself. In the other car there were Mr.
Burke, Sam Austin, Will Malliter and two others whose names
I cannot now recall. We left Helena about 3 o ’clock a. m.
and arrived at Hoop Spur Church about 4:30 a. m. It was
still dark. We found the dead body of Mr. Atkins lying about
30 feet north of a bridge across a slough about 40 yards north
of the church house. The car in which Atkins, Pratt and
Collins drove down was standing on the bridge near the south
side of the bridge and we backed the car off the bridge to the
north side.
On examination we found Atkins had been shot in the
stomach with a load of buckshot and through the neck with a
rifle or pistol. We found a horse and buggy on the north side
of the church and a saddle lying in the road near the front
of the church and a coat just north of Mr. Atkins.
We spent about 30 minutes there at the Hoop Spur
Church house and left and went to Elaine about four miles
south. While at the Hoop Spur Church house we saw no
negroes and were not distu-bed or interfered with by any
body. On arrival at Elaine Mr. Dick Dalzell telephoned
Sheriff Kitchens at Helena for reinforcements after telling
him what we had found at Hoop Spur.
About sun-up we left Elaine and returned to the Hoop
Spur Church, several people from Elaine going with us. We
arrived at Hoop Spur church about sun-up. We made a
thorough examination of the church house, and on the inside
we found a condition that showed that the last people who
had been in the church had left there hurriedly. Benches
were turned over, window lights broken out on all sides of
the church, glass scattered all over the floor, women’s and
men’s hats and coats scattered around over the floor and
every evidence of a stampede in the church house. We also
found some literature of the Farmrs & Laborers’ Household
Union of America. We found nothing in the literature to in
dicate a criminal or unlawful purpose on the part of the
organization. We found a large amount of this literature
pertaining to this organization of this union but so far as I
knoww none of it has ever been offered as evidence in Court.
On examination of the church house from the outside I
found where the church had been shot into from the nortli
side. There was a shed or building just north of the churcii
that had been shot into also. The roof of this shed or build
ing which slanted to the north and which plainly showed
that it had been shot into from the north, and also the side of
this shed had several bullet holes. About 8 o ’clock in the
morning Kid Collins, a negro who come down in the car with
Atkins and Pratt, came to the church house and I had a con
versation with him there. I asked him what had happened
that night. He told me they came down there for the pur
pose of breaking up the meeting; that they stopped there in
the road and Mr. Atkins begun shooting. He said that the
negroes returned the fire and the shooting became general;
that Mr. Atkins was killed; but he did not know what had
become of Mr. Pratt. That he got one of the negroes himself,
meaning that he had killed one of them, and that the negroes
picked up the man he shot and carried him off. That he had
run away after the shooting and went to Wabash, which was
about four miles north of Hoop Spur and “ when I got to
Wabash I notified the deputy sheriff at Wabash—called him
to his door and told him about it,” and he said, “ What can I
do; I cannot do nothing” , and shut the door in the negro’s
face and went on back in the house.
After this conversation with Kid Collins we began to
arrest negroes and bring them into the church house. We
wrent out to their houses and around in the vicinity and
brought them in. Some of them were in the fields picking
cotton,—men, women and chidre-.
So far as I know none of them we found aremd that
morning.
1 1 0 FHANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
Between nine and ten o ’clock on the morning of October 1st
a great many people from Helena and other portions of Phil
lips County, and from other surrounding counties, began com
ing in, quite a large number of them, several hundred of them,
and began to hunt negroes and shotting and killing them as
the- came to them. The posse I was in was composed of fifty
or sixty men. We left the church house and marched down a
slough leading off from the church, which is the same slough
that the bridge was over there near the church and is known
as Govan Slough. Some of us were on one side of the slough
and some on the other.
We began firing into the thicket from both sides thinking
possibly there were negroes in the thicket and we could run
them out and kill them. As we marched down the thicket to
the southwest I saw about five or six negroes come out un
armed, holding up their hands, and some of them running and
trying to get away. They were shot down and killed by mem
bers of the posse.
I didn’t see a single negroe during all the man hunt that
was armed, and I didn’t see a single negro fire a shot. I was
present when Jim Miller was killed and Arthur Washington
was killed, and when Milliken Giles was injured. I shot Milli-
ken Giles myself. He was in the edge of the thicket trying to
hide. When I shot him he was not trving to shoot anybody
and didn’t have a gun. After I shot Milliken Giles five or six
of us went to see if there were any more negroes in there
where he was, and he was lying there shot through the chin
and the bullet lodged in the back of his neck. We thought
that he was dead. He did not die, but recovered and is now
in the penitentiary serving a sentence on a plea of guilty.
Arthur Washington was killed as he ran away from his
house. I saw him running away from his house and saw him
a minute or two after he fell dead and walked up to him after
wards.
After Arthur Washington was shot we marched on down
to where the thicket came to a point where the road crosses.
At this road the thicket had run out and we turned around
and were going to march back up the thicket, firing into the
thicket from both sides. As we were marching back after we
had gone about three hundred feet Mr. James Tappan was
killed. He was on my side of the thicket, which was the east
side of the thicket. He had gone down that side of the thicket
and when we came to the point we turned around and were
going back on the same side of the thicket. At the point
where Mr. Tappan was killed the thicket was probably 30
feet wide. I am sure that there were no negroes in the thicket
FRANK MOORE ET AE. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC, 1 1 1
at that point as we searched it thoroughly after the shooting
of Tapp-n and found no negroes near anywhere he was shot
Mr. Tappan was shot in the left side of the face. I am
positive that this is true for the reason that we were going
north on the east side of the thicket, which would have put his
left side to the thicket. I furthermore know that when he
was put in the automobile to be carried to the McCoy house
we laid him on his right side, because the left side was
wounded. He was shot with a load of buckshot at a short
distance. I don’t know who shot him, but I feel perfectly
sure that he was accidentally killed by a member of our own
posse on the other side of the thicket from us. About the
time he was killed somebody hollered from both sides of the
thicket, “ Look out, we are shooting our own men.” I know
that this is possible because I was shot in the right shoulder
by a stray shot of some kind from a member of our posse, and
also Mr. Dalzell was shot over the left eye. I did not hear
Mr. Herbert Thompson or anybody else holler out to the
negroes to come out of the thicket and surrender. “ And you
will not be harmed” or anything of the kind. When we
started down that thicket it was the understanding with all of
us that we would shoot the negroes as we came to them, which
we did. I furthermore know that no negroe ran out by where
Mr. Tappan was lying after he was shot because if he had he
would have been killed. I was standing within twenty feet of
him when he fell, and a number of others, and some ran to
him and stayed with him until he was taken to the house. I
went to the house with him. If Mr. Herbert Thompson was
there in the posse on either side of the thicket I don’t remem
ber it, and I don’t remember seeing him ai’ound Mr. Tappan
after he was shot.
It is not true that any negro got Mr. Tappan’s gun. He
had a 20 gauge Winchester pump hammerless shot gun. This
gun was picked up by a member of the posse and carried over
to the McCoy house, and what became of the gun after that
I don’t know. We picked Mr. Tappan up, put him in an
automobile, and took him over to the McCoy house, which was
about berween two hundred and three hundred yards away,
and we took him in the house and laid him on the bed. This
was probably between twelve and one o ’clock. Shortly after
wards I came out of the house and there were several auto
mobiles standing in front of the house with a number of men
around. I got in an automobile with Mr. Clinton Lee. I sat
down on the door on the right hand side of the car and the
drive- backed the car up to turn around and go back to the
Hoop Spur church. As the car had turned around facing west
1 1 2 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
FBANK M 00BE ET AX.. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 113
a shot or two was fired from the south and one of the bullets
struck the south side of the car, passed through Clinton Lee
and went between my arm and my body, just touching my
coat. Clinton Lee was mortally wounded—killed almost in
stantly. We took him out of the car and carried him into the
McCoy house. I don’t know who fired the shot. I didn’t see
anybody at the time the shot was fired. A short time before
the shot I saw a bunch of negroes, probably between twenty
and thirty, crossing the dirt road about half a mile south of
the McCoy house and get into a corn field on the east side of
the dirt road. They were running,—seemed to be scared and
seemed to be trying to get out of the way of the white folks.
I didn’t see any negro with a gun in his hand as he crossed
the dirt road, although they were in plain view. I don’t
know vTho any of the negroes were in the gang that crossed
the road. They crossed the railroad and dirt road a short dis
tance below a house they call the Honk-a-tonk.
After the shooting of Lee we thought the Negroes that
had crossed the road were going to make attack on the McCoy
house, and we scattered out around the McCoy house and up
and down the lane. We waited there for some time, but no
attack was made of any kind and some of us left and went to
Elaine, probably about three o ’clock in the afternoon. I was
among the party that left and went to Elaine, but who the
parties were, I cannot name them all.
At Elaine we found the people there expecting an attack
from the Negroes on the town, and a number of them got on
top of the stores and houses, and a number of us went out in
the field west, probably a quarter of a mile, where the Negroes
were supposed to be hidden in the corn patch. We did not
find any Negroes out there, and no attack was made, and no
shot was fired upon anybody to my knowledge.
During that afternoon, October 1st, 1919, a crowd of men
came into the vicinity of Elaine from Mississippi and began
the indiscriminate hunting down, shooting and killing of
Negroes. They shot and killed men, women and children
without regard to whether they were guilty or innocent of any
connection with the killing of anybody, or whether members
of the union or not. Negroes were killed time and time again
out in the fields picking cotton, harming nobody. The?/ next
day, October 2nd, the soldiers came there and placed the town
of Elaine under martial law and began going out through the
surrounding country arresting Negroes and bringing them
into Elaine, where they were placed in a school house under
guard. Several hundred of them were gathered up under this
manner. They were later taken to Helena and placed in the
Phillips County jail.
I returned to Helena on the afternoon of October 2nd, I
noticed as I passed by the Hoop Spur church that it had been
burned down. I was informed that it was burned down on
October 1st by white men; who did it I don’t know, but I was
told that it was burned down to destroy the evidence that it
had been fired into by those that went there to break up the
meeting.
After the Negroes were placed in jail a committee known
as The Committee of Seven was selected to investigate the
matter. This committee did make an investigation. They
would call for a certain Negro, or negroes, to be brought be
fore them from the jail and in a great many instances, prob
ably a majority of them, they were taken before this com
mittee by me personally. While he was being examined by
the committee I would sit and hear what the Negro had to
say. Different members of the committee would ask the
Negroes questions, and in no instance so far as I remember
did a Negro give the committee any information they wanted
on fired examination. Different members of the committee
would say to the Negro, don’t you know so and so, and the
Negro would answer “ No, sir.” Somebody else would say,
you know you are lying about it, you know so and so is true,
and you got to tell it. The Negro would answer, I don’t
know sir. Different members of the committee would curse
and abuse the Negro. After they would get through with
him I would take him back to the jail and would take him
upstairs on the third floor to the whipping room and where
the electric chair was located, where the Negro would be
stripped naked and whipped from his head to his feet with i
seven-pound leather strap. The Negroes were whipped un
mercifully. Every time the strap was applied it would bring
blood. I have personally applied the lash to a great number
of these Negroes. We whipped them to make them tell what
we wanted them to tell. We wanted them to tell facts that
would convict themselves and others under arrest. We We
would have before us in writing the statements made to the
committee. We would whip them awhile and then read to
them what they had said to the committee and ask them if
that was false. If the Negro didn’t say yes we would whip
him some more. Then we would ask him is not certain other
things true, which would reflect upon himself and others, and
if he didn’t answer they were true we would whip him again.
I personally administered the lash and saw others do it to a
great many Negroes until they were bleeding all over, and
would be in such a physical condition until they would have
to be picked up and dragged back to their cells in the jail
1 1 4 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
and picked up and put on their bunk, where they were left
for days where they were unable to take care of themselves,
and other prisoners had to take care of them. A great many
of them were in such a condition that a physician was called
to administer to them. I personally administered the lash anil
saw others do it time and time again to a great many Negroes
who had been previously whipped. The lash was applied on
the old sores made at the first whipping, and usually the
second whipping would get the Negro to say what was wanted
if he had refused in the first instance. One of the petitioners
in this case, Frank Moore, was whipped at least three times
to try to compel him to give evidence against himself and the
other petitioners, which he never did do. He stated that he
would rather die in this manner than to tell something on
himself or others that was not true. In addition to the
whipping, and frequently during the course of the whipping.
formal-2/hde was put to the nose of the Negroes to further
torture and frighten them and compel them to give damaging
evidence against themselves and others. In addition to this,
there was an electric chair in the same room on the third floor
of the Phillips County jail in which a great many Negroes
were stripped naked and put and the current turned on to
frighten and torture them into giving damaging statements
against themselves and others. While the Negroes were being
whipped they were stretched out on their stomachs on the
concrete floor, with four Negroes holding them down, one
holding each hand and one holding each leg. These four
Negroes were prisoners in the jail, but were not charged with
any connection with the Elaine Riots. In this manner evi
dence was extorted from the Negroes which was used against
them in their trials, and so far as my observation went, and I
was present throughout all of it, the only evidence on behalf
of the State that the State had was acquired in this manner.
In other words, I mean to say that no Negro freely and vol
untarily testified in these cases. They were either whipped
and compelled to testified, or tortured in the other ways
herein stated, or they were told if they didn’t testify to what
was wanted they would be treated in the same way. I do not
mean to say that every Negro was whipped, but I do mean
to say that every Negro that testified in these cases was either
whipped or tortured by the other means herein stated, or saw
what had happened to some other Negro and was told that if
he didn’t testify to what was wanted that he would get what
these others had gotton.
In the cases of the Negroes who were not whipped, who
were examined, I hea-d many of them say, “ White folks,
FRANK MOORE ET AJU VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 1 1 5
what do you want me to say, I will tell you anything you
want?” To the best of my information and belief all of the
petitioners were whipped or otherwise tortured with the ex
ception of Ed. Coleman.
Those that did the whipping of the negroes in the Phil
lips County jail other than myself and Mr. Jones were, as I
remember, Mr. Dick Dalzell, Louis Anselman, Charley Gist,
and some others whose names I do not now recall.
In the trials of these cases Walter Ward, George Green,
and John Jefferson testified for the State. So far as I now
remember they were the only ones that testified to anything
to connect the petitioners with the killing of Clinton Lee. The
substance of the testimony as I remember it was that they
ganged up at Frank Moore’s house on the morning of October
1st and along toward 10 or 11 o ’clock they heard firing up the
road and that Frank Moore said, “ We will go up and help
them out” ; that they marched away and went up to near the
McCoy house across the railroad, and as they crossed the dirt
road Frank Hicks kneeled in the road and fired two shots.
This was supposed to be at the time Clinton Lee was killed,
and that Frank Hicks made the remark that if-—had not been
for the loose horse between him and the McCoy house he
would have killed that guy; and that someone made the re
mark to Frank Hicks not to shoot. That after the shots were
fired they crossed on over and went to Yellow Bank.
I know that Walter Ward was whipped and compelled to
give this testimony, and I furthermore know that George
Green and John Jefferson were told that if they didn’t give
the same evidence they would get what AValter Ward and the
others got. To the best of my recollection Walter Ward was
whipped about three times; had formaldehyde put to his nose;
and was put into the electric chair before he agreed to testify
to what he did testify to.
I furthermore know that a part of this testimony at least
was false, in addition to it having been extorted from them. I
know that no negro that we saw cross the road south of the
McCoy house kneeled in the road and fired a gun because 1
was looking right at them when they crossed. I furthermore
know that there was no loose horse between us and the
negroes, and I also know that no negro who crossed the dirt
road down there had a gun in his hand. At least I didn’t see
any, and I believe if any negro had had a high power rifle or
shot gun I would have been able to have seen it. I further
more know that the only kind of a gun that could have been
fired from the distance the negroes crossed the road and killed
Clinton Lee would have been a high powered rigle, as, accord
116 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
ing to my best judgment, they crossed the road at least a half
a mile away.
I furthermore know as the negroes crossed the road they
crossed in a run and that they got out of sight into the corn
field as quick as possible.
About three or four days after the negroes were brought
to the Phillips County jail a mob was formed in Helena and
gathered around the jail and court house for the purpose and
with the intention of mobbing a large number of the negroes
and would have done so but for the presence of a number of
United States soldiers on guard about the jail and court
bouse, and but for the advice of some level-headed citizens
who told them that there had never been a lynching in Phil
lips County and if they would disperse and do no violence to
anyone that they would see that the negroes were punished.
I was present during the trials of petitioners. So far as
I now recall counsel for the defendants, who are here the peti
tioners, did not challenge any jurors, and so far as I now re
member counsel asked the petiti jurors very few questions and
only such as were of a general nature. The jury in each case
was quickly chosen. According to my best recollection Frank
Hicks was tried separately from the other petitioners, who
were tried jointly. Some of the jurors who sat upon these
cases were in the posses that went to Elaine and in that
vicinity to quell the so-called race riot. I cannot now remem
ber just who they were, and am not able to give the names of
such jurors. I furthermore know that there never was a
chance for the petitioners, who were the defendants in these
cases, to have been acquitted. No man could have sat upon
any jury in Phillips County at these trials and have voted for
an acquittal, and have continued to live in Phillips county.
Large crowds attended the trials, thronged the court house
and grounds, all of whom so far as I was able to observe were
unfriendly to the petitioners and all of whom were bent upon
their conviction and death. If any prisoner had by any
chance been acquitted by a jury he could not have escaped the
mob.
So far as I know, the negro witnesses who were used in
the trial before the petit jury/- never appeared before the
grand jury at all, and they were the only ones from whom
they got any statement to connect any of them with the com
mission of an offense.
The trials in each of these cases lasted a very short time,
probably less than an hour. The jury was out from three to
five minutes in each case, and brought in a verdict of guilty.
From the beginning of the trouble and almost every day
EKANK MOOBE ET AL. VS. E. EL DEMPSEY, ETC. 4 1 7
through to the closing of the trials the press of Helena, Little
Rock, and Memphis carried highly inflammatory articles
abo-t these cases. It was charged by the Committee of Seven
and published in the “ Helena W orld” and other newspapers
was that the object of the union was to kill white people and
take their property. But we were never able to verify this
statement except from testimony that was extorted from
negro witnesses by the methods and means herein set forth.
I do not know how many negroes were killed in all, but I
do know that there were between two hundred and three
hundred negro^res killed that I saw with my own eyes. The
only white men that I know of that were killed were Atkins,
Tappan, Lee, Lily and two soldiers whom I do not know. One
of the soldiers was not killed outright, but I understood that
he later died.
I make this affidavit freely and voluntarily to the end
that justice may be done. I know that the whole truth was
not developed in these trials and that it is but a simple mat
ter of justice to these petitioners that I make this affidavit
setting forth the true facts.
I have testified in these and other cases growing out of
this trouble, and as a witness for the State, and I did not tell
all that I am now testifying to because I was not asked.
I did testify heretofore that I examined the Hoop
Spur church house and found no bullet holes in it. This was
true sa far as it went. The first time I was at the Hoop Spur
church house I examined it and it was dark and I was unable
to see any bullet holes in the church and I didn’t find any.
The second time I did find them as before stated. Further
more, I was instructed by those in authority that I should
give no testimony of any character favorable to the defend
ants.
I stand ready to come before the Court in which this affi
davit is filed, if any, and sustain the facts as herein detailed
on oral testimony.
And further affiant sayeth not.
(Signed) ' H. F. SMIDDY.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of
September, 1921.
[ seal .] (Signed) W. M. ALLEN,
Notary Public.
My commission expires Jan. 16th, 1923.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 21, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
1 1 8 FRANK MOORE EX AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY., ETC. 1 1 9
U n ited S tates of A m e r ic a ,
Eastern District of Arkansas,
Western Division:
Be it remembered, That at a District Court of the United
States of America, in and for the Western Division of the
Eastern District of Arkansas, begun and holden on Monday,
the 4th day of April, Anno Domini, One Thousand, Nine Hun
dred and Twenty-one, at the United States Court Room, in the
City of Little Rock, Arkansas, the Honorable Jacob Trieber,
Judge presiding and holding said Court, the following pro
ceedings were had, to-wit: on September 21st, 1921:
No. 6246.
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , E d. C olem an and P au l
H all
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas.
Upon reading the petition for a writ of habeas corpus
of the above named persons, and it appearing that they claim
to be held in the State Penitentiary of the State of Arkansas,
by E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of said prison, to be electrocuted
by him on Friday, the 23rd day of September, 1921; that their
detention is in violation of their rights under the constitution
of the United States; and it appearing from the verified peti
tion, and exhibits thereto that there is reasonable cause for
the granting of said writ,
It is ordered by the Court that said writ be granted,
returnable on September 26th, 1921, at 10 o ’clock A. M., and
the Clerk is directed to issue forthwith the writ of Habeas
Corpus and deliver to the Marshal of the United States for
the Eastern District of Arkansas, to be served on the said E.
H. Dempsey, Warden of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas, or the Deputy Warden, if the said Warden can
not be found, and also serve a copy of the writ on the Attor
ney General of the State of Arkansas.
And on September 26th, 1921, the following proceedings
were had, to-wit:
No. 6246.
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C o lem an and P au l
H a l l .
1 2 0 FRANK MOORE EX AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
vs.
E. H. D em pse y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas.
Comes the respondent, by J. S. Utley, Attorney General
of the State of Arkansas, and files herein his demurrer to the
petition for Writ of Habeas Corpus.
Which Demurrer is in words and figures as follows,
to-wit:
In the United States District Court, Western Division of the
Eastern District of the State of Arkansas.
P’r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C olem an and P au l
H a l l , Petitioners,
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the Penitentiary o f the State o f
Arkansas, Respondent.
Demurrer.
Comes E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of the Penitentiary of the
State of Arkansas, and demurs to the petition heretofore
filed herein by PYank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Cole
man and Pul Hall, and for cause of demurrer states that the
said petition does not allege facts sufficient to entitle the
petitioner to the relief prayed for in his petition.
Wherefore, respondent prays that the petition of said
Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul
Hall be dismissed, and for all other general and proper relief.
(Signed) E. H. DEMPSEY,
Keeper of the Penitentiary.
(Signed) J. S. UTLEY,
Attorney General of the State of Arkansas.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 26, 1921. Sid B. Redding, Clerk.
And on September 27th, 1921; the following proceed
ings were had, to-wit:
FRANK MOORE ET Alu VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC. 121
No. 6246.
F r a n k M oore, E d. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , E d. C olem an and P au l
H a l l .
■ vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper o f the State Penitentiary o f the State
of Arkansas.
This cause came on to be heard, the petitioners appearing
by Murphy, McHaney & Dunaway, and S. A. Jones, Esqs.,
and the respondent, by J. S. Utley, Attorney General of the
State of Arkansas, and the demurrer and motion to dismiss
the writ heretofore granted herein, and after argument of
counsel, the Court being well and sufficiently advised in the
premises, doth sustain the demurrer and motion to dismiss.
It is therefore ordered that said demurrer and motion
to dismiss the writ of habeas corpus heretofore issued be and
the same is hereby sustained and that the writ of habeas
corpus be and the same is hereby discharged.
And on the same day the following proceedings were
had to-wit
No. 6246.
F r an k M oore, E d . H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , E d . C o lem an and P au l
H a l l .
v s .
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas.
The above named petitioners having petitioned me for an
appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States discharging
the writ of habeas corpus heretofore issued and dismissing the
petition, and having filed their assignment of errors, and the
Court being of the opinion that there exists probable cause
for an appeal in this cause, the appeal to the Supreme Court
of the United States is allowed, returnable within thirty days,
the petitioners to remain in the custody of the respondent in
the meantime. Bond for costs on appeal is fixed at $300.00.
Which Assignment of Errors is as follows;
In the District Court of the United States for the Eastern
District of Arkansas, Western Division.
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C olem an and P au l
H a l l , Petitioners,
1 2 2 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
vs.
E. H. D e m pse y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas, Respondent.
Assignment of, Errors.
1. The above named petitione-s assign as errors, that the
Court erred in holding that the facts stated in the petition
for the writ of habeas corpus and the exhibits filed therewith
are insufficient to entitle them to any relief.
2. That the Court erred in sustaining the demurrer to
the petition for the writ of habeas corpus by petitioners.
(Signed) MURPHY, McHANEY & DUNAWAY,
SCIPIO A. JONES,
Attorneys for Petitioners.
Endorsed: Filed September 27th, 1921. Sid B. Redding,
Clerk.
Which Petition for Appeal is as follows:
In the District Court of the United States for the Eastern
District of Arkansas, Western Division.
F ran k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C olem an and P a u l
H a l l , Petitioners,
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas, Respondent.
Petition for Appeal.
The above named petitioners, feeling themselves
aggrieved by the judgment of this Court Discharging the writ
of habeas corpus, and dismissing their petition for said writ,
FRANK MOORE £ 1 AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 1 2 3
pray an appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States
and file herewith their assignment of errors.
(Signed) MURPHY McHANEY & DUNAWAY,
SCIPIO A. JONES,
Attorneys for Petitioners.
Endorsed: Filed September 27th, 1921. Sid B. Redding,
Clerk.
And on the same day the following proceedings were had,
to-wit:
No. 6246.
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , E d . C o lem an and P a u l
H a l l .
vs.
E. H. D e m pse y , Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State
of Arkansas.
Come the petitioners, by Murphy, McHaney & Dunaway,
and S. A. Jones, Esqs., their attorneys, and present to the
Court their bond on appeal, in the sum of Three Hundred
Dollars, with H. A. Powell and G. W. S. Ish, as sureties,
which bond is approved by the Judge of this Court as suffi
cient. And said Petitioners also file their citation, with serv
ice of the same duly accepted by J. S. Utley, Attorney General
of the State of Arkansas.
Which bond for appeal is as follows:
KnowT all men by these presents,
That we, Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Cole
man and Paul Hall as principals, and H. A. Powell, and G.
W. S. Ish, as sureties, are held and firmly bound unto E. H.
Dempsey, as Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State of
Arkansas in the full and just sum of Three Hundred Dollars,
to be paid to the said E. H. Dempsey, as Keeper of the State
Penitentiary of the State of Arkansas, heirs, executors,
administrators, or assigns; to which payment well and truly
to be made, we bind ourselves, our heirs, executors, and
administrators, jointly and severally by these presents.
Sealed with our seals, and dated this 27th day of September,
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
twenty-one.
Whereas, lately at the April term A. D. 1921, of the Cir
cuit Court of the United States for the Western Division of
the Eastern District of Arkansas, in a suit pending in said
Court between Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed.
Coleman, and Paul Hall, Petitioners, and E. H. Dempsey,
as Keeper of the State Penitentiary of the State of Arkansas,
Respondent, was rendered against the said Frank Moore,
Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and Paul Hall, and the
said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and
Paul Hall, have obtained an appeal of the said Court to
reverse the judgment in the aforesaid suit, and a Citation
directed to the said E. H. Dempsey, as Keeper of the State
Penitentiary of the State of Arkansas, citing and admonish
ing him to be and appear in the United States Supreme Court,
at the City of Washington, D. C., thirty days from and after
the date of said Citation.
Now the condition of the above obligation is such, That
if the said Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Cole
man and Paul Hall, shall prosecute said appeal to effect, and
answer all damages and costs if they fail to make good their
plea, then the above obligation to be void, else to remain in
full force and virtue.
Sealed and delivered in presence of
FRANK MOORE,
ED. HICKS,
J. E. KNOX,
ED. COLEMAN,
PAUL HALL,
By E. L. McHANEY, [ seal .]
Attorney.
H. A. POWELL, [ seal .]
G. W. S. ISH, [ seal .]
Approved by
JOHN H. COTTERAL,
Judge.
Endorsed: Filed Sept. 27th, 1921. Sid B. Redding,
Clerk.
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C o lem an and P au l
H a l l .
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper o f the Arkansas State Penitentiary.
I, John H. Cotteral, the presiding judge in the above
1 2 4 FRANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC.
FRANK MOORE EX AL. VS. E. H . DEMPSEY, ETC. 125
entitled cause in which the petition for a writ of habeas
corpus of the petitioners was denied, do hereby certify that
there exists probable cause for the appeal.
Witness my hand and seal as such Judge this 27th day of
September, A. D. 1921. JOHN H. COTTERAL,
U. S. District Judge by Assignment.
T h e U n ited S tates op A m e r ic a :
To E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of the Arkansas State Penitentiary,
Greeting:
You are hereby cited and admonished to be and appear in
the Supreme Court of the United States thirty days from and
after the day this Citation bears date, pursuant to a writ of
error, filed in the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the
United States for the Western Division of the Eastern Dis
trict of Arkansas, wherein Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E.
Knox, Ed. Coleman and Paul Hall are appellants, and you are
appellee, to show cause, if any there be, why the judgment
rendered against the said appellants, as in said appeal men
tioned, should not be corrected, and why speedy justice should
not be done the parties in that behalf.
Witness, the Honorable John H. Cotteral, Judge of the
Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of
Arkansas, this 27th day of September in the year of our Lord
one thousand nine hundred and twenty one.
JOHN H. COTTERAL,
United States District, Judge for the
Eastern District of Arkansas.
I hereby acknowledge receipt of copy of this citation on
this Sept. 28, 1921.
J. S. UTLEY,
Attorney General of the State of Arkansas,
Counsel for Appellee.
Filed Sept. 28th, 1921.
SID. B. REDDING, Clerk.
U n ited S tates op A m e r ic a ,
Eastern District of Arkansas,
Western Division:
I, Sid. B. Redding, Clerk of the District Court of the
United States for the Eastern District of Arkansas, in the
1 2 6 ij'RANK MOORE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC.
Eighth Circuit, hereby certify that the foregoing writings
annexed to this certificate are true, correct and compared
copies of the original remaining of record in my office, at
Little Rock, Arkansas, of the Assignment of Errors, Record
and all proceedings on the petition for writ of habeas corpus
by Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and
Paul Hall, against E. H. Dempsey, as Keeper of the State
Penitentiary of the State of Arkansas.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and the
seal of said Court, this 20th day of October in the year of our
Lord, one Thousand Nine Hundred and Twenty-one and of the
Independence of the United States of America, the One
Hundred and Forty-sixth.
Attest:
[The Seal of the District Court, Western Division,
U. S. A.]
SID B. REDDING,
Clerk.
In the Supreme Court of the United States.
No____
F r a n k H ic k s , Appellant,
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper o f the Arkansas State Penitentiary,
Appellee,
and
No____
F r a n k M oore, Ed. H ic k s , J. E. K n o x , Ed. C olem an and P au l
H a l l , Appellant-,
vs.
E. H. D e m p s e y , Keeper of the Arkansas State Penitentiary,
Appellee.
Stipulation of Counsel as to Printing of Records and Con
solidation of Causes.
We, the undersigned, counsel for appellants and appellee.
hereby agree that the above entitled causes may be submitted
to the Honorable, the Supreme Court of the United States,
upon the printed record in the case of Frank Moore, Ed.
Hicks, J. E. Knox, Ed. Coleman, and Paul Hall, appellants, vs.
E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of the Arkansas State Penitentiary,
Appellee, and that the record in the Frank Hicks case need
not be printed. We further agree that these causes may be
consolidated and submitted together upon one printed record,
as aforesaid, and briefs in said causes.
Respectfully submitted,
E. L. McHANEY,
M. E. DUNAWAY,
S. A. JONES,
Attorneys for Appellants.
J. S. UTLEY,
Attorney General, Attorney for Appellee.
[Endorsed:] File No. 28549. Supreme Court U. S., Octo
ber Term, 1921. Term No-. 594 & 595. Frank Hicks, Appel
lant, vs. E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of the Arkansas State Peni
tentiary. Frank Moore et al., Appellants, vs. E. H. Dempsey,
Keeper of the Arkansas State Penitentiary. Stipulation that
cases be consolidated and heard on record in 595. Filed Nov.
14, 1921.
Endorsed on cover: File No. 28550. E. Arkansas D. C.
U. S. Term No. 595. Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox et
al., appellants, vs. E. H. Dempsey, keeper of the Arkansas
State penitentiary. Filed October 24th, 1921. File No. 28550.
FBANK MOOSE ET AL. VS. E. H. DEMPSEY, ETC. 127
(No. 5676.)
j&uprattp C o u rt o f tljr 3I«ftr& j^tatra
OCTOBER TERM, 1922
[No. 199.]
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, e tA l.,
Appellants,
V.
E. H. DEMPSEY, K eeper of the Arkansas State
Penitentiary.
i
APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE
UNITED STATES FOR THE EASTERN
DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS.
BRIEF FOR THE APPELLANTS.
MOORFIELD STOREY,
Counsel for the Appellants.
PRESS OF GEO, H . ELLIS CO . (IN C.) BOSTON
Bixytm? (Eourt of % Hntfrfc
OCTOBER TERM , 1922
[N o. 199.]
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, e t A l,
Appellants,
V.
E. H. DEMPSEY, K eeper of the A rkansas State
Penitentiary.
APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE
UNITED STATES FOR THE EASTERN
DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS.
BRIEF FOR THE APPELLANTS.
M O O R FIE LD STO R EY,
Counsel for the Appellants.
BOSTON
PRESS OF GEO. H. ELLIS CO.
(in co rpo r ate d )
1923
INDEX.
PAGES
Statement of Case ............................................................. 1-9 inc.
Assignment of E r r o r s ........................................................ 2
Origin of trouble ................................................................ 2-4
Committee of Seven and its acts .................................. 4, 5
Creation of public o p in io n ............................................... 5, 6
The indictment and tr ia l .................................................... 6, 7
Influence of mob on court and jury.................................. 7-9
Evidence in Record confirming Allegations of
Pe t it io n .................................................................................... 9-32 inc.
Evidence of public feeling ............................................... 9-11
Evidence that witnesses were terrorized ...........................11-14
Testimony of S m id d y ............................................................. 12-14
Testimony of J o n e s ............................................................ 14
Evidence at the tr ia l................................................... .... . 14-24
Charge to the ju ry ......................................................................24-26
Motion for a new t r ia l ........................................................26, 27
State Supreme Court’s o p in io n ............................................27-32
The L a w ......................................................................... 32-38 inc.
Jurisdiction of the State Supreme Court . . . . 39
Exclusion of Negroes from the Ju r ie s ..................... 41
TABLE OF CASES.
PAGES
Allen v. United States, 150 U. S. 5 5 1 ................................... 30
Bucklin v. United States, 159 U. S. 682 at 686 ............... 30
Carver v. United States, 160 U. S. 553 ............................... 30
Brown v. Cummings, 7 Allen, 507 at 509 ........................... 30
Maguire v. Middlesex Railroad Company, 115 Mass. 239
at 2 4 1 ............................................................................. 30
Frank v. Mangum, 237 U. S. 309 ...................................... 33
Ware v. State, 146 Ark. 3 2 1 ................................................ 41
Supreme Court of tjje Unite* States
OCTOBER TERM, 1922
[No. 199.]
FRANK MOORE, ED. HICKS, J. E. KNOX, et Al.,
Appellants,
v.
E. H. DEMPSEY, Keeper of the Arkansas State
Penitentiary.
APPEAL FROM THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED
STATES FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS.
STATEM EN T OF TH E CASE.
This is a petition for a writ of habeas corpus brought by-
five citizens and residents of the State of Arkansas against
the keeper of the Arkansas State Penitentiary (Record,
pp. 1-10).
The petitioners are Negroes who have been indicted, tried
and convicted of murder for killing one Clinton Lee and are
now under sentence of death. They petitioned the District
Court of the United States for a writ of habeas corpus, but
on demurrer to that petition the court without hearing any
evidence on the facts sustained the demurrer and dismissed
the petition (Record, pp. 100-101). The petitioners having
appealed and filed an assignment of errors, the court, “ being
of opinion that there exists probable cause for an appeal in
this cause,” allowed the appeal (Record, p. 102).
2
Assignment of Errors.
The appellants claim that the court erred in ruling that
the facts stated in the petition were not sufficient to en
title the petitioners to relief (Record, p. 102).
The petition for the writ of habeas corpus sets forth the
case, and in stating it the historical order of events will
be adopted, not the order in the petition.
The Origin of the Trouble.
The petitioners say “ that prior to October 1, 1919, they
were farmers, share croppers; that nearly all the land in
Phillips County is owned by white men; that same is rented
out to share croppers to be tilled on shares, one half to the
tenant and the other half to the owner; that for some years
past there has grown up a system among the land owners
of furnishing the negro tenants supplies on which to make
crops and which is calculated to deprive and does deprive
the negro tenants of all their interest in the crops pro
duced by them; that in pursuance of this system, they
refused to give their share croppers any itemized state
ment of account of their indebtedness for supplies so fur
nished, refused to let them move or sell any part of their
crops, but themselves sell and dispose of the same at such
prices as they please, and then give to the negroes no ac
count thereof, pay them only such amount as they wish
and in this way kept them down, poverty stricken and
effectually under their control;'that for the purpose of pro
tecting themselves, if possible against the oppressive and
ruinous effects of this system, the negro farmers organized
societies, with the view of uniting their financial resources
in moral and legal measures to overcome the same, which
fact became quickly known to the plantation owners; that
such owners were bitterly opposed to such societies, sought
to prevent their organization, ordered the members to dis
3
continue their meetings and sought by every means they
could employ to disrupt them; that on the 30th day of
September, 1919, petitioners and other members of the
Ratio Lodge, near Elaine, learned that some of the negro
farmers of a near-by plantation had employed U. S. Brat
ton, an attorney of Little Rock, Arkansas, to represent
them in effecting a settlement for them with their land
lords, or if he could not, to institute legal proceedings to
protect their interests, and that either he, or his representa
tives, would be there on the following day to meet with all
the parties concerned, perfect the arrangements, and learn
all the facts as far as possible, and they decided to hold a
meeting with the view of seeing him while there, and en
gaging him as an attorney to protect their interests; that
accordingly they met that night at Hoop Spur Church house”
(Record, pp. 3-4).
That while petitioners with others of their race were peace
ably and lawfully assembled in their church with no un
lawful object in view, and with no desire or purpose to in
jure any one, white persons who had come in automobiles to
break up the meeting began firing guns or pistols from the
outside into and through the church, causing a great dis
turbance of those assembled; that one Adkins who was in
the attacking party was killed either by members of his own
party or by some other person unknown to the petitioners;
that the attacking party sent out word to the county seat
that Adkins had been killed by Negroes, being shot down in
cold blood while on a peaceful mission; that the reports spread
like wildfire into other counties and into other States, nota
bly the State of Mississippi; that early the next day a large
number of white men “ armed themselves and rushed to the
scene of the trouble and to adjacent regions and began the
indiscriminate hunting, shooting and killing of negroes;” that
they were later joined by white men from adjacent counties
and from the State of Mississippi, and that a great many in
nocent Negro men and women, many of whom were pick
4
ing cotton in the fields, were killed in cold blood; that Clin
ton Lee was shot during the morning; that the petitioners,
together with a large number of their race, both men and
women, were taken to the Phillips County jail, at Helena,
incarcerated therein, and charged with murder (Record,
PP- 1, 2).
The Committee of Seven and its Acts.
A committee of seven composed of leading Helena busi
ness men and officials, to-wit: Sebastian Straub, Chairman,
H. D. Moore, County Judge, F. F. Kitchens, Sheriff, J. G.
Knight, Mayor, E. M. Allen, J. E. Horner and T. W. Keesee,
was selected by the municipal and county authorities
(Record, pp. 2, 11,12), or as is stated by the committee in a
letter to the Governor of Arkansas “ appointed by him”
(Record, p. 71) “ for the purpose of probing into the situation
and picking out those to be condemned to death and those to
be condemned and sentenced to the penitentiary” (Record,
p. 2). That shortly after they were placed in jail, “ a mob
was formed in the city of Helena, composed of hundreds
of men, who marched to the county jail for the purpose
and with the intent of lynching your petitioners and others,
and would have done so but for the interference of United
States soldiers and the promise of some of said committee
and other leading officials that if the mob would stay its
hand they would execute those found guilty in the form
of law” (Record, p. 3). “ That said committee assumed
charge of the matter and proceeded to have brought be
fore them a large number of those incarcerated in jail and
examined them regarding their own connection and the
connection of others charged with participation in said
trouble; that if evidence unsatisfactory to said committee
was not given they would be sent out and certain of their
keepers would take them to a room in the jail which was
immediately adjoining and a part of the courthouse build
ing where said committee was sitting, and torture them by
5
beating and whipping them with leather straps with metal
in them, drawing the blood at every lick until the victims
would agree to testify to anything their torturers demanded
of them; that there was also provided in said jail, to further
frighten and torture them, an electric chair, in which they
would be put naked and the current turned on to shock
and frighten them into giving damaging statements against
themselves and others; also strangling drugs were put up
their noses for the same purpose and by these methods
and means false evidence was extorted from negroes to
be used and was used against your petitioners” (Record,
pp. 2, 3).
The Creation of Public Opinion.
"Petitioners further say that on every day from October
1 until after their trial on November 3, 1919, the press of
Helena and the State of Arkansas carried inflammatory
articles giving accounts of the trouble, which were calcu
lated to arouse and did arouse bitter feeling against your
petitioners and the other members of their race; that on
October 7, 1919, the Helena World, a newspaper published
and printed in the city of Helena, and having a wide and
almost universal circulation throughout said county, pub
lished an article written and given out by Mr. E. M. Allen,
a member of said committee of seven, for and on behalf of
said committee, purporting to give the facts concerning
what he called 'not a race riot,’ but a ‘deliberately planned
insurrection of the negroes against the whites,’ and al
leges that their Union was ‘established for the purpose
of banding negroes together for the killing of white people’ ”
(Record, p. 3, pp. 11-14). In this he said:
"The fight at Hoop Spur was unpremeditated as far as
the negroes were concerned as they were organizing their
forces Wednesday morning to attack and capture Elaine
but when runners informed the leaders that white men
were entering the woods at Hoop Spur they decided to go
6
up and wipe out the little gang that was reported to be
there, before entering upon the more serious task of captur
ing Elaine. They underestimated the size of the force from
Helena and the battle resulted.
“Every negro who joined these lodges was given to kill
white people. Unquestionably the time for attack had
been set but plans had not been entirely perfected and the
shooting of the officers brought on the insurrection ahead
of schedule. . . .
“ I have cross-examined and talked to at least one hun
dred prisoners at Elaine. They belong to different lodges
in that section. The stories they tell are almost identical
as to the promises and representations made by Hill. He
even told them probably some of the negroes would be
called upon to die before ‘Equal rights’ would be assured,
but they must look upon themselves as crusaders and die
if necessary to secure the freedom of the other members of
their race” (Record, p. 14).
An examination of the statements attributed to Hill
shows that they were the talk of a swindler and not of a
conspirator (Record, pp. 12-13). Mr. Allen’s statement it
self says, “ He simply played upon the ignorance and
superstition of a race of children” (Record, p. 14).
The Indictment and Trial.
It is further alleged that the Circuit Court of Phillips
County convened on October 27, 1919; “ that a grand jury
was organized which was composed wholly of white men,
and which included one of the committee of seven and many
who were in the posses organized to fight the negroes; that
during its session the petitioners and others of the prisoners
were frequently carried before it in an effort to extract
false incriminating admissions, and that both before and
after they were frequently whipped, beaten and tortured;
that those in charge had some way of learning when the
evidence was unsatisfactory to the grand jury, and this
7
was always followed up by beating and whipping; that by
these methods some of the negroes were forced to testify
against the others, including two who testified against the
petitioners;” that on the 29th October a joint indictment
was found against the petitioners, accusing them of the
murder of Clinton Lee whom they had never seen or
known; that on the 3d November, 1919, they were taken
into court and told of the charge and that a certain law
yer was appointed to defend them; that they were given
no chance to employ an attorney of their own choice.
The attorney appointed “ did not consult with them, took
no steps to prepare for their defense, asked nothing about
their witnesses, though there were many who knew the
petitioners had nothing to do with the killing of Lee; that
they were immediately placed on joint trial before an ex
clusively white jury,” and that only the witnesses for the
State were called, no witnesses being called by the counsel
for the defense; that the jury went out and in two or three
minutes returned with the verdict of guilty of murder in the
first degree, which was followed by a sentence to death by
electrocution on December 27, 1919. They further say that
the trial lasted less than an hour (Record, pp. 4, 5).
The Influence of the M ob on Court and Jury.
Petitioners further say “ that large crowds of white people
bent on petitioners’ condemnation and death thronged the
courthouse and grounds and streets of Helena during the
trial of petitioners and the other negro defendants; that on
account of the great publicity given theirs and the other
cases, on account of their being charged with connection
with an insurrection against the white people, and that four
or five white men were killed, on account of the fact that
they are negroes, and those who run the court, the Judge
upon the bench, the sheriff, the clerk and all the jurors being
white men, on account of the fact that it was stated and
8
widely published that the purpose of the negroes was to
kill the whites and take their property, and on account of
all the race prejudice which normally exists and which was
enhanced a thousand-fold at the time, by bitterness beyond
expression, it was impossible for them to get a fair and im
partial trial in said court before a jury of white men; that
the attorney appointed to defend them knew that the prej
udice against them was such that they could not get a fair
and impartial trial before a white jury of said county, yet he
filed no petition for a change of venue, did not ask the court
for time to prepare a defense, and did nothing to protect their
interests; that the court did not ask them whether they had
counsel, or desired to employ counsel, or were able to do so ;
but simply said a lawyer, whom he named, would defend
them; that they have, therefore, not had a trial, have had
no opportunity to make a defense, but that their case was
closed against them as virtually and effectually as if on a
plea of guilty; that if they had been given the opportunity
they would have employed counsel of their own choice and
have made a defense, their ability to do so having been
demonstrated since their conviction; that the feeling against
petitioners was such that it overawed the Judge on the bench,
the jury, the attorney appointed to defend them and every
one connected with said court; that all, Judge, jury and
counsel, were dominated by the mob spirit that was univer
sally present in court and out, so that if any juror had had
the courage to investigate said charge with any spirit of
fairness, and vote for an acquittal, he himself would have
been the victim of the mob; that, such was the intensity
of feeling against petitioners and the other defendants, that
had counsel for them objected to the testimony of the two
witnesses against them, said Ward and Jefferson, on the
ground that it was extorted by beating and torture, as they
are advised he should have done, he himself would have
been the victim of the mob; . . . that petitioners were igno
rant of their rights, had never been in court before, and had
9
counsel asked them about this testimony they would have
told him how it was obtained; that through fear of the mob
spirit no witness was called in their behalf and they them
selves were advised not to take the stand on their own be
half ; that as a result of the mob domination of court, counsel
and jury, the court, although a court of original jurisdic
tion in felony cases, lost its jurisdiction by virtue of such
mob domination, and the result was but an empty cere
mony, carried through in the apparent form of law, and
that the verdict of the jury was really a mob verdict, dic
tated by the spirit of the mob and returned because no other
verdict would have been tolerated, and that the judgment
against them is, therefore, a nullity” (Record, pp. 5-6).
This is in substance the case stated in the petition and on
demurrer must be taken as true, but the allegations are
abundantly sustained by other evidence.
EVIDEN CE IN RECORD C O N FIRM IN G
ALLEGATIONS OF PETITION .
Evidence of Public Feeling.
The atmosphere which surrounded the courtroom where
the appellants were tried is shown by the written evidence
which is found in the record. The statement made by Allen
for the committee of seven that the disturbance in which
so many Negroes and a few whites were killed was a “ de
liberately planned insurrection of the negroes against the ■
whites,” that “ they were organizing their forces Wednesday
morning to attack and capture Elaine; that unquestionably
the time for attack had been set but plans had not been
entirely perfected and the shooting of the officers brought
on the insurrection ahead of time” was published to create
a public opinion against the Negroes. It could have had no
other effect, but the record fails to disclose any evidence to
support its allegations. “ The list of those the negroes plotted
to kill on which Allen’s name was” was never produced; nor
were any of the other papers confiscated (Record, p. 12).
10
The letter of the committee to the Governor is proof
positive of the feeling. In it they say:
“ With all the provocation our people refrained from mob
violence. The reason they did this was that this committee
gave our citizens their solemn promise that the law would
be carried out” ;
and further that if the Governor shows mercy to the men
convicted, it would be difficult if not impossible to pre
vent mob violence, i.e., lynching.
There can be no question what the committee’s promise
meant, especially when we find in the same letter:
“ There were 150 negroes legally guilty of murder in the
first degree—actively present and assisting in the wilful and
deliberate murder of white citizens—and this Committee
assisted in seeing that only leaders were brought to trial”
(Exhibit E, p. 71).
This is abundantly confirmed by the resolution adopted
by the Richard L. Kitchens Post, American Legion, which
contains the statement that “ when the guilty negroes were
apprehended, a solemn promise was given by the leading
citizens of the community, that if these guilty parties were
not lynched, and let the law take its course, that justice
would be done and the majesty of the law upheld.”
This is followed by a protest against any commutation of
the sentence on the ground that the appellants and six others
were “ ring leaders and guilty murderers” (Exhibit H,
Record, pp. 76, 77).
If further proof were needed, we find it in the resolution
of the Helena Rotary Club “ attended by seventy-five
members, representing seventy-five leading industrial and
commercial enterprises of the city” concurring in the resolu
tion of the Richard L. Kitchens Post (Exhibit I, p. 78), and
the action of the Lions Club of Helena at a meeting at
11
tended by sixty members, representing sixty leading in
dustrial and commercial enterprises of this city to the same
effect (Exhibit J, p. 78).
The combined influence of such men as these insisting
that these men were guilty and must be convicted must
have created an atmosphere against which the court found
it impossible to contend. The language that “ justice will
be done and the majesty of the law upheld” does not
mean proceedings resulting in an acquittal. Only con
viction followed by execution would have been regarded as
an equivalent for lynching.
Proof that the mob was in control is found in the treat
ment of the counsel who came from Little Rock to advise
the Negroes, who was charged with murder, then indicted
for barratry and finally smuggled out of town with the aid
of the judge who presided at the trial of these petitioners
(Record, p. 4).
Evidence that the W itnesses were Terrorized.
The fact that the committee met and terrorized the wit
nesses by beating and otherwise in order to make them
testify against the convicted men is not only proved by the
testimony of the witnesses themselves (see affidavit of
W alter W ard, Exhibit B, Record, p. 15, and affidavit of
John Jefferson, Exhibit C, Record, p. 18), but by the
testimony of the white men who did the beating. (See affi
davit of T. K. Jones, Special Agent for the Missouri Pacific
Railroad in charge of the Memphis Division and H. F.
Smiddy, special officer employed by the Missouri Pacific
Railroad under Mr. Jones, and later employed by the city
of Helena as plain-clothes man, and afterward as deputy
sheriff of Phillips County in which the town of Helena was
situated (Record, pp. 86 to 99, both inclusive.))
12
Testimony of Smiddy.
Mr. Smiddy testifies to the condition of the church and the
indications that it was attacked and shot into from the north,
that they found some literature of the Farmers and Laborers
Union, but “ nothing to indicate a criminal or unlawful
purpose on the part of the organization” (p. 92). He also
testifies as to what was done on the morning of October
1st, stating that “ a great many people from Helena and
other portions of Phillips County and other surrounding
counties began coming in, quite a large number of them,
several hundred of them, and began to hunt negroes and
shooting and killing them as they came to them.” His posse
was composed of fifty or sixty men (Record, p. 93).
“ We began firing into the thicket from both sides, think
ing possibly there were negroes in the thicket and we could
run them out and kill them. . . . I saw five or six negroes
come out unarmed holding up their hands, some of them
running and trying to get away. They were shot down
and killed by members of the posse” (Record, p. 93). “ I
did not see a single negro fire a shot. I was present when
Jim Miller and Arthur Washington was killed and Milliken
Giles was injured. I shot Milliken Giles myself” (Record,
p. 93). “ He was in the edge of the thicket trying to hide.
When I shot him he was not trying to shoot anybody and
didn’t have a gun. . . . Arthur Washington was killed as
he ran away from his house.”
Smiddy was there when Mr. James Tappan was killed,
and felt
“ perfectly sure he was accidentally killed by a member
of our own posse on the other side of the thicket from us”
(Record, pp. 93, 94). “ I was shot in the right shoulder by a
stray shot from some member of our posse,” and so was Mr.
Dalzell (Record, p. 94).
Smiddy was in the automobile with Clinton Lee who
was shot by a bullet coming from the south side. He did
13
not see anybody at the time shot was fired. A short time
before the shot there were twenty or thirty Negroes cross
ing the dirt road and going into the cornfield on the east
side. “ They were running,— seemed to be scared and try
ing to get out of the way of the white folks. I did not see
any negro with a gun in his hand and they were in plain
view.” During the afternoon “ a crowd of men came into
the vicinity of Elaine from Mississippi and began the in
discriminate hunting down, shooting and killing of negroes.
They shot and killed men, women and children” who had
no connection with the killing, and whether members of
the Union or not (p. 95).
He describes how the Negroes were whipped and treated
cruelly to compel them to testify: states that frequently
during the course of whipping formaldehyde was used to
further torture and frighten them, and describes the electric
chair (Record, p. 96). He says, “ No negro freely and volun
tarily testified in these cases,” and tells how they were
forced (Record, p. 97).
To the best of his recollection Walter Ward was whipped
three times to make him give the testimony, and formalde
hyde put to his nose. He says he knows that no Negro
crossed the road south of M cC oy’s house, knelt in the road
and fired a gun, because he was looking right at them. He
also knows there was no loose horse between them and the
Negroes and “ that no negro who crossed the dirt road
down there had a gun in his hand” (pp. 97, 98).
He was present at the trial and knows that there “ never
was a chance for the petitioners who were defendants
in these cases to have been acquitted. No man could have
sat upon any jury at these trials and have voted for an ac
quittal and continued to live in Phillips County.” Large
crowds attended the trial and all so far as he was able to
observe “ were bent upon their conviction and death. If
any prisoner by any chance had been acquitted by a jury,
he could not have escaped the m ob” (p. 98).
1 4
“ I do know that there were between two hundred and
three hundred negroes killed that I saw with my own eyes.
The only white men that I knew of that were killed were
Atkins, Tappan, Lee, Lily and two soldiers whom I do
not know” (p. 99).
Testimony of Jones.
Mr. Jones in like manner testified that he saw the Negroes
whipped, saw the formaldehyde put into their noses, that
he helped to whip Frank Moore and J. E. Knox, that he
probably whipped two dozen himself. He says, "So far as
I know no negro made a voluntary statement that impli
cated any other negro in anything criminal and I believe I
would have known it if it had been done” (p. 89). He says
that while at the M cCoy house " I saw a bunch of negroes
cross the railroad and dirt road going east. . . . I didn’t see
any negro in that bunch with a gun or other weapon in his
hand. . . . I know positively that no negro stopped in the
road, kneeled and made a shot or two up the road, because
if he had done so I would have seen him as I was looking
right at the bunch of negroes that crossed the road” (Record,
p. 88).
The witnesses Jones and Smiddy are white men and'
responsible. Their testimony is clear and positive, and con
firms the statements of the petitioners in all respects. If
these affidavits are true, the petitioners were entirely in
nocent of the crime for which they were convicted, and no
motive for making such affidavits, if they were false, can
be suggested.
Evidence at the T rial.
If the only evidence in the case was the record of the trial,
it would be clear that the appellants were not fairly tried.
A statement of the proceedings follows, and is perhaps
needlessly long, but the aim has been to omit nothing
essential.
1 5
The first witness called at the trial was R. L. Brooks, a
white man, who testified that he was with Lee on the 1st of
October, and that Lee was sitting in an automobile when
he was hit by a bullet from a rifle which caused his death
in about five minutes. Witness testified that he heard two
bullets, and that between them there was an interval about
as long as it would take a man to unload and reload his gun.
The bullet came from the south. He had not the least idea
who fired the shots, and neither heard the report of the gun
nor saw the man who fired it (Record, pp. 28, 29).
The next witness was Dr. 0 . Parker, who testified that
he was present when Lee was brought in and saw him die,
but did not examine the body (Record, p. 29).
The next witness was T om Faulkner, who testified that
he knew Clinton Lee and was fifty to one hundred feet away
from him when he was killed; that he was then in a car in
front of the M cCoy house with all the cars; that about the
time the shots were fired he saw three Negroes probably three
or four hundred yards south of the house, saw one fire two
shots toward the car, but he did not know who the Negroes
were and could not identify any of them (Record, pp. 30, 31).
It will be observed that he only saw three Negroes, not a
considerable body.
The next witness was John Jefferson who testified that
he knew the several defendants, apparently calling the ap
pellant indicted as Ed Coleman by the name of Sweat Cole
man. He testified that he belonged to the Farmers House
hold and Progressive Union of which Ed Hicks was the
president of Elaine Lodge. Said he learned that Joe Knox
was the president of it. He knew none of the board mem
bers other than the president, vice-president and secretary.
Asked whether any of the men Moore, Coleman and Hall
were leaders or not, answered, “ I knew Frank Moore was
there, but I don ’t know whether he was a leader, nor the
other two men you called. ” He said that when he went to
the lodge they had guns, and said they were “ looking for
16
them to come down and pick them up.” “ Looking for who?”
“ Looking for the white folks to come down there and break
the meeting up.” “ What did they have their guns for?”
“ They had their guns for protection to fight with.” First
time he went he had no gun, and when asked what he brought
to fight with replied that he brought nothing. He went
to only one meeting after he joined and that was the Friday
night before the trouble. In answer to a leading question,
that he met Thursday night before the trouble. He knew
Hicks, Frank Moore and Sweat Coleman were there. Did
not see Knox or Hall there. Testified these fellows had
guns there that night.
On Wednesday morning he went out to Frank M oore’s
who lived opposite Sweat Coleman, the next house being
that of Frank Hall, who was Paul Hall’s brother. Got
there before daylight. There were forty-five or fifty scat
tered around in the dark sitting down talking. Had guns
of various sorts. Saw Moore, Coleman and Paul there, but
did not see Knox and Hicks before daylight. They were
all sitting around talking. Frank Moore was in the house.
Asked what he saw, witness replied, “ I heard him come out
of the house.” He said “ they had been into it at Hoop Spur,
and they had killed a man; he had taken a 45 automatic
and pair of handcuffs.” That he saw Hicks and Knox later
in the day. All there, some over at his house, some at
Sweat’s house, some at Paul’s house, and some around
the bushes. About twelve or one o ’clock heard Frank
Moore say: “ D on’t you hear that shooting? Come on,
let’s go out there and help them people out.”
“ And everybody came up there and he paired us all up,
put us two and two, Frank Moore, Hicks and Knox. Moore
in front said, ‘Let’s go and help them people out in the
shooting. Just go out there and help them out.’ Moore
was in front, Hicks along in the middle walking along with
the rest, Knox at the rear end. He said, ‘If anybody breaks
ranks he was going to shoot them down.’ Paul Hall was in
17
the gang, but don’t know where he was. Sweat Coleman
was in the gang not doing anything more than the rest of
them, there with his gun. Never heard Sweat say any
thing. I was near the rear not far from Ed Hicks. All of
them had guns. We come out through the field about a
quarter of a mile from the house and we saw this crowd of
men. This fellow Moore stopped. Hicks said, ‘Let’s go
across this way and cut them off.’ Asked who, he answered,
‘These white gentlemen at this house.’ A quarter of a mile
from the house we turned and went across the railroad. Ed
Hicks and Frank Moore, we all went across about a quarter
of a mile from the McCoy house, crossing the railroad. I
saw Frank Hicks make the shots. He squatted that way,
took aim and made two shots.”
“ What did he say?”
“ I did not hear Moore say anything. Ed Hicks was across
the road over in the field twenty-five or thirty yards from
the fellow that shot. Don’t know where Sweat Coleman
wgs, but he was in the gang somewhere. Joe Knox was on
the side of railroad fifteen or twenty yards from Hicks. Don’t
know where Paul Hall was. After Hicks made the first
shot he took out his gun and reloaded it, and some one in
the gang told him not to shoot. Then he made a second
shot. Said, ‘I would have got that guy if it had not been
for the horse.’ There was a horse between these gentlemen
and Hicks. After that we went on across. All split up
after the two shots were made, some on one side of railroad
and some on east side.”
Cross-examination.
“ Think it was about a mile from McCoy’s house where
the shooting was done. I have been indicted for murder in
the first degree. I told somebody this story before I went
on the stand. Talked about it around here. I don’t know
who told Hicks not to shoot. Never was before the grand
jury. I gave my testimony in a room with six or seven men
there. I did not expect to kill anybody when I went into
the lodge. Did not join for the purpose of killing anybody.
1 8
Never made up my mind to kill anybody, don’t know when
fellows made up their minds to kill anybody. Didn’t see
Sweat Coleman give Hicks a gun. Didn’t come here to
organize a lodge for killing people. Didn’t find out that
anybody was to be killed. I heard this Hill say there was
going to be trouble, but heard nothing said about killing
anybody. Have not heard anybody else say there was
going to be trouble except Hill, and heard no talk about
killing anybody that morning” (Record, pp. 31-39 inc.).
It is to be observed that the defendant in the indictment
is Ed Hicks, not Frank Hicks who is said to have made
the shots (Record, p. 26).
The next witness, W alter W ard, knew the defendants
belonged to the Union.
“ They took guns when they went to the Union. Heard
leaders say they were looking for trouble. Ed Hicks was
one and Hill was one. Told me Knox was vice-president.
Paul Hall woke me up on Wednesday morning about 4.30
and told me to go to Ed Hicks’s house. I told him I was
sick, and he told me I had got to go, and to get my gun.
I said it was over at old man Keys’s, and he said to go if I
hadn’t no gun. Told me to go to Frank Moore’s house.
I did not take a gun. Frank Moore gave me a 32 Smith &
Wesson. Did not tell me anything until the shooting at
Hoop Spur and then hollered 'Come on.’ Frank Moore
and Coleman were present.”
“ Where was Knox?”
“ Knox was there somewhere, could not tell where. So
was Paul Hall, but could not tell where. During the morn
ing did not hear Paul Hall say anything. Heard Frank
Moore tell some one that there had been a man killed at
Hoop Spur, and said he wanted us to go up there. Did not
say why. If they found a man picking cotton in the field,
that is where they are going to kill him, right there. Sweat
was working his gun around. All he said was, ‘I have got
a 45-70.’ Sweat did not say what he was going to do with
it. We went down across the field, Paul Hall in field on
1 9
one side of railroad, Coleman on other side, Knox up on
the railroad. Frank Moore was sitting down close to Frank
Hicks, who made two shots up the road toward Dr. Richard
son’s house, right up the road. He shot north” (Record,
pp. 40-43).
Cross-examination.
“ I did not have any gun. I was told to go to Ed Hicks’s
house and wake up all on the road. No one went with me.
I went because I was scared to go to white folks. I have
been indicted with the bunch for some kind of murder, the
killing of Clinton Lee. I did not shoot at him or tell any
body else to shoot at him, or have any agreement that he
or anybody else should be killed. There was no trouble on
hand when Hill spoke. Never heard any members of the
defendants or anybody else say that anybody was to be
killed. Nobody told Frank Hicks to shoot that gun. George
Green told him not to shoot. I ran. Started to run and
they said: ‘Stop! Where in hell are you niggers going?’
We stopped. Some of us lay down in the woods, some of
us got behind the stumps until Frank Moore said, ‘Let’s
go.’ So far as I know the defendants have not done any
thing to anybody. Went on across Craig’s field and went
back on the place. Knox was with me. We were getting
out of trouble. Stayed there until Friday and then came
on up to Elaine and give up to Mr. Cazort. They told us
niggers to come out of the bushes and stop cutting the fool.
I hadn’t been doing anything, but I was scared to go where
the white folks was at. I hadn’t done a thing. Don’t know
as these other fellows made a shot. I woke up the president
and told him Frank Moore sent for us to meet over to Frank
Moore’s house. Don’t know who told us to stop running.”
“ You thought they were going to shoot you?”
“ I know they were if I had kept going” (Record, pp.
43-45 inc.).
Dave Archer.
“ My name is Dave Archer. Do not belong to the Union.
Know Paul Hall, Frank Moore, Ed Hicks, Sweat Coleman
20
and J. E. Knox. On Wednesday morning when the trouble
happened I was in the alfalfa patch right behind my house.
About ten o’clock Ed Hicks sent out some men after the
fellows that didn’t belong to the Union to capture them,
and they captured me. Carried me over and put me in Ed
Hicks’ squad over at Paul Hall’s house. I stayed there
about an hour before I got away. Hicks was pointing out
the way for us men to go to watch for the white people.
He said they was going to kill the white people when they
come down there. That is what Hicks told the men. He
told the negroes to do that. I went down in the slough with
them, and when we got down in the slough why I laid my
weapon down and I says I will be back directly. I says,
‘You watch until I come back,’ and I went on down in the
slough and got in the field the way they carried me; and I
went on down to Elaine, and before I got to Elaine the white
people was coming up there. I live on Mr. Stokes’ place.
I went on down to Elaine and told them about they had me
and I got away; I got Mr. Slayton to bring me back to his
house. I have not been arrested. Ed Hicks took charge of
me. I saw Frank Moore at his house, they first carried me
to Frank’s house.”
“ Did you hear Frank make a speech?”
“ Yes, he said he was going to do the same thing he was
telling his men. He was going to kill all the white people
that come down there that evening. Did not see Preacher
Knox. Saw Sweat Coleman at his house. They carried me
right through his yard. Didn’t hear him say anything.
He was setting on the gallery. He hollered and said, ‘Hello,
they have got you.’ I saw Paul at his house. They carried
me over to Frank’s, and over to Paul’s house. Escorted me
from one house to the other. I left when that fellow Hicks
told them all to get in the slough. I saw Paul Hall had a
Winchester. He said he was watching for the white folks.
Ed Hicks and Frank Moore did most of the talking. I
didn’t hear Sweat say anything, they didn’t let me say any
thing to Sweat. Didn’t hear Knox say anything” (Rec-
cord, pp. 45-47).
21
Cross-examination.
“ I have been with Mr. Stokes at Elaine three years, came
from Modoc. Lived there about thirteen or fourteen years
with Mr. Jim Harden. When I come from Mississippi
over here to Modoc he was there, and I don’t know how
long that has been. My father-in-law is Alex. Brown. I
told Mr. Stokes just as soon as I got away. I told him who
carried me over there, the three men, one was named Smith,
but the other two boys, Dr. Cruise told me they was named
Foster, but they was strangers to me. The army man carried
me. They made me get my gun. Double-barrel shotgun,
not loaded. I didn’t say anything. I was scared, was
studying how to get away. Very badly frightened. I took
good notice of what the boss men said. They were Hicks
and Moore. Didn’t hear Knox say anything. Don’t know
whether he did anything. Never saw his gun. That’s all I
know, no more than what they done to me” (Record, pp.
47-48).
J. Graham Burke.
“ Know Sweat Coleman, J. E. Knox, Ed Hicks. Don’t
know Paul Hall. Mr. Mosby and myself had a conversation
with them. It was an investigation we were making at that
time. Conversation in County Judge’s office downstairs.
I was not undertaking to commit these people to jail, or
acting as a judge. We sent for them. They were in jail.
We sent for them and brought them out there. Warrants
had been issued for them, but at that time there was no
way of getting them tried. I do not know that we advised
these men that anything they said would be likely to be used
against them. We just merely asked them questions and
they either denied them or admitted them. They were
not put on notice that we were making any investigation to
ascertain whether they were criminally responsible. I knew
they were under arrest, and had them brought in by an
officer who was present. No coercion was used in talking
to these negroes. If anybody made promises of reward I do
22
not know it. I didn’t. The statements were made volun
tarily to me or in my presence, and no tactics were indulged
in to cause them to make any statements through fear at
that time or at any other time. They were not handcuffed”
(Record, pp. 49-50).
Asked whether there was any coercion used at any time
before they were brought before him replied:
“ Not that I know of, Judge Moore. There wasn’t any
used in my presence.”
“ Mr. Mosby or myself asked him if he was a member
of the Union (Sweat Coleman) and he admitted that he
was, and we asked him when he received knowledge of the
fact that there had been a man killed at Hoop Spur. Admit
ted that he found it out the next morning, that he was
either at Frank Moore’s or Paul Hall’s house, and that
they ganged up there and after the shooting up at Hoop
Spur they went up there with the gang. I don’t recall
what kind of a gun he said he had, I remember he made
the statement that he had a gun, but I don’t remember
what kind. He made the statement that whoever it was,
I have forgotten now who he said notified him, but in any
way he went up to Frank Moore’s or Paul Hall’s house and
they set around there, and different ones of them ganged
around there until eleven or twelve o’clock when the shoot
ing happened at Hoop Spur—the gang organized and
went towards Dr. Richardson’s place, and when they got
up to the railroad track Sweat told about these two shots
being fired. I don’t recall now whether he told who it was
that made the shots, but there was two shots made there he
said, and they split up there and went on each side of the
railroad, on which side of the track Sweat was I don’t re
member what he said about that, whether he said he went
towards Yellow Banks or on the other side of the railroad.
He was up there and said these two shots were made.
Knox’s statement was practically the same as Sweat’s so far
as that point is concerned; that he went up there with the
gang, that he got with them and went up towards Dr.
Richardson’s. Don’t recall where he said he was when
23
these shots were made. Admitted he went up there with
gang. Ed Hicks’ statement was about the same, that he
was in the gang that went towards Mr. McCoy’s house; and
after he got up there these shots were fired; that he took a
gang of negroes and went on one side of the railroad—seems
that the crowd split there, part followed Frank Moore
and some went with him and went back toward Yellow
Banks, but he admitted being in the gang that went up
there” (Record, pp. 49-51 inc.).
At the close of this testimony the State rested. The
defendants’ counsel offered no testimony. So far as the
record shows, no argument was made, and as the case took
less than an hour, including the charge, it is clear that there
was no time for any real argument.
From this evidence it appears first that neither of the
defendants did any shooting, and they were convicted
upon evidence that they were present when the shots were
fired. It was a morning when the community was greatly
excited and Negroes were being shot indiscriminately. A
party of them gathered together, as they naturally would,
but there is nothing to indicate that they did it with the
purpose of attacking anybody, or of doing more than de
fending themselves. There was no evidence that there was
any plan to capture Elaine or to kill white people, as was
stated to be the fact by Mr. Allen in the public prints.
If there had been, it would have been produced at the trial.
There was no evidence of any illegal purpose on the part
of the organization, although it was stated that there was
abundant literature to show it, and a list of the persons
who were to be killed, but none of these papers and no
evidence of that kind was offered to the jury. There was
no evidence of any conspiracy or intent to kill anybody.
The nearest approach to it was a statement that one Hill
who seems to have been, according to the statement of
Allen, a swindler aiming to get money from the Negroes
told them that there might be trouble.
24
There was evidence that a party not charged in the
indictment fired two shots from a place at least half a
mile away from the place where Lee was killed. It may or
may not have come from the rifle of this person, but there
was no evidence that the man who fired the shots had any
purpose of killing anybody before he fired the shots, and
not a particle of evidence that there was any conspiracy
or combination to kill, or that any of the other persons
there sympathized with his action. The only evidence on
that point is that some one urged him not to fire another
shot. So far as one or two of the defendants are concerned,
there is hardly any evidence more than that they were in
the crowd, and yet the jury convicted them of murder in
the first degree, punishable by death, which was defined
in the judge’s charge as murder done with malice afore
thought, with premeditation and deliberation, and with a
specific intent to take human life at the time the shot was
fired (Record, p. 52).
The evidence produced at the trial may be searched
without finding anything to warrant the verdict which
was rendered.
The Charge to the Jury.
Thereupon the jury were charged orally very briefly.
The charge in substance defined the various degrees of
murder, and contained the statement that
“ malice shall be implied when no considerable provocation
appears, or when all the circumstances of the act manifests
an abandoned or wicked disposition. The killing being
proven, the burden of proving circumstances of mitigation
that justifies or excuses the homicide shall devolve upon
the accused, unless by the proof upon the part of the prose
cution it is sufficiently manifest that the offence amounted
only to manslaughter, or that the accused was justified or
excused in committing the homicide.”
2 5
The court then instructed the jury that the defendants
were charged in the indictment with murder in the first
degree as principals under the section of the statute which
reads as follows: “ One who aids, assists, abets, advises
or encourages shall be deemed in law a principal, and be
punished accordingly.” He proceeded: “ So if you find
from the evidence in the case that the defendants were
present at the time that Clinton Lee was killed, and that
they, or either of them, aided, assisted, abetted, advised or
encouraged the commission of the offense, and were present
at the time the offense was committed, then you will find
them guilty as charged in the indictment, and the punish
ment is the same as the principal.”
The court instructed them as to what a reasonable doubt
was and to give the defendants the benefit of that doubt;
also as to the law which enabled them to fix the penalty
of death or imprisonment if defendants were guilty of murder
in first degree, and that they could find one of the defend
ants guilty in the first degree, and one guilty in the second
degree, or some of them not guilty.
He instructed the jury “ that the State was required to
prove all the material allegations in this indictment and
prove them beyond a reasonable doubt; that it was not a
mere possible or imaginary doubt, but such a doubt as
would cause a prudent man to pause or hestitate in the
graver transactions of life, and a juror is satisfied beyond
a reasonable doubt if from a fair and candid consideration
of all the evidence he has an abiding conviction of the
truth of the charge” (Record, pp. 51-54).
There was no discussion of what the evidence was, and
nothing to call the jury’s attention to the fact that some
thing more than mere presence when a crime is committed
is necessary to make a person a participant in the crime,
nothing which would indicate to the jury that there was
really any question as to the guilt of the accused. It was
purely a formal charge. The jury were out less than five
2 6
minutes and returned a verdict of guilty of murder in the
first degree against all the defendants. The defendants
excepted to the verdict and to the instructions given to
the jury by the court, and after that the counsel appointed
by the court, who were Messrs. J. I. Moore and Greenfield
Quarles, seem to have done nothing more.
On the 11th of November the defendants were sentenced
to death by electrocution on the 27th December, 1919.
M otion for N ew Trial.
A motion for a new trial was made on the 20th of Decem
ber (Record, pp. 57-60) which was overruled, and the
defendants, represented now by new attorneys, Messrs.
Murphy, McHaney and Scipio Jones, appealed on the same
day (Record, p. 63).
The grounds urged in the motion wTere the state of public
feeling against the defendants, the fact that the defendants
and witnesses were frequently subjected to torture for the
purpose of extracting from them admissions of guilt and to
make them testify against the defendants; that they were
given no opportunity to consult with their friends and
seek assistance, or informed of the charge against-them
until after their indictment; that they were carried from
jail to the courtroom without having been permitted to
see or talk with an attorney or any other person in regard
to their defense; that the court appointed counsel for the
defendants without consulting them, or giving them an
opportunity to employ their own counsel; that the state
of public feeling was such that they could not have a fair
jury; that the trial proceeded without their consulting
withVtheir counsel or any witnesses, or being given an
opportunity to obtain witnesses; that they were never in
court before and were entirely ignorant of what they could
do to defend themselves; that the trial from beginning to
end occupied three-fourths of an hour and the verdict was
27
returned in from three to six minutes. Four of the defend
ants say that they never had a copy of the indictment
served upon them, one had it only forty-eight hours before
the trial (Record, pp. 57, 58).
Another ground was that under the practice which pre
vailed in the State only white men were summoned to sit
on the grand jury or the jury, and that by this discrim
ination the defendants were deprived of their rights
under the Constitution of the United States; that they
had no notice or knowledge of what steps they should
take to raise this point before the trial; that the verdict
is contrarjr to the law and evidence (Record, pp. 58, 59).
To this motion are attached two affidavits, one of Alf
Banks, Jr., and another of William Wordlaw who testified
to the fact that they were whipped, placed in the electric
chair and strangled by something put in their noses to
make them testify. These defendants did not suffer from
what was done to these witnesses, as they did not testify
at their trial, but their affidavits confirm the testimony of
the others as to the treatment to which the Negroes in
confinement were exposed (Record, pp. 60-62 inc.).
The State Supreme Court’s Opinion.
On appeal the case was argued in the Supreme Court of
Arkansas on the 22d of March (Record, pp. 63, 64). On
March 29th the court overruled the motion in an opinion
found in the record (pages 64-67 inc.).
In this opinion on page 65 the court state that according
to the affidavits filed in support of the motion the defend
ants were members of the organization known as the
Farmers Progressive Household Union of America, who
held meetings from time to time for the lawful purpose
of promoting the financial interests of its members; that
while one of these meetings was in progress an automobile
containing two white men and one Negro passed along the
2 8
public road and stopped some forty or fifty yards away
from the building, “ whereupon the pickets fired into the
car and killed one of the men in it.”
There was no testimony of this sort at the trial in this
case, as the record shows, and the attitude of the court
toward the case may be inferred from the fact that this
statement appears in the opinion.
The court proceeds then to comment on the fact that a
number of the lodge members assembled about the houses
of the appellants about a mile from Elaine where the shoot
ing had occurred, practically all were armed, and Moore
made the statement that they would kill all the white
people who came there, but this was explained by saying
that they gathered to defend themselves against attack.
Then the court states that on hearing firing they proceeded
to march toward Elaine, “ Moore having said that some of
their members were being attacked and they would go
and help them fight” (Record, p. 66). This goes beyond
the testimony given at the trial (Record, pp. 39, 40, 48,
49, 54, 55), and especially in changing M oore’s alleged
statement from a declaration of what “ he” intended to do
to a statement of what “ they” intended to do.
The opinion comments on the fact that when Hicks
said he would shoot, one member of his party told him not
“ to do so, but no one made any attempt to restrain him,”
and after the shooting the party dispersed.
This certainly, even as stated by the court, is no evidence
that the defendants, no one of whom had fired a shot, was
guilty of murder in the first degree.
The court proceeds to say that defendants now insist
that “ because of the incidents developed at the trial and
those recited in the motions for new trials no fair trial was
had or could have been had,” and that the trial did not
constitute due process of law, and then says:
“ It is admitted however that eminent counsel was ap
pointed to defend appellants, and no attempt was made to
29
show that a fair and impartial trial was not had except as an
inference from the facts stated above, the insistence being
that a fair trial was impossible under the circumstances
stated.
“ We are unable to say that this must necessarily have
been the case. The trials were had according to law, the
jury was correctly charged as to the law of the case, and the
testimony is legally sufficient to support the verdict returned.
We cannot therefore in the face of this assume that the trial
was an empty ceremony conducted for the purpose only of
appearing to comply with the requirements of law when
they were not in fact being complied with” (Record, p.
66) .
The opinion concludes:
“ We have given these cases the careful consideration
which their importance required, but our consideration is
necessarily limited to those matters which are properly
brought before us for review, and as no error has been made
to appear in either case the judgments must be affirmed.”
The court in dealing with the case treats the allegation
in the motion for a new trial that the witnesses were tor
tured to make them testify against the defendants, and all
the other allegations which show that at the trial the court
was surrounded by a mob determined on a verdict of guilty,
as incidents, and say that they cannot say that a fair trial
was “necessarily” impossible.
It is difficult to conceive the state of mind of the court
which would lead it to say that the torture of witnesses
to make them give false testimony does not effect the fair
ness of the trial, but the thing which distinguishes this
case from the Frank case is that the Supreme Court of
Arkansas did not pass on the question whether the allega
tions in the motion for a new trial of violence, prejudice, tor
ture and mob pressure on the jury were true or not. The
court assumed that they were true, and said it did not
follow from them that the trial was necessarily unfair.
30
This is in substance saying that the defendants must
actually prove that the jury were influenced, must prove
that the trial was unfair, whereas the well-established rule
of law is that where circumstances like this are proved,
the trial cannot stand unless it is affirmatively proved
that it was fair, and the court will not admit such proof.
The rule has always been as stated in Allen v. United
States, 150 U. S. 551, where speaking of a passage in the
charge of the judge “ as the mistake might have prejudiced
the jury, it was error.”
See also Bucklin v. United States, 159 U. S. 682, at 686,
687, where of a mistaken charge the court said, “ This tended
to coerce the jury into making a verdict,” and “ as this error
may have injuriously affected the rights of the accused,
the judgment is reversed.”
Carver v. United States, 160 U. S. 553, where the admission
of incompetent evidence “ may have had so important a
bearing that its admission must be regarded as prejudicial
error.”
Brown v. Cummings, 7 Allen, 507, 509, where speaking
of evidence improperly admitted the court say, “ Although
this evidence was not noticed by counsel on either side in
addressing the jury, or by the court in instructing them,
yet it is impossible to know that it had no effect upon their
verdict,” and therefore the verdict was set aside.
See also Maguire v. Middlesex Railroad Company, 115
Mass. 239, at page 241.
These cases state the true rule, and that rule was ignored
by the Supreme Court of Arkansas, which was content
to deny a new trial and send these defendants to their
death without even considering whether the allegations
contained in the motion were true or not.
We contend that this opinion of the court shows what
the feeling in the State was, and how indifferent the court
was to the rights of the defendants. There was no finding
31
that the facts as to the treatment of witnesses and the
pressure from the mob were not true. The suggestion that
from the presence of the defendants when Hicks killed Lee
an inference might be drawn that they aided, abetted
or assisted him in doing so is certainly a very forced in
ference, and goes far beyond any interpretation of the
evidence which would make these defendants beyond a
reasonable doubt guilty of murder with malice aforethought,
the most serious crime known to the law. No member of
this court or any court would feel, if he were charged with
crime, that proceedings such as those taken in this case
gave him a fair trial.
As to some of the defendants there is hardly evidence
to show that they were there.
The court was asked to rehear this case by a motion filed
April 14, 1920 (Record, pp. 69, 70), which points out that the
assumption of the court that the petition as to the com
position of the grand jury came too late could not be sup
ported, because it was presented at the earliest possible op
portunity; that the statement of the court, that certain
facts were alleged in the affidavits supporting the motion for
a new trial, was also unwarranted because nothing was said
on the point in question either in the motion for a new
trial or in affidavits supporting them.
The motion for a rehearing makes a strong appeal sup
ported by the facts, but it was overruled on the 26th April
1920 without any statement of reasons or any finding as
to the facts (Record, pp. 68-70 inc.).
Subsequently an application was made to the Chancery
Court for an injunction to restrain the sheriff from execut
ing the prisoners and the injunction was granted, but the
Chancery Court suspended its operation pending a deci
sion by the Supreme Court of Arkansas as to whether it
had jurisdiction, and after a hearing that court decided
that the Chancery Court was without jurisdiction (Record,
pp. 79-86 both inc.; see p. 83).
3 2
It may be noted in passing that in the opinion of the
Supreme Court in this case the court said that no excep
tions were taken at the trial (p. 81), the language of the
court being, “ There were no exceptions saved during the
progress of the trials, but the records show that counsel
for the accused cross-examined all of the State’s witnesses
at length” (Record, p. 81), a statement which the record
hardly sustains.
Both opinions of the Supreme Court show that the
allegations of facts in the petition for habeas corpus were
urged upon it and in neither case did the court deal with
these allegations or find that they were not true.
TH E LAW.
The case which is presented to the court may be
summed up as follows: A condition of things apparently ex
isted in Phillips County, Arkansas, which culminated in an
attempt by white men to break up a meeting of Negroes
in the course of which one white man was killed, but whether
by his own party or by Negroes there is nothing to show.
The consequence was a state of great excitement, in the
course of which inflammatory statements were made alleg
ing that there was a deliberate purpose on the part of the
Negroes to attack and kill their white neighbors, which was
readily believed though on its face it is absurd. The whites
assembled, shot and killed the Negroes indiscriminately
to a very large extent, and tried to lynch those that were
arrested, but better counsels prevailed, and they were
persuaded to abandon this purpose by an assurance given
by leading citizens that the accused men should be dealt
with according to law, that “ justice would be done and
the majesty of the law upheld.” The state of public
opinion is shown by the statements that were printed in
the newspapers, by the resolutions of various bodies,
commercial and otherwise, and it is perfectly clear that the
community demanded the conviction and execution of those
3 3
who were accused, and that nothing short of an assured
equivalent for lynching would have prevented the mob
from killing the prisoners.
The trial was in every respect unfair, the time occupied
and the character of the evidence show how little effort
was made to really determine the merits of the case. The
public demanded victims, and the public demand over
awed the courts with the result that these helpless and
ignorant Negroes were convicted with a view to their
prompt execution. Nowhere in the history of the case
from beginning to end is there any indication that prior to
the conviction there was any serious attempt made to
ascertain whether the defendants were really guilty. The
evidence on which they were convicted was manufactured,
the witnesses were beaten and terrorized, and the record
of the whole case shows what, if consummated, is only
judicial murder. —
The leading case on the subject is the case of Frank v.
Mangum, 237 U. S. 309. In that case the law is laid down
clearly in both the majority and minority opinions of the
court.
In the majority opinion the statement is made that
“ the due process of law guaranteed by the Fourteenth
Amendment has regard to substance of right, and not to
matters of form or procedure; that it is open to the courts
of the United States upon an application for a writ of
habeas corpus to look beyond and inquire into the very
substance of the matter, to the extent of deciding whether
the prisoner has been deprived of his liberty without due
process of law, and for this purpose to inquire into juris
dictional facts, whether they appear upon the record or
not; that an investigation into the case of a prisoner held
in custody by a State on conviction of a criminal offense
must take into consideration the entire course of proceed
ings in the courts of the State, and not merely a single
step in those proceedings.”
“ There is no doubt of the jurisdiction to issue the writ
34
of habeas corpus” and “ it was the duty of the court to
refuse the writ if it appeared from the petition itself that
the appellant was not entitled to it.”
“ Now the obligation resting upon us, as upon the Dis
trict Court, to look through the form and into the very
heart and substance of the matter, applies as well to the
averments of the petition as to the proceedings which the
petitioner attacks. We must regard not any single clause
or paragraph, but the entire petition, and the exhibits
that are made a part of it.”
Later the court rejects “ the suggestion that even the
questions of fact bearing upon the jurisdiction of the trial
court could be conclusively determined against the prisoner
by the decision of the state court of last resort.”
And then follows: “ We of course agree that if a trial is
in fact dominated by a mob, so that the jury is intimidated
and the trial judge yields, and so that there is an actual in
terference with the course of justice, there is in that court,
a departure from due process of law in the proper sense of
that term. And if the State, supplying no corrective proc
ess, carries into execution a judgment of death or imprison
ment based upon a verdict thus produced by mob domina
tion, the State deprives the accused of his life or liberty
without due process of law.”
And they further say, “ We are very far from intimating
that manifestations of public sentiment, or any other form
of disorder, calculated to influence court or jury, are matters
to be lightly treated.”
In the minority opinion we find the succinct statement
that “ habeas corpus cuts through all forms and goes to the
very tissue of the structure. It comes in from the outside,
not in subordination to the proceedings, and although
every form may have been preserved opens the inquiry
whether they have been more than an empty shell. What
ever disagreement there may be as to the scope of the phrase
'due process of law,’ there can be no doubt that it embraces
3 5
the fundamental conception of a fair trial, with opportunity
to be heard. M ob law does not become due process of law
by securing the assent of a terrorized jury. We are not
speaking of mere disorder, or mere irregularities in procedure,
but of a case where the processes of justice are actually sub
verted.” Followed by the later statement: “ When the de
cision of the question of fact is so interwoven with the de
cision of the question of constitutional right that the one
necessarily involves the other, the Federal court must
examine the facts.”
As an illustration of what the court calls an extreme case
we find in the minority opinion this statement: “ If the
trial and the later hearing before the Supreme Court had
taken place in the presence of an armed force known to be
ready to shoot if the result was not the one desired, we do
not suppose that this court would allow itself to be
silenced by the suggestion that the record showed no flaw.”
And the conclusion is that “ supposing the alleged facts to
be true, we are of opinion that if they were before the
Supreme Court it sanctioned a situation upon which the
Courts of the United States should act, and if for any reason
they were not before the Supreme Court, it is our duty to
act upon them now and to declare lynch law as little valid
when practiced by a regularly drawn jury as when adminis
tered by one elected by a mob intent on death.”
In Frank’s case he had a trial which lasted for four weeks,
in which he had the assistance of several attorneys. The
ground for habeas corpus was the fact of alleged disorder in
and about the courtroom, including manifestations of public
sentiment hostile to the defendant sufficient to influence
the jury. It was stated that the defendant was not in
the courtroom when the verdict was rendered, his pres
ence having been waived by his counsel. The question of
whether there was disorder was heard by the trial court
and afterward by the Supreme Court of Georgia on evi
dence, and the finding was that the trial court was war
86
ranted in finding that only two of the alleged manifestations
occurred within the hearing or knowledge of the jury,— (1)
laughter by spectators while the defense was examining one
of its witnesses, and (2) applause by the spectators during
a colloquy between the solicitor general and counsel for the
accused,— whereupon, the defendant’s counsel complaining,
the court directed that order should be maintained.
The Appellate Court ruled that the action of the trial court
was a manifestation of the judicial disapproval, and a suf
ficient cure for any possible harmful effect of the irregularity,
and it was deemed sufficient by the counsel, who made no
request for further action by the court.
Further complaint was that there was an indication of
popular approval of a verdict of guilty while the jury was
being polled, which was done after the jury had reached their
verdict and were merely reaffirming it by individual decla
ration.
The Frank case was absolutely different from the case
which is presented here. It is hard to say that the absence
of a prisoner at a time when a verdict is rendered invalidates
the trial, especially when it is consented to by counsel, for
it is in reality a mere form, and the effect of such absence may
well be left to be dealt with by the State where the trial is
held. Nor are expressions of feeling by spectators during
the trial of a case, if promptly repressed by the court, a
reason for disregarding the verdict. The questions of fact
which were raised in Frank’s case were carefully considered
by the Supreme Court of Georgia, and disposed of in ac
cordance with the laws of that State, nor did they, in the
opinion of the majority, show such mob control of the court
as denied the defendant due process of law.
Very far different are the facts in this case. As against
a trial lasting four weeks, and a defense by counsel heartily
espousing the cause of their client, selected by him and
conferring with him and giving him the opportunity to
study his defense, we have a trial lasting about three-
37
quarters of an hour, held very shortly after the indictment,
with no opportunity given the defendants to consult coun
sel, with no earnest defense, with no conference between
clients and counsel, no opportunity to summon witnesses,
no opportunity to take the stand in their own defense, none
of the several rights which men on trial for their lives are
entitled to be accorded in courts of justice.
We have the whole community inflamed against the
defendants, prepared themselves to lynch them, only
refraining from so doing because they are assured by lead
ing citizens that the trial should accomplish the same
purpose, a condition of things where no man who was on
that jury and had ventured to vote for acquittal or delay
could have lived in Phillips County, according to the testi
mony of one of the men who engaged in the business of
manufacturing evidence for the State. We have false
statements printed in the newspapers; we have society
substantially organized to convict these people; and more
than that, we have witnesses deliberately terrorized and
forced on pain of death or torture to give false testimony.
We have the testimony of the witnesses themselves that
they were so terrorized and that their testimony was false.
We have the testimony of the men who inflicted the tor
ture; we have a mass of evidence which shows, if evidence
can show anything, that the defendants never had a fair
trial and in fact that they were innocent. As to some of
them there is no evidence as to any act or word except
that they were with a gang of Negroes assembled to all
appearances for self-defense.
We have distinct evidence that all Negroes at that time
were in danger of their lives, and that two or three hundred
men were killed. What would be expected of human beings
in circumstances like that? Can we ask that they lie down
and be killed without any attempt to assemble for their
own protection. The courts of Georgia had not before
them all the evidence which was presented to the District
3 8
Court of the United States, and the questions which we ask
this court to consider were never considered by those
courts. The allegations of fact were never considered by
the Supreme Court of Arkansas as they were by the Supreme
Court of Georgia in the Frank case, but the opinions ap
parently assume that they were true. This distinction
between the cases is vital.
The statement in the opinion in reply to the claim that
a fair trial was impossible was, "W e are unable however
to say that this must necessarily have been the case.”
No one dealing with the operation of another man’s mind
can undertake to say what motives necessarily influence
him, but all judicial action is founded upon the constant
assumption that certain influences will produce certain
results on human action. There can be no question
that the citizens of Helena were determined that these
men should be convicted, and that they manufactured
the evidence for the purpose; and for the court to say that
it cannot assume that the accused necessarily did not have
a fair trial show^ clearly that the Supreme Court of Arkansas
was itself influenced by the same feeling that influenced
the leaders of society throughout the region where these
tragedies occurred.
If this Court on reading this petition, these affidavits
and this record is not satisfied that if there ever was a case
in which habeas corpus should be granted this is the case,
no argument of counsel will convince them, and we submit
with confidence that either habeas corpus should be granted
in this case or habeas corpus is not a practical remedy for
such outrages as the evidence in this case discloses. This
is in fact the extreme case which the minority of this court
used as an illustration in the Frank case.
39
JURISDICTION OF THE STATE SUPREME COURT.
As bearing on the effect of the decision by the Supreme
Court of Arkansas on the rights of the petitioners, attention
is called to the narrow scope of that court’s jurisdiction in
criminal cases, as defined in § 3413 of Crawford & Moses’s
Digest of the Statutes of Arkansas:
“ A judgment of conviction shall only be reversed for the
following errors of law to the defendant’s prejudice appearing
upon record:
“ First. An error of the circuit court in admitting or
rejecting important evidence.
“Second. An error in instructing, or in refusing to instruct,
the jury.
“ Third. An error in failing to arrest the judgment.
“ Fourth. An error in allowing or disallowing a per
emptory challenge.
“ Fifth. An error in overruling a motion for a new trial.”
The Supreme Court, that is to say, cannot reverse the
findings of the Circuit Court upon any question of fact,
but can set aside a conviction only if some ruling of the
Circuit Court was wrong as matter of law. In the case
at bar, the question whether the circumstances surrounding
the trial were such as to render impossible a righteous ver
dict was primarily a question of fact. Hence the Supreme
Court could not, without exceeding its jurisdiction, reverse
the action of the circuit court in refusing a new trial.
This is equivalent to saying that, under the laws of
Arkansas, the only court that had jurisdiction to pass on
the fundamental issues raised by the motion for a new
trial was the Circuit Court of Phillips County, presided
over by the judge before whom the trial had taken place;
(Constitution of Arkansas, Art. VII, § 13: "The state shall
be divided into convenient circuits, each circuit to be made
40
up of contiguous counties, for each of which circuits a
judge shall be elected” ; Crawford & Moses’s Digest § 2206;
“ Until otherwise provided by the general assembly the
judicial circuits shall be composed of the following counties:
First, White, Woodruff, St. Francis, Lee, Phillips. Second,
Greene, Craighead,” etc.), and upon an application made
at the same term at which the judgment was rendered
(Crawford & Moses’s Digest, § 3218: “ The application for
a new trial [in a criminal case] must be made at the same
term at which the verdict is rendered, unless the judgment
is postponed to another term, in which case it may be
made at any time before judgment” ). In the case at bar,
as will be remembered, there was no postponement of
judgment, everything possible being done to hasten the
final disposition of the case.
The theory of the decision in Frank v. Mangum, 237
U. S. 309, is that, in a situation like that now presented, a
State cannot be.said to have deprived an accused person
of life or liberty without due process of law if it has provided
an independent tribunal for the examination of his complaint
and this tribunal, sitting in an atmosphere free from the
alleged disturbing elements, has held the complaint un
founded. Arkansas, as has just been shown, has made no
provision of this kind.
It would be preposterous to say that the requirements
of the Fourteenth Amendment are satisfied by giving one
seeking a new trial because the court in which he was tried
was guilty of the grossest irregularities nothing but the
empty right to have the facts upon which his application
is based passed upon by the very judge whose conduct is
complained of, and that, too, only at a time when the
adverse influences, if they ever existed at all, must still be
operative with all their force.
41
THE EXCLUSION OF NEGROES FROM THE JURIES.
The fact that no Negroes were summoned to serve on
either the grand or the petit jury, if taken in time should
have led the court to quash the indictment.
Ware v. State, 146 Ark. 321.
The omission to make the point in time was the fault of the
counsel appointed by the court.
M OORFIELD STOREY,
Counsel for the Appellants.
tt i msu rosw u ut +};»i* u a g garoaraM
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.
No. 199.— October Term, 1922.
Prank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox/
et al., Appellants,
vs.
E. H. Dempsey, Keeper of the Arkan
sas State Penitentiary.
[February 19, 1923.]
Mr. Justice H olmes delivered the opinion o f the Court.
This is an appeal from an order of the District Court for the
Eastern District of Arkansas dismissing a writ of habeas corpus
upon demurrer, the presiding judge certifying that there was prob
able cause for allowing the appeal. There were two cases origin
ally, but by agreement they were consolidated into one. The ap
pellants are five negroes who were convicted of murder in the first
degree and sentenced to death by the Court of the State of A r
kansas. The ground of the petition for the writ is that the pro
ceedings in the State Court, although a trial in form, were only a
form, and that the appellants were hurried to conviction under the
pressure of a mob without any regard for their rights and without
according to them due process of law.
The case stated by the petition is as follows, and it will be under
stood that while we put it in narrative form, we are not affirming
the facts to he as stated but only what we must take them to be, as
they are admitted by the demurrer: On the night of September
30, 1919, a number of colored people assembled in their church
were attacked and fired upon by a body of white men, and in
the disturbance that followed a White man was killed. The re
port of the killing caused great excitement and was followed by
the hunting down and shooting of many negroes and also by the
killing on October 1 of one Clinton Lee, a white man, for whose
murder the petitioners were indicted. They seem to have-been ar
rested with many others on the same day. The petitioners say that
Appeal from the District
Court of the United
States for the Eastern
District of Arkansas.
2 M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
Lee must have been killed by other whites, but that we leave on-one
side as what we have to deal with is not the petitioners’ innocence
or guilt but solely the question whether their constitutional rights
have been preserved. They say that their meeting was to employ
counsel for protection against extortions practiced upon them by
the landowners and that the landowners tried to prevent their
effort, but that again we pass by as not directly bearing upon the
trial. It should be mentioned however that 0 . S. Bratton, a son of
the counsel who is said to have been contemplated and who took
part in the argument here, arriving for consultation on October 1,
is said to have barely escaped being mobbed; that he was arrested
and confined during the month on a charge of murder and on Oc
tober 31 was indicted for barratry, but later in the day was told
that he would be discharged but that he must leave secretly by a
closed automobile to take the train at W est Helena, four miles
away, to avoid being mobbed. It is alleged that the judge of the
Court in which the petitioners were tried facilitated the departure
and went with Bratton to see him safely off.
A Committee of Seven was appointed by the Governor in regard
to what the committee called the ‘ insurrection’ in the county. The
newspapers daily published inflammatory articles. On the 7th
a statement by one of the committee was made public to the effect
that the present trouble was “ a deliberately planned insurrection
of the negroes against the whites, directed by an organization known
as the ‘ Progressive Farmers’ and Household Union of America’
established for the purpose of banding negroes together for the
killing of white people” . According to the statement the organi
zation was started by a swindler to get money from the blacks.
Shortly after the arrest of the petitioners a mob marched to the
jail for the purpose of lynching them but were prevented by the
presence of United States troops and the promise of some of the
Committee of Seven and other leading officials that if the mob
would refrain, as the petition puts it, they would execute those
found guilty in the form of law. The Committee’s own statement
was that the reason that the people refrained from mob violence
was “ that this Committee gave our citizens their solemn promise
that the law would be carried out.” According to affidavits of
two white men and the colored witnesses on whose testimony the
petitioners were convicted, produced by the petitioners since the
last decision of the Supreme Court hereafter mentioned, the Com
3
mittee made good their promise by calling colored witnesses and
having them whipped and tortured until they would say what was
wanted, among them being the two relied on to prove the petition
ers’ guilt. However this may he, a grand jury of white men was
organized on October 27 with one of the Committee of Seven and, it
is alleged, with many of a posse organized to fight the blacks, upon
it, and on the morning of the 29th the indictment was returned. On
November 3 the petitioners were brought into Court, informed that
a certain lawyer was appointed their counsel and were placed on
trial before a white jury— blacks being systematically excluded
from both grand and petit juries. The Court and neighborhood
were thronged with an adverse crowd that threatened the most dan
gerous consequences to anyone interfering with the desired result.
The counsel did not venture to demand delay or a change of venue,
to challenge a juryman or to ask for separate trials. He had had
no preliminary consultation with the accused, called no witnesses
for the defence although they could have been produced, and did
not put the defendants on the stand. The trial lasted about three-
quarters of an hour and in less than five minutes the jury brought
in a verdict of guilty of murder in the first degree. According
to the allegations and affidavits there never was a chance for the
petitioners to be acquitted; no juryman could have voted for an
acquittal and continued to live in Phillips County and if any pris
oner by any chance had been acquitted by a jury he could not have
escaped the mob.
The averments as to the prejudice by which the trial was en
vironed have some corroboration in appeals to the Governor, about
a year later, earnestly urging him not to interfere with the execution
of the petitioners. One came from five members of the Committee of
Seven, and stated in addition to what has been quoted heretofore
that “ all our citizens are of the opinion that the law should take
its course. ’ ’ Another from a part of the American Legion protests
against a contemplated commutation of the sentence of four of the
petitioners and repeats that a “ solemn promise was given by the
leading citizens of the community that if the guilty parties were
not lynched, and let the law take its course, that justice would be
done and the majesty of the law upheld. ’ ’ A meeting of the Helena
Rotary Club attended by members representing, as it said, seventy-
five of the leading industrial and commercial enterprises of Helena,
M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
4 M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
passed a resolution approving and supporting the action of the
American Legion post. The Lions Club of Helena at a meeting
attended by members said to represent sixty of the leading indus
trial and commercial enterprises of the city passed a resolution to
the same effect. In May of the same year, a trial of six other ne
groes was coming on and it was represented to the Governor by the
white citizens and officials of Phillips County that in all probability
those negroes would be lynched. It is alleged that in order to
appease the mob spirit and in a measure secure the safety of the
six the Governor fixed the date for the execution of the petitioners
at June 10, 1921, but that the execution was stayed by proceedings
in Court; we presume the proceedings before the Chancellor to
which we shall advert.
In F ra n k v. M a n g u m , 237 U. S. 309, 335, it was recognized of
course that if in fact a trial is dominated by a mob so that there is
an actual interference with the course of justice, there is a de
parture from due process of law; and that “ if the State, supply
ing no corrective process, carries into execution a judgment of
death or imprisonment based upon a verdict thus produced by
mob domination, the State deprives the accused of his life or lib
erty without due process of law.” W e assume in accordance with
that case that the corrective process supplied by the State may
be so adequate that interference by habeas corpu s ought not to be
allowed. It certainly is true that mere mistakes of law in the
course of a trial are not to be corrected in that way. But if the
case is that the whole proceeding is a mask— that counsel, jury
and judge were swept to the fatal end by an irresistible wave of
public passion, and that the State Courts failed to correct the
wrong, neither perfection in the machinery for correction nor the
possibility that the trial court and counsel saw no other way of
avoiding an immediate outbreak of the mob can prevent this Court
from securing to the petitioners their constitutional rights.
In this case a motion for a new trial on the ground alleged in
this petition was overruled and upon exceptions and appeal to the
Supreme Court the judgment was affirmed. The Supreme Court
said that the complaint of discrimination against petitioners by the
exclusion of colored men from the jury came too late and by way
of answer to the objection that no fair trial could be had in the cir
cumstances, stated that it could not say ‘ that this must necessarily
M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y . 5
have been the case ’ ; that eminent counsel was appointed to defend
the petitioners, that the trial was had according to law, the jury
correctly charged, and the testimony legally sufficient. On June 8,
1921, two days before the date fixed for their execution, a petition
for habeas corpus was presented to the Chancellor and he issued
the writ and an injunction against the execution of the petitioners;
but the Supreme Court of the State held that the Chancellor had
no jurisdiction under the state law whatever might be the law of
the United States. The present petition perhaps was suggested by
the language of the Court: “ W hat the result would be of an ap
plication to a Federal Court we need not inquire.” It was pre
sented to the District Court on September 21. W e shall not say
more concerning the corrective process afforded to the petitioners
than that it does not seem to us sufficient to allow a Judge of the
United States to escape the duty of examining the facts for himself
when if true as alleged they make the trial absolutely void. W e
have confined the statement to facts admitted by the demurrer.
W e will not say that they cannot be met, but it appears to us un
avoidable that the District Judge should find whether the facts,
alleged are true and whether they can be explained so far as to
leave the state proceedings undisturbed.
Order reversed. The case to stand for
hearing before the District Court.
A true copy.
Test:
Clerk, Supreme Court, U. S.
-
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 199.— October T erm, 1922.
Frank Moore, Ed. Hicks, J. E. Knox,'
et al., Appellants,
vs. I
E. H. Dempsey, keeper of the Arkan
sas State Penitentiary.
Appeal from
Court of
States for
District of
the District
the United
the Eastern
Arkansas.
[February 19, 1923.]
Mr. Justice M cR eynolds, dissenting.
W e are asked to overrule the judgment of the District Court
discharging a writ of habeas, corpu s by means of which five negroes
sought to escape electrocution for the murder of Clinton Lee. Sec.
753 Rev. Stat.* They were convicted and sentenced in the Circuit
Court of Phillips County, Arkansas, two years before the writ
issued. The petition for the writ was supported by affidavits of
these five ignorant men whose lives were at stake, the ex parte
affidavits of three other negroes who had pleaded guilty and were
then confined in the penitentiary under sentences for the same
murder, and the affidavits of two white men— low villains accord
ing to their own admissions. It should be remembered that to
narrate the allegations of the petition is but to repeat statements
from these sources. Considering all the circumstances— the course
*Tke writ o f h a b ea s c o r p u s shall in no ease extend to a prisoner in jail,
unless where he is in custody under or by color o f the authority o f the United
States, or is committed for trial before some court thereof; or is in custody
for an act done or omitted in pursuance o f a law o f the United States, or of
an order, process, or decree o f a court or judge thereof; or is in custody in
violation o f the Constitution or o f a law or treaty o f the United States; or,
being a subject or citizen o f a foreign state, and domiciled therein, is in
custody for an act done or omitted under any alleged right, title, authority,
privilege, protection, or exemption claimed under the commission, or order, or
sanction o f any foreign state, or under color thereof, the validity and effect
whereof depend upon the law o f nations; or unless it is necessary to bring
the prisoner into court to testify.
2 M o o re et al. vs. D e m p se y .
of the cause in the state courts and upon application here for
certiorari, etc.,— the District Court held the alleged facts insuf
ficient prim a facie to show nullity of the original judgment.
The matter is one of gravity. I f every man convicted of crime
in a state court may thereafter resort to the federal court and by
swearing, as advised, that certain allegations of fact tending to
impeach his trial are “ true to the best of his knowledge and be
lief,’ ’ and thereby obtain as of right further review, another way
has been added to a list already unfortunately long to prevent
prompt punishment. The delays incident to enforcement of our
criminal laws have become a national scandal and give serious
alarm to those who observe. Wrongly to decide the present cause
probably will produce very unfortunate consequences.
In F ra n k v. M a n g u m , 237 U. S. 309, 325, 326, 327, 329, 335,
after great consideration a majority of this Court approved the
doctrine which should be applied here. The doctrine is right and
wholesome. I can not agree now to put it aside and substitute the
views expressed by the minority of the Court in that cause.
Much of the opinion in the F ra n k case might be repeated here
if emphasis were necessary. It will suffice to quote a few para
graphs ; but fully to understand the whole should be read.
In dealing with these contentions, we should have in mind
the nature and extent of the duty that is imposed upon a
Federal court on application for the writ of habeas corpus
under section 753, Rev. Stat. Under the terms of that sec
tion, in order to entitle the present appellant to the relief
sought, it must appear that he is held in custody in violation
of the Constitution of the United States. Rogers v . Peck, 199
U. S. 425, 434. Moreover, if he is held in custody by reason
of his conviction upon a criminal charge before a court having
plenary jurisdiction over the subject-matter or offense, the
place where it was committed, and the person of the prisoner,
it results from the nature of the writ itself that he cannot
have relief on habeas corpu s. Mere errors in point of law,
however serious, committed by a criminal court in the exercise
of its jurisdiction over a ease properly subject to its cognizance,
cannot be reviewed by habeas corpu s. That writ cannot be
employed as a substitute for the writ of error. . .
As to the “ due process of law” that is required by the Four
teenth Amendment, it is perfectly well settled that a criminal
prosecution in the courts of a State, based upon a law not in
itself repugnant to the Federal Constitution, and conducted
according to the settled course of judicial proceedings as estab-
3
lished by the law of the State, so long as it includes notice, and
a hearing, or an opportunity to be heard, before a court of
competent jurisdiction, according to established modes of pro
cedure, is “ due process” in the constitutional sense. . . .
It is, therefore, conceded by counsel for appellant that in
the present case we may not review irregularities or erroneous
rulings upon the trial, however serious, and that the writ of
habeas corpu s will lie only in case the judgment under which
the prisoner is detained is shown to be absolutely void for want
of jurisdiction in the court that pronounced it, either because
such jurisdiction was absent at the beginning or because it was
lost in the course of the proceedings. . . .
But it would be clearly erroneous to confine the inquiry to
the proceedings and judgment of the trial court. The laws of
the State of Georgia (as will appear from decisions elsewhere
cited), provide for an appeal in criminal cases to the Supreme
Court of that state upon divers grounds, including such as
those upon which it is here asserted that the trial court was
lacking in jurisdiction. . . .
It follows as a logical consequence that where, as here, a
criminal prosecution has proceeded through all the courts of
the State, including the appellate as well as the trial court,
the result of the appellate review cannot be ignored when
afterwards the prisoner applies for his release on the ground
of a deprivation of Federal rights sufficient to oust the State
of its jurisdiction to proceed to judgment and execution against
him. This is not a mere matter of comity, as seems to be sup
posed. The rule stands upon a much higher plane, for it
arises out of the very nature and ground of the inquiry into
the proceedings of the state tribunals, and touches closely
upon the relations between the state and the Federal govern
ments. As was declared by this court in E x parte Royall, 117
U. S. 241, 252— applying in a habeas corpu s case what was
said in Coveil v . Heyman, 111 U. S. 176, 182, a case of con
flict of jurisdiction:— “ The forbearance which courts of co
ordinate jurisdiction, administered under a single system, exer
cise towards each other, whereby conflicts are avoided, by
avoiding interference with the process of each other, is a
principle of comity, with perhaps no higher sanction than the
utility which comes from concord; but between state courts
and those of the United States it is something more. It is a
principle of right and of law, and, therefore, of necessity.”
And see In re Tyler, Petitioner, 149 U. S. 164, 186.
W e of course agree that if a trial is in fact dominated by
a mob, so that the jury is intimidated and the trial judge
yields, and so that there is an actual interference with the
course of justice, there is, in that court, a departure from due
M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
4 M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
process of law in the proper sense of that term. And if the
State, supplying no corrective process, carries into execution
a judgment of death or imprisonment based upon a verdict
thus produced by mob domination, the State deprives the ac
cused of his life or liberty without due process of law.
But the State may supply such corrective process as to it
seems proper. Georgia has adopted the familiar procedure of
a motion for a new trial followed by an appeal to its Supreme
Court, not confined to the mere record of conviction but going
at large, and upon evidence adduced outside of that record,
into the question whether the processes of justice have been
interfered with in the trial court. Repeated instances are re
ported of verdicts and judgments set aside and new trials
granted for disorder or mob violence interfering with the
prisoner’s right to a fair trial. Myers v . State, 97 Georgia
7 6 (5 ), 99 ; Collier v. State, 115 Georgia, 803.
Let us consider with some detail what was presented to the
court below.
There was the complete record of the cause in the state courts
— trial and Supreme— showing no irregularity. After indictment
the defendants were arraigned for trial and eminent counsel ap
pointed to defend them. He cross-examined the witnesses, made
exceptions and evidently was careful to preserve a full and com
plete transcript of the proceedings. The trial was unusually short
but there is nothing in the record to indicate that it was illegally
hastened. November 3, 1919, the jury returned a verdict of
“ g u ilty ;” November 11th the defendants were sentenced to be
executed on December 27th; December 20th new counsel chosen
by them or their friends moved for a new trial and supported the
motion by affidavits of defendants and two other negroes who de
clared they testified falsely because of torture. This motion ques
tioned the validity of the conviction upon the very grounds now
advanced— torture, prejudice, mob domination, failure of counsel
to protect interests, etc. It is thus summarized by counsel for ap
pellants—
The grounds urged in the motion were the state of public
feeling against the defendants, the fact that the defendants
and witnesses were frequently subjected to torture for the
purpose of extracting from them admissions of guilt and to
make them testify against the defendants; that they were
given no opportunity to consult with their friends and seek
assistance, or informed of the charge against them until after
their indictment; that they were carried from jail to the court-
M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y . 5
room without having been permitted to see or talk with an
attorney or any other person in regard to their defense; that
the court appointed counsel for the defendants without con
sulting them, or giving them an opportunity to employ their
own counsel; that the state of public feeling was such that
they could not have a fair ju ry ; that the trial proceeded
without their consulting with their counsel or any witnesses,
or being given an opportunity to obtain witnesses; that they
were never in court before and were entirely ignorant of what
they could do to defend themselves; that the trial from be
ginning to end occupied three-fourths of an hour and the ver
dict was returned in from three to six minutes. Four of the
defendants say that they never had a copy of the indictment
served upon them, one had it only forty-eight hours before the
trial.
Another ground was that under the practice which prevailed
in the State only white men were summoned to sit on the
grand jury or the jury, and that by this discrimination the
defendants were deprived of their rights under the Constitu
tion of the United States; that they had no notice or knowl
edge of what steps they should take to raise this point before
the trial; that the verdict is contrary to the law and evidence.
To this motion are attached two affidavits, one of A lf Banks,
Jr., and another of William Wordlaw who testified to the fact
that they were whipped, placed in the electric chair and
strangled by something put in their noses to make them testify.
These defendants did not suffer from what was done to these
witnesses, as they did not testify at their trial, but their af
fidavits confirm the testimony of the others as to the treatment
to which the Negroes in confinement were exposed.
A new trial having been denied, an appeal was granted to the
State Supreme Court and sixty days allowed for preparing bill of
exceptions; March 22, 1920, this appeal was argued orally and by
briefs; March 29th the court announced its opinion, reviewed the
proceedings and affirmed the judgment. H ick s v. S ta te , 143 Ark.
158. A petition for rehearing was presented April 19th and over
ruled April 26th.
A petition for certiorari filed in this Court May 24, 1920, with
the record of proceedings in the state courts, set forth in detail
the very grounds of complaint now before us. It was presented
October 5th, denied October 11th, 1920.
April 29, 1921, the Governor directed execution of the defend
ants on June 10th. June 8th the Chancery Court of Pulaski
County granted them a writ of habeas co rp u s; on June 20th the
6 M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
State Supreme Court held that the Chancery Court lacked juris
diction and prohibited further proceedings. S ta te v. M artin eau ,
149 Ark. 237. August 4th a justice of this Court denied writ of
error. Thereupon, the Governor fixed September 23rd for execu
tion. On September 21st the present habeas corpu s proceeding
began, and since then the matter has been in the courts.
It appears that during September, 1919, bloody conflicts took place
between whites and blacks in Phillips County, Arkansas— “ The
Elaine Riot.” Many negroes and some whites were killed. A com
mittee of seven prominent white men was chosen to direct opera
tions in putting down the so-called insurrection and conduct inves
tigation with a view of discovering and punishing the guilty. This
committee published a statement, certainly not intemperate, about
October 7th, wherein they stated the “ ignorance and superstition
of a race of children ’ ’ was played upon for gain by a black swindler,
and told of an organization to attack the whites. It urged all per
sons white or black, in possession of information which might assist
in discovering those responsible for the insurrection, to confer with
it, upon the understanding that such action would be for the public
safety and informant’s identity carefully safeguarded. I find
nothing in this statement which counsels lawlessness or indicates
more than an honest effort by upstanding men to meet the grave
situation.
It is true that in October, 1920, almost a year after the trial here
under consideration, the American Legion post at Helena— approxi
mately three hundred ex-service white men— made protest to the
Governor against commutation of the sentences. It is copied in
the margin as printed in the record.* The Helena Rotary Club,
RESO LU TIO N .
It has been brought to the attention o f the Richard L. Kitchens Post, No.
31, American Legion, Helena, Arkansas, that the Governor is contemplating
commuting the sentence o f four o f the negroes, who are now under death
sentences for their participation in the Elaine Riot, to lesser sentences,
and we, the members o f this Post, feel that any action toward this end
by the Governor would do more harm in the community and breed law
lessness, as well as disregard for constituted authority, as at the time of this
race riot the members o f this Post were called upon to go to Hoop Spur and
Elaine to protect life and property, and in compliance with this request, there
were two American Legion members killed and one seriously injured, besides
the other non-members who also perished, and when the guilty negroes were
apprehended, a solemn promise was given by the leading citizens of the eom-
M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y . 7
November 10, 1920, expressed emphatic approval of this protest,
and the Lion’s Club took like action. These resolutions are not vio
lent and certainly do not establish the theory that defendants’ con
viction in November, 1919— a year before— was an empty form and
utterly void ; nor, as the petition recklessly alleges, do they ‘ ‘ further
and conclusively show the existence of the mob spirit prevailing
among all the white people of Phillips County at the time petitioners
and the other defendants were put through the form of trials and
show that the only reason the mob stayed its hand, the only reason
they were not lynched was that the leading citizens of the com
munity made a solemn promise to the mob that they should be
executed in the form of law.”
The Supreme Court of the State twice reversed the conviction of
other negroes charged with committing murder during the disorders
of September, 1919. The first opinion came down on the very day
upon which the judgment against petitioners was affirmed, and
held the verdict so defective that no judgment could be entered
upon it. The second directed a reversal because the trial court
had refused to hear evidence on the motion to set aside the regular
munity, that i f these guilty parties were not lynched, and let the law take its
course, that justice would he done and the majesty o f the law upheld.
The twelve negroes now under sentence o f death, but whose sentences are
suspended— account o f court procedure, and six o f these negroes cases h a v e -
taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, which court declined to
review. The other six cases, whose original trials were reversed and new trials
given them, were convicted, and their cases were appealed to the Supreme Court
o f the State and attorneys of their own selection were permitted to handle
their cases.
Now therefore be it resolved by this Post assembled on this the 19th day
o f October, 1920, that we most earnestly protest against the commutation of
any o f the sentences o f these twelve negroes convicted o f murder in the Elaine
riot o f October 1919, their having received a fair trial and— proven guilty, and
the leniency o f the court was shown in the balance o f the cases tried, these
being the ring leaders and guilty murderers, and that law and order will be
vindicated and a solemn promise kept.
Be it further resolved that a committee o f four be appointed by the Post
Commander. This Committee is hereby empowered to represent this Post at
a conference, or several conferences, with the Governor o f Arkansas and to
take such steps as they may deem necessary to carry out the_ wishes o f this
resolution and leaving nothing undone to have these sentences carried out.
This committee to report in full to the next meeting o f this Post.
Passed unanimously 8.30 P. M. October 19, 1920, basement o f the Episcopal
Church, Helena, Arkansas.
8 M oore et al. vs. D e m p se y .
panel of the petit jury. B a n ks v. S ta te , 143 Ark. 154; W a re v.
S ta te , 146 Ark. 321. The Supreme Court, as well as the trial court,
considered the claims of petitioners set forth by trusted counsel in
the motion for a new trial. This court denied a petition for cer
tiorari wherein the facts and circumstances now relied upon were
set out with great detail. Years have passed since they were con
victed of an atrocious crime. Certainly they have not been rushed
towards the death chair; on the contrary there has been long delay
and some impatience over the result is not unnatural. The recent
execution of assassins in England within thirty days of the crime,
affords a striking contrast.
W ith all those things before him, I am unable to say that the
District Judge, acquainted with local conditions, erred when he
held the petition for the writ of habeas corpu s insufficient. His
duty was to consider the whole case and decide whether there ap
peared to be substantial reason for further proceedings.
Under the disclosed circumstances I cannot agree that the solemn
adjudications by courts of a great State, which this Court has re
fused to review, can be successfully impeached by the mere ex parte
affidavits made upon information and belief of ignorant convicts
joined by two white men— confessedly atrocious criminals. The
fact that petitioners are poor and ignorant and black naturally
arouses sympathy; but that does not release us from enforcing
principles which are essential to the orderly operation of our fed
eral system.
I am authorized to say that Mr. Justice Sutherland concurs in
this dissent.
I
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