The Price of Freedom; New Ballot Battles Articles in Black Enterprise

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February 1, 1986

The Price of Freedom; New Ballot Battles Articles in Black Enterprise preview

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  • Case Files, Thornburg v. Gingles Working Files - Guinier. The Price of Freedom; New Ballot Battles Articles in Black Enterprise, 1986. 46a659b4-e092-ee11-be37-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/9a5c0f81-4f09-4f2f-a638-a05dac9b0040/the-price-of-freedom-new-ballot-battles-articles-in-black-enterprise. Accessed May 06, 2025.

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    Black Americans (CEDBA).
"And black people, by spending
only 67o of their money with
black businesses, violate the ba-

sic laws of economics."
Brown and CEDBA, a 30-

member, private and nonparti-
san economic advocacy group,

are determined to correct this
situation. Founded in 1985,

CEDBA has a mission: to re-
verse black America's "three-
hundred-sixty-year pattern of
economic slavery." The plan is

ambitious, but Brown says its
execution requires little more
than economics, common sense

and simple arithmetic.
Consider these facts: Black

Americans earn $200 billion an-
nually. Yet, blacks spend 6.67o

of their income, or $12.3 billion,
within the black community.
According to CEDBA, the psy-

chological backlash from this ex-
port of wealth manifests itself in
unemployment, welfare depen-
dency and a defeatist attitude.

To cornbat such pathetic re-
alities, CEDBA advocates cul-

The Price
ol Freedom

"You cannot have freedom if
you violate the basic laws of
economics," says Tony Brown,
nationally syndicated colum-
nist, host of Tony Brown's lour-
nal and the chairman of the
newly formed Council for the
Economic Development of

ture as the catalyst for compet-
ing in a free-market economy.
"Spending with black business-

es will produce jobs within the
black community and help sta-
bilize conditions within the
black community as a whole,"
Brown says.

Similar approaches have
worked to the social, economic
and political advantage ofother
groups, he says. He points to
the advances made by Hispan-
ics, Asians, Germans, Jews and
Italians in the United States. In
each instance, he points out that
these immigrant groups solidi-
fied their power in American
society by keeping their income
inside their communities.

The initial thrust of CED-
BA's efforts is the "Buy Free-
dom" campaign. Consumers are

asked to patronize businesses

that display the "Freedom
Seal." In displaying the seal,

businesses indicate that they're
agreed to a five-point program
that stresses courtesy, competi-
tive prices, discounts (when

possible), employment opportu-
nities as a result of increased
sales, and active involvement in
community affairs. Brown
stresses that the campaign is not
a boycott; nor is it an antiwhite
movement. Instead, he labels it
a "self-help" program.

Black America has never had
a purely economic movement,
Brown points out. Of course,
there have been institution-
based economic movements,
such as those of churches, pro-
fessional organizations and fra-
ternal orders. But black Ameri-
ca has yet to realize its
economic capabilities. "When
Jesse Jackson asked black peo-
ple to vote for him, they did.
When the NAACP and Martin
Luther King Jr. asked for our
support, they got it," he says.

For further information on
the "Buy Freedom" campaign,
call or write The Buy Freedom
Campaign, l50l Broadway,
Suit 2014, New York, NY
tm36, 212-57 5-0876.

-Kenneth 
Maurice Jones

Ilew Bullot
Battles

The battle lines are drawn rn

one of the first legal fights over
the Voting Rights Act since it
was extended three years ago.
The outcome of a North Caroli-
na redistricting case recently
brought before the Supreme
Court could set a precedent for
how far the electoral process

must go to insure fairness to
minority candidates. Even more
interesting are the unusual alli-
ances the case has produced.

Under lire are ulO legislative
districts in North Carolina, re-
apportioned by the state legisla-
ture in 1981. Many of them are

single-member districts, where
either blacks or Republicans are

in the majority. The controver-
sy boils down to one basic ques-

tion: Do at-large elections and
multimember districts discrimi-
nate against minority candi-
dates?

Supporters of single-member

districts make up a coalition of
unlikely bedfellows. Black lead-
ers-largely Democrats-are
going against their party by sid-
ing with the Republican Na-
tional Committee, Republican
Governor James Martin and a
bipartisan group of Congress-
men.

"Multimember districts are a

disadvantage to all minority
voters, which includes Republi-
cans," Senate Majority Leader
Robert Dole told BLACK EN-

TERPRISE. Dole is one of ten
lawmakers who signed a brief
support of single-member dis-
tricts.

But Dole and others are go-

ing against the administration
(which has teamed up with
North Carolina state Demo-
crats). In a brief that outraged
civil rights activists, the Justice
Department charged the Voting
Rights Act was designed to as-

sure "access to the electoral
process-not insure victories
for minority candidates."

"I don't know why the Ad-
ministration jumped on the side

of the state legislature," re-
marks Dole.

But State Rep. Dan Blue is

not at all surprised at the Ad-
ministration's position. "It's
consistent with where they
stand on all civil rights issues,"
says Blue, who chairs the state's
black legislative caucus,

The Democratic-controlled
state legislature devised the mul-
timember districts that allow
state senators and assemblymen
to be elected in at-large county
elections. North Carolina's
black leaders, however, chal-
lenged the plan, arguing that it
diluted black voting power in
heavily black populated areas.

Last year a panel ofthree federal
judges in North Carolina
agreed. The state appealed to
the Supreme Court last October.

"By taking large aumber of
black voters from a district, you

take out a large number of
Democratic voters and leave be-

hind predominantly Republican
districts," observes John Sim-
mons, deputy attorney general

for policy and planning. "This

is not only dangerous for the
Democratic Party, but it also
hurts the political system in
general.

"It means politicians no long-
er have to put together multira-
cial coalitions to win," Sim-
mons continues. "And in North
Carolina, blacks have been
elected under the at-large sys-
tem."

But proponents of single-
member districts counter that
at-large elections have always
destroyed the chances of minor-
ity candidates. "This case could
put an end to an unfair system,"
says Blue.

The arguments have been
presented by the state, black
Democratic and white Republi-
can representatives and the sup-
port groups for each have filed
their statements. With the
pending decision likely to have
far-reaching implications, the
Court is certain to take its time.
It's doubtful that either side will
be able to claim a victory in the
case before the summer.

-David 
Dent

BLACK ENTERPRISE / FEBRUARY .I986



Finally,an American
family car thaEB
changed as much as
Ehe Arnerican fiamily

lnlroducl n g the neur, fronl-
wheeldrhe Bulck LeSobre
Sedon, on outomoblle
desl gned ficr todot's condl-
tlons - ond lodoy's firmllles.

The new LeSobre lslrlm,
sleek, oerodynomlc.

Bul flrsl, resl osured lhol
LeSobre ls stlll o genulne frrmlly
cor. ll hos room - moke thot
comtcrl - lirr slx possengers.

And lt lsrcry much o trodl-
tlonql, fu ll-slze Bulck when ll
comes to comenlences ond
oppolntments: oulomotlc
tronsmlsslon, poi,er steerlng,
poi,er brokes, olr condltlonlng
ond relourseollng,

So whot's neufl Ewffihlng.
The LeSobre lsonr400 pounds
llghter lhon lts prgdecessor.

Prolecled by cleorcoot polnt.
Bullt wllh lhe old of compulers
ond robotlcs.

hrhops beslololl, the neur
LeSobre ls responslva, wlth o
3.Olllre, multl-port fuel-lnf ecled
englne (not ololloble ln
Colltrrnlo). lt ls rivell-monnered,
wlth rock<nd-plnlon sleerlng
ond fully lndependent
suspenslon.

Buckle up ond vlsltlour
Bulck deoler. And experlence
o lbmlly corlhot's chonged os
much osyourtrmlly.

V

Wouldn't.
really raEher ha$ a Buick?

-

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