Brief of Respondents in Opposition
Public Court Documents
December 14, 1990
39 pages
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Case Files, Chisom Hardbacks. Brief of Respondents in Opposition, 1990. f3fba731-f211-ef11-9f8a-6045bddc4804. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/bbf7e98a-dd0c-4521-88d0-6fd479469fe3/brief-of-respondents-in-opposition. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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No. 90-757
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1990
RONALD CHISOM, MARIE BOOKMAN, WALTER WILLARD,
MARC MORIAL, LOUISIANA VOTER REGISTRATION/EDU-
CATION CRUSADE, and HENRY A. DILLON, III,
Petitioners,
Versus
BUDDY ROEMER, in his capacity as Governor of the State of
Louisiana; FOX McKEITHEN, in his capacity as Secretary of
State of Louisiana; and JERRY M. FOWLER, in his capacity as
Commissioner of Elections of the State of Louisiana,
Respondents.
Petition For A Writ Of Certiorari To The United States Court
Of Appeals For The Fifth Circuit
BRIEF OF RESPONDENTS IN OPPOSITION
ROBERT G. PUGH
Counsel of Record
ROBERT G. PUGH, JR.
Of the Law Firm of PUGH, Pucn & PUGH
Commercial National Tower, Suite 2100
333 Texas Street
Shreveport, LA 71101-5302
(318) 227-2270
M. TRUMAN WOODWARD, JR.
909 Poydras Street
Suite 2300
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 569-7100
A. R. CHRISTOVICH
2300 Pan American
Life Center
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 561-5700
December 14th, 1990.
MOISE W. DENNERY
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 586-1241
W ILLIAM J. GUSTE, JR.
Attorney General
Louisiana Department
of Justice
234 Loyola Avenue, 7th Floor
New Orleans, LA 70112
(504) 568-5575
CCCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO., (800) 225-6961
OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831
i
QUESTION PRESENTED
Did Congress intend the word "representatives" as
used in the Voting Rights Act of 1965, § 2(b) as amended,
42 U.S.C. § 1973, to include judges who are selected by a
state judicial electoral process?
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
QUESTION PRESENTED
TABLE OF CONTENTS ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES iv
STATEMENT OF THE CASE 1
A. The First Supreme Court District in Louisiana 1
B. Prior Proceedings in this Litigation 3
ARGUMENT 5
I. THE FIFTH CIRCUIT CORRECTLY CON-
CLUDED THAT SECTION 2(B) OF THE VOT-
ING RIGHTS ACT DOES NOT APPLY TO THE
JUDICIARY 5
A. The LULAC Decision 5
B. The Genesis of § 2(b) of the Voting Rights
Act 7
C. This Court has always held that Judges are
not "representatives" 8
D. Other Federal Courts have held that Judges
are not "representatives" 10
E. The Term "representatives" is not a Syn-
onym for "elected officials" 14
F. The Fundamental Difference Between "repre-
sentatives" and Members of the Judiciary is
Deeply Rooted in this Country's History 17
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS — Continued
Page
II. IF THE ONE-MAN, ONE-VOTE REQUIREMENT
DOES NOT APPLY TO THE JUDICIARY, THE
CONCEPT OF MINORITY VOTE DILUTION SET
FORTH IN § 2(B) DOES NOT APPLY TO THE
JUDICIARY 22
CONCLUSION 29
t
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page
CASES:
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d
663 (1962) 10, 29
Brown v. Board of School Commissioners of Mobile
County, 706 F.2d 1103 (11th Cir.), affirmed, 464
U.S. 1005, 104 S.Ct. 520, 78 L.Ed.2d 705 (1983) 8
Buchanan v. Gilligan, 349 F. Supp. 569 (N.D. Ohio
1972) 14
Buchanan v. Rhodes, 249 F. Supp. 860 (N.D. Ohio
1966), appeal dismissed, 385 U.S. 3, 87 S.Ct. 33, 17
L.Ed.2d 3 (1966), vacated 400 F.2d 882 (6th Cir.
1968), cert. denied, 393 U.S. 839, 89 S.Ct. 118, 21
L.Ed.2d 110 (1968) 13
Chandler v. Judicial Council, 398 U.S. 74, 90 S.Ct.
1648, 26 L.Ed.2d 100 (1970) 29
Chisom v. Edwards, 659 F. Supp. 183 (E.D.La. 1987) 4
Chisom v. Edwards, 690 F. Supp. 1524 (E.D.La. 1988) 4
Chisom v. Edwards, 839 F.2d 1056 (5th Cir. 1988) 4
Chisom v. Edwards, 850 F.2d 1051 (5th Cir. 1988) 4
Chisom v. Edwards, 853 F.2d 1186 (5th Cir. 1988) 4
Chisom v. Roemer, F. Supp. (E.D. La. 1989)
1, 2, 3, 4, 5
Chisom v. Roemer, F. Supp. (E.D. La. 1990) 5
Chisom v. Roemer, 917 F.2d 187 (5th Cir. 1990) 5, 7
City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 100 S.Ct. 1490
64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980) 7, 23, 24, 25, 26
- A
V
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
Consumer Products Safety Comm'n v. GTE Sylvania,
447 U.S. 102, 100 S.Ct. 2051, 64 L.Ed.2d 766
(1980) 14
Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 71 S.Ct. 857,
95 L.Ed. 1137 (1951) 10
Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., 460 U.S. 103,
103 S.Ct. 986, 74 L.Ed.2d 845 (1983) 15
Edge v. Sumter County School District, 775 F.2d 1509
(11th Cir. 1985) 8
Escondido Mut. Water Co. v. La Jolla Indians, 466
U.S. 765, 104 S.Ct. 2105, 80 L.Ed.2d 753 (1984) .... 15
Fahey v. Darigan, 405 F. Supp. 1386 (D.C.R.I. 1975) ... 14
Gilday v. Board of Elections of Hamilton County, 472
F.2d 214 (6th Cir. 1972) 13
Gomez v. City of Watsonville, 863 F.2d 1407 (9th Cir.
1988), cert. denied, U.S. 109 S.Ct. 1534,
103 L.Ed.2d 839 (1989) 8
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 85 S.Ct. 1678,
14 L.Ed.2d 510 (1965) 10
Holshouser v. Scott, 335 F. Supp. 928 (M.D.N.C.
1971), affirmed, 409 U.S. 807, 93 S.Ct. 43, 34
L.Ed.2d 68 (1972) 10, 11
Jordan v. Winter, 604 F. Supp. 807 (N.D. Miss.),
affirmed, 469 U.S. 1002, 105 S.Ct. 416, 83 L.Ed.2d
343 (1984) 9
Kail v. Rockefeller, 275 F. Supp. 937 (E.D.N.Y. 1967) .... 13
Ketchum v. Byrne, 740 F.2d 1398 (7th Cir. 1984),
cert. denied, 471 U.S. 1135, 105 S.Ct. 2673, 86
L.Ed.2d 692 (1985) 8
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
Latin American Citizens Council #4434 v. Clements,
902 F.2d 293 (5th Cir. 1990) 6
Latin American Citizens Council #4434 v. Clements,
914 F.2d 620 (5th Cir. 1990) (en banc) passim
New York State Association of Trial Lawyers v. Rock-
efeller, 267 F. Supp. 148 (S.D.N.Y. 1967) 12
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12
L.Ed.2d 506 (1964) 10, 12, 23, 29
Roemer v. Chisom, 488 U.S. 955, 109 S.Ct. 390, 102
L.Ed.2d 379 (1988) 4
Romiti v. Kerner, 256 F. Supp. 35 (N.D. III. 1966) 14
Sagan v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 542 F.
Supp. 880 (W.D. Pa. 1982) 14
Stokes v. Fortson, 234 F. Supp. 575 (N.D. Ga. 1964) .11, 29
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 92
L.Ed.2d 25 (1986) 7, 23, 24, 27, 28
United States v. Marengo County Commission, 731
F.2d 1546 (11th Cir.), appeal dismissed & cert.
denied, 469 U.S. 976, 105 S.Ct. 375, 83 L.Ed.2d
311 (1984) 8
Velasquez v. City of Abilene, 725 F.2d 1017 (5th Cir.
1984) 8
Wells v. Edwards, 347 F. Supp. 453 (M.D. La. 1972)
9, 23, 26, 27
Wells v. Edwards, 409 U.S. 1095, 93 S.Ct. 904, 34
L.Ed.2d 679 (1973) 9, 22, 23, 26, 27
Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 91 S.Ct. 1858, 29
L.Ed.2d 363 (1971) 28
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 93 S.Ct. 2332, 37
L.Ed.2d 314 (1973) 7
Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1973) .... 27
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS:
United States Constitution Fourteenth Amend-
ment 1, 25
United States Constitution Fifteenth Amendment ..1, 25
28 U.S.C. § 1331 1
28 U.S.C. § 1343 1
28 U.S.C. § 2201 1
28 U.S.C. § 2202 1
42 U.S.C. § 1973 [Voting Rights Act] passim
42 U.S.C. § 1983 1
1879 Louisiana Constitution Article 82 2
1898 Louisiana Constitution Article 87 2
1913 Louisiana Constitution Article 87 2
1921 Louisiana Constitution Article 7 § 9 2
1974 Louisiana Constitution Article 5 § 4 2, 3
viii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
RULES:
Fed.R.Civ.P.12(b)(6) 3
LEGISLATIVE HISTORY:
S.Rep. No. 417, 97th Cong. 2d Sess. reprinted in
1982 U.S. Code Cong. 8r Admin. News at 177,
196 23
BOOKS:
A. Bickel, The Supreme Court and the Idea of Progress
(1978 Yale University Press paperback edition) .20, 21
J. Ely, Democracy and Distrust (1980 Harvard Uni-
versity Press hardbound edition) 20
L. Friedman, A History of American Law (Simon &
Schuster 1973 paperback edition) 20
E. Hickok, Judicial Selection: The Political Roots
of Advice and Consent in Judicial Selection:
Merit, Ideology and Politics (National Legal Cen-
ter for the Public Interest 1990) 17
G. White, The American Judicial Tradition (1978
Oxford University Press edition) 17, 18, 19, 20
NEWSPAPERS:
Baton Rouge State-Times, October 9th, 1989 3
New Orleans Times-Picayune, October 8th, 1989 3
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Petitioners brought this suit in the United States Dis-
trict Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana on behalf
of all black registered voters in Orleans Parish, approx-
imately 135,000 people. The suit challenged the at-large
election of two Justices to the Louisiana Supreme Court
from the parishes of Orleans, St. Bernard, Plaquemines
and Jefferson (the First Supreme Court District) as being
in violation of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, as amended,
because of alleged dilution of the voting strength of the
Petitioners. Jurisdiction was based on 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331
and 1343 as well as 42 U.S.C. § 1973. The action sought
declaratory and injunctive relief, 42 U.S.C. §§ 1973 and
1983. Petitioners also sought relief under 28 U.S.C.
§§ 2201 and 2202 and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments to the United States Constitution. Peti-
tioners sought the division of the First Supreme Court
District into two districts, one to be comprised of the
parishes of Jefferson, Plaquemines and St. Bernard and
the other of Orleans Parish where blacks constituted a
majority of the registered voters.
A. The First Supreme Court District in Louisiana.
The Louisiana Supreme Court is the highest court in
the State of Louisiana. The Court is composed of seven
Justices, elected from six Supreme Court districts for a
term of ten years. Chisom v. Roemer, F. Supp. , Slip
Opinion 3 (E.D. La. 1989) (hereinafter cited as "Slip Op.
#"). No parish lines are cut by any of the election districts
for the Supreme Court. Slip Op. 4.
1
2
The First Supreme Court District, consisting of the
city of New Orleans and its surrounding environs, has
been the only district that has elected two Justices since
adoption of the 1879 Louisiana Constitution more than
110 years ago. Slip op. 16; see Louisiana 1879 Constitution
Article 82; Louisiana 1898 Constitution Article 87; Louisi-
ana 1913 Constitution Article 87; Louisiana 1921 Consti-
tution Article 7, § 9; and Louisiana 1974 Constitution
Article 5, § 4.
The most recent Louisiana Constitution took effect in
1974 after the 1973 Louisiana Constitutional Convention.
Twelve of the 132 delegates to the Convention were black.
Slip op. 17. During the Convention three amendments
were proposed to divide the Supreme Court into single-
member districts. The first failed 27-85, with one black
delegate voting for the proposal, eleven [sic — should be
ten) against, and one absent. Slip Op. 18. The second
failed 47-67, with seven blacks voting for the amendment,
four against, and one absent. Slip op. 18. The final
amendment proposed splitting the First Supreme Court
District into two districts, with one Justice to be elected
from each. When a white delegate argued in favor of the
proposal, a black delegate from Orleans Parish responded
that the present arrangement should not be changed. Slip
Op. 19. This amendment was defeated 50-63, with five
blacks voting for the amendment and seven against. Slip
op. 19. The final districting plan, leaving the First
Supreme Court District with two Justices, was adopted
103-9, with eight blacks voting for the plan, one against,
The parishes in the First Supreme Court District include
Orleans, St. Bernard, Plaquemincs, and Jefferson Parishes.
3
and two absent. Slip Op. 19. Four of the blacks voting for
the plan were delegates from Orleans Parish.
The proposed Constitution was approved by the
United States Department of Justice and ratified by the
voters of Louisiana on April 20th, 1974. Slip Op. 19.
Although the Louisiana Legislature has the authority to
change districts and. the number of justices by a two-
thirds vote, 1974 Louisiana Constitution Article 5, § 4, it
has never done so. Slip op. 19. A proposed constitutional
amendment to split the district so that Orleans Parish
would constitute a district by itself was defeated by the
Louisiana voters in October, 1989 with the unofficial
Associated Press totals showing a vote of 151,342 for the
amendment and 451,845 against the amendment. Baton
Rouge State-Times, October 9th, 1989. In Orleans Parish
the amendment was defeated by a three-to-one majority,
with 16,526 voting for the amendment and 46,354 voting
against the amendment. New Orleans Times-Picayune,
October 8th, 1989.2
B. Prior Proceedings in this Litigation.
After the complaint was filed, respondents filed a
Fed.R.Civ.P.12(b)(6) motion to dismiss for the failure of
the petitioners to state a claim upon which relief could be
2 Given that Orleans Parish is majority black in both popu-
lation (55.2%) and registered voters (53.6%), and given that the
amendment was defeated three to one in Orleans Parish, it is
fair to surmise that blacks in Orleans Parish opposed the
amendment which would bring about the very same remedy
sought by petitioners herein.
4
ranted, The district court agreed with respondents' con-
tention that it was not the intention of Congress to apply
the word "representatives" in Section 2 of the Voting
Rights Act, as amended, to embrace members of the
judiciary. Chisom v. Edwards, 659 F. Supp. 183 (E.D. La.
1987). The district court drew a distinction between the
impartial functions performed by the judiciary without a
constituency and the functions performed by representa-
tives who are not expected to be impartial but rather
reflective of the needs and wishes of their constituency.
659 F. Supp. at 186.
The petitioners appealed to the United States Court
of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which reversed the judg-
ment of the district court and remanded the case because
the Court concluded that Section 2 does apply to the
election of state court judges. Chisom v. Edwards, 839 F.2d
1056 (5th Cir.), rehearing and rehearing en banc denied, cert.
denied sub nom. Roemer v. Chisom, 488 U.S. 955, 109 S.Ct.
390, 102 L.Ed.2d 379 (1988).
The petitioners then successfully moved to enjoin the
election of a Justice from the First Supreme Court District
during the regularly scheduled Fall, 1988 election. Chisom
v. Edwards, 690 F. Supp. 1524 (E.D. La. 1988). The Fifth
Circuit stayed the injunction, 850 F.2d 1051 (5th Cir. 1988),
and ultimately reversed the injunction, 853 F.2d 1186 (5th
Cir. 1988).
After a trial on the merits, the district court dis-
missed petitioners' statutory and constitutional claims.
Chisom v. Roemer, F. Supp. (E.D. La. 1989). The
court concluded:
5
that the petitioners had not proven that the use
of a multi-member electoral structure operates
to minimize or cancel out their ability to elect
their preferred candidates. As detailed in the
court's findings of fact, the statistical evidence
regarding judicial and non-judicial elections
shows that the blacks have had full access to the
political process and routinely elect their prefer-
red candidates, often times joining forces with a
significant portion of the white electorate, and
thereby creating significant crossover voting.
Slip Op. at 40-41. The petitioners appealed the Voting
Rights Act decision.3 The Fifth Circuit remanded for dis-
missal for failure to state a claim upon which relief may
be granted. 917 F.2d 187 (5th Cir. 1990). On remand the
case was dismissed. F. Supp. (E.D. La. 1990).
Thereafter, this Petition was filed.
ARGUMENT
I. THE FIFTH CIRCUIT CORRECTLY CONCLUDED
THAT SECTION 2(b) OF THE VOTING RIGHTS
ACT DOES NOT APPLY TO THE JUDICIARY.
A. The LULAC Decision.
The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth
Circuit dismissed the appeal in this case based on the en
banc decision of that Court in Latin American Citizens
Council #4434 v. Clements, 914 F.2d 620 (5th Cir. 1990) (en
3 Petitioners did not appeal the district court's rejection of
their constitutional claim of intentional discrimination.
6
banc) (hereinafter "LULAC").4 The plaintiffs in LULAC
challenged the county-wide, at-large election of trial
judges in Texas as violative of § 2(b) of the Voting Rights
Act and of the United States Constitution. The trial court
denied the constitutional claims, finding that the requisite
discriminatory intent had not been proven. 914 F.2d at
623. The trial court, however, did find "that the Texas law
produced an unintended dilution of minority voting
strength" in violation of the "results" test of § 2(b) of the
Voting Rights Act. 914 F.2d at 623 (emphasis in original).
On appeal, a panel of the Fifth Circuit held that § 2(b) did
not apply to trial judges because they are single-member
officeholders who can be elected only at-large. 902 F.2d
293 (5th Cir. 1990).
The Fifth Circuit granted an en banc hearing sua
sponte. A majority held that judges are not "representa-
tives" within the meaning of § 2(b) of the Voting Rights
Act and that the "results" test of § 2(b) does not apply to
the judiciary. 914 F.2d 620 (5th Cir. 1990). Five judges
concurred, agreeing with the view of the panel that trial
judges are single-member officeholders. 914 F.2d at 634.
Chief Judge Clark also concurred, limiting the case to its
facts. 914 F.2d at 631. Only one Judge, Judge Sam John-
son, dissented. 914 F.2d at 651. After the en banc opinion
was published, the panel in Chisom remanded this case to
4 On November 21, 1990, a group of plaintiffs-intervenors
in that case, the Houston Lawyers' Association and six individ-
uals, filed a petition for a writ of certiorari asking this Court to
review the judgment and opinion of the Fifth Circuit in
LULAC. That petition is pending.
7
the district judge with orders to dismiss all Voting Rights
Act claims. 917 F.2d 187 (5th Cir. 1990).
B. The Genesis of § 2(b) of the Voting Rights Act.
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 forbade
imposition or application of any "voting qualification or
prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or pro-
cedure" to prevent any citizen from voting on account of
race or color. 42 U.S.C. § 1973. This Court in City of Mobile
v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980),
held that enforcement of § 2 required proof of racially-
discriminatory intent.
Congress then passed the Voting Rights Act of 1982
amending § 2 to
restore the "results test" — the legal standard
that governed voting discrimination cases prior
to [the Supreme Court's] decision in Mobile v.
Bolden * * * * Under the "results test," plaintiffs
are not required to demonstrate the challenged
electoral law or structure was designed or main-
tained for a discriminatory purpose.
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 43 n. 8, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 92
L.Ed.2d 25, 42 n. 8 (1986) (citations omitted). In writing
§ 2(b), Congress chose — with one significant exception —
the words of Justice White in White v. Regester, 412 U.S.
755, 93 S.Ct. 2332, 37 L.Ed.2d 314 (1973). Justice White
stated that plaintiffs' burden of proof was to show:
that its members had less opportunity than did
other residents in the district to participate in
the political processes and to elect legislators of
their choice.
8
412 U.S. at 766, 93 S.Ct. at 2339, 37 L.Ed.2d at 324
(emphasis supplied). Section 2(b) provides that a plaintiff
class of citizens must show:
that its members have less opportunity than
other members of the electorate to participate in
the political process and to elect representatives
of their choice.
42 U.S.C. § 1973(b) (emphasis supplied). As the majority
in LULAC recognized, the choice of the word "representa-
tives" was a deliberate one: "the Congress was at some
pains to adapt and broaden the Court's phrases so as to
convey its precise meaning." 914 F.2d at 625.
C. This Court has always held that Judges are not
"representatives."
As stated in the prior section, § 2(b) applies to "rep-
resentatives." Members of the legislative and executive
branches are certainly representatives, and the case law is
replete with decisions holding that § 2(b) applies to such
entities. See, e.g., Gomez v. City of Watsonville, 863 F.2d
1407 (9th Cir. 1988), cert. denied, U.S. , 109 S.Ct.
1534, 103 L.Ed.2d 839 (1989) (city council and mayor);
Edge v. Sumter County School District, 775 F.2d 1509 (11th
Cir. 1985) (school board); Ketchum v. Byrne, 740 F.2d 1398
(7th Cir. 1984), cert. denied, 471 U.S. 1135, 105 S.Ct. 2673,
86 L.Ed.2d 692 (1985) (city aldermen); United States v.
Marengo County Commission, 731 F.2d 1546 (11th Cir.),
appeal dismissed & cert. denied, 469 U.S. 976, 105 S.Ct. 375,
83 L.Ed.2d 311 (1984) (county commission); Velasquez v.
City of Abilene, 725 F.2d 1017 (5th Cir. 1984) (city council);
Brown v. Board of School Commissioners of Mobile County,
706 F.2d 1103 (11th Cir.), affirmed, 464 U.S. 1005, 104 S.Ct.
9
520, 78 L.Ed.2d 705 (1983) (board of school commission-
ers); Jordan v. Winter, 604 F. Supp. 807 (N.D. Miss.),
affirmed, 469 U.S. 1002, 105 S.Ct. 416, 83 L.Ed.2d 343
(1984) (congressmen).
Judges, however, traditionally have not been consid-
ered "representatives." This Court so held by affirming a
three judge court voting rights decision that the "one-
man, one-vote" concept does not apply to the judiciary.
Wells v. Edwards, 409 U.S. 1095, 93 S.Ct. 904, 34 L.Ed.2d
679 (1973). In refusing to apply "one-man, one vote"
precepts, the three judge court reasoned as follows:
[A]s stated in Buchanan v. Rhodes [249 F. Supp.
860 (N.D. Ohio 1960), appeal dismissed, 385 U.S.
3, 87 S.Ct. 33, 17 L.Ed.2d 3 (1966)1:
"Judges do not represent people, they
serve people." Thus, the rationale behind
the one-man, one-vote principle, which
evolved out of efforts to preserve a truly
representative form of government, is sim-
ply not relevant to the makeup of the judici-
ary.
"The State judiciary, unlike the legislature,
is not the organ responsible for achieving
representative government." New York
State Association of Trial Lawyers v. Rock-
efeller, 267 F.Supp. 148, 153.
Wells v. Edwards, 347 F. Supp. 453 (M.D. La. 1972) (three
judge court). The LULAC majority opinion reasons that
"Ent is impossible, given the single point at issue and the
simple reasoning stated, to believe that the majority of
the Supreme Court, in affirming Wells, did not concur in
that reasoning." 914 F.2d at 627.
10
Similarly, Justice Frankfurter has stated: "Courts are
not representative bodies. They are not designed to be a
good reflex of a democratic society." Dennis v. United
States, 341 U.S. 494, 575, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed. 1137,
1160-61 (1951) (Frankfurter, J., concurring in the judg-
ment). And Justice Stewart has contrasted the Court's
duty with that of the people's representatives:
It is the essence of judicial duty to subordinate
our own personal views, our own ideas of what
legislation is wise and what is not. If, as I should
surely hope, the law before us does not reflect
the standards of the people of Connecticut, the
people of Connecticut can freely exercise their
true Ninth and Tenth Amendment rights to per-
suade their elected representatives to repeal it.
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 530-31, 85 S.Ct. 1678,
14 L.Ed.2d 510, 542 (1965) (Stewart, J., dissenting)
(emphasis supplied).
D. Other Federal Courts have held that Judges are
not "representatives."
The lower federal courts have also held that judges
are not representatives. The plaintiffs in Holshouser v.
Scott, 335 F. Supp. 928 (M.D.N.C. 1971) (three judge
court), attacked the North Carolina system of nominating
judges by districts and electing them statewide, contend-
ing that it denied voters equal protection of the laws.
They cited, inter alio, Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 82 S.Ct.
691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663 (1962), and Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S.
533, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964). The court distin-
guished these and the other cases because they "dealt
with the election of the representatives of the people —
11
,.,
;
officials who make laws, levy and collect taxes, and gen-
erally manage and govern people." 335 F. Supp. at 930.
After discussing two precedents involving reapportion-
ment, the court stated:
While Buchanan Iv. Rhodes, 249 F. Supp. 860
(N.D. Ohio 1960), appeal dismissed, 385 U.S. 3, 87
S.Ct. 33, 17 L.Ed.2d 3 (1966)] and [New York State
Association of Trial Lawyers v.1 Rockefeller [267 F.
Supp. 148 (S.D.N.Y. 1967], deal with the appor-
tionment of judges rather than their election,
they nevertheless point up the many pitfalls and
briar patches which the courts will encounter if
the one man, one vote principle is made applica-
ble to the judiciary. The function of judges, con-
trary to some popular views of today, is not to
make, but interpret the law. They do not govern
nor represent people nor espouse the cause of a
particular constituency. They must decide cases
exclusively on the basis of law and justice and
not upon the popular view prevailing at the
time.
335 F. Supp. at 932. The Holshouser case was affirmed by
the Supreme Court. 409 U.S. 807, 93 S.Ct. 43, 34 L.Ed.2d
68 (1972).
A similar system of electing judges in Georgia was
upheld in Stokes v. Fortson, 234 F. Supp. 575 (N.D. Ga.
1964) (three judge court). The court stated:
[E]ven assuming some disparity in voting
power, the one man-one vote doctrine, applica-
ble as it now is to selection of legislative and
executive officials, does not extend to the judici-
ary. Manifestly, judges and prosecutors are not
representatives in the same sense as are legisla-
tors or the executive. Their function is to admin-
ister the law, not to espouse the cause of a
particular constituency. Moreover there is no
12
way to harmonize selection of these officials on
a pure population standard with the diversity in
type and number of cases which will arise in
various localities, or with the varying abilities of
judges and prosecutors to dispatch the business
of the courts. An effort to apply a population
standard to the judiciary would, in the end, fall
of its own weight.
234 F. Supp. at 577.
In two New York cases the plaintiffs sought judicial
reapportionment on the basis of population, again relying
on legislative reapportionment cases such as Reynolds v.
Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964). In
New York State Association of Trial Lawyers v. Rockefeller, 267
F. Supp. 148 (S.D.N.Y. 1967), the court rejected the com-
parison, stating that:
The state judiciary, unlike the legislature, is
not the organ responsible for achieving repre-
sentative government. Nor can the direction that
state legislative districts be substantially equal
in population be converted into a requirement
that a state distribute its judges on a per capita
basis.
In contrast to legislative apportionment,
population is not necessarily the sole, or even
the most relevant, criterion for determining the
distribution of state judges. The volume and
nature of litigation arising in various areas of
the state bears no direct relationship to the pop-
ulation of those areas.
267 F. Supp. at 153-54. A three judge court rejected a
similar suit in the Eastern District of New York, quoting
the Rockefeller opinion's statement that the state judiciary
k
1
13
is not "responsible for achieving representative govern-
ment." Kail v. Rockefeller, 275 F. Supp. 937, 941 (E.D.N.Y.
1967) (three judge court).
The Ohio judicial structure guaranteeing each county
at least one judge in the court of general jurisdiction came
under attack in Buchanan v. Rhodes, 249 F. Supp. 860 (N.D.
Ohio 1966), appeal dismissed, 385 U.S. 3, 87 S.Ct. 33, 17
L.Ed.2d 3 (1966), vacated, 400 F.2d 882 (6th Cir. 1968), cert.
denied, 393 U.S. 839, 89 S.Ct. 118, 21 L.Ed.2d 110 (1968).
Once again, the complaint was predicated upon the
Supreme Court's reapportionment cases. The court noted
that when representatives to a legislative body are malap-
portioned, the voting strength of individual citizens
becomes unequal, causing a dilution of power. 249 F.
Supp. at 865. Judges, however, are not governed by such
a rule:
But in determining the reasonableness of a
judicial system which permits at least one judge
operating a court of general jurisdiction in each
county, we must recognize one glaring distinc-
tion between the functions of legislators and the
functions of jurists. Judges do not represent peo-
ple, they serve people.
249 F. Supp. at 865.5
5 Numerous other decisions make a similar distinction
between judges and representative officials. See Gilday v. Board
of Elections of Hamilton County, 472 F.2d 214, 217 (6th Cir. 1972)
(rejecting application of one-man, one-vote to judicial selection
in Ohio and holding "that equal protection does not require the
(Continued on following page)
14
E. The Term "representatives" is not a Synonym
for "elected officials".
Earlier sections of this Response demonstrate that
this Court and the lower federal courts do not consider
judges to be "representatives." This section argues that
the word "representative" as used in § 2(b) is not syn-
onymous with "elected official" and should instead be
given its commonly understood meaning. This Court has
laid down definitive guidelines for construing language
which appears in Congressional acts.
In Consumer Products Safety Comm'n v. GTE Sylvania,
447 U.S. 102, 100 S.Ct. 2051, 64 L.Ed.2d 766 (1980), the
Court stated:
(Continued from previous page)
allocation of state judges on this basis"); Sagan v. Common-
wealth of Pennsylvania, 542 F. Supp. 880, 882 (W.D. Pa. 1982)
(distinguishing judicial candidates from legislative and execu-
tive candidates because judges administer the law rather than
espouse the cause of a particular constituency); Fahey v. Dar-
igan, 405 F. Supp. 1386, 1391 n. 6 (D.R.I. 1975) (holding one-
man, one-vote precepts inapplicable to "the selection of offi-
cials not intended to serve in a representative role, such as
judges"); Buchanan v. Gilligan, 349 F. Supp. 569, 571 (N.D. Ohio
1972) (three judge court) (rejecting application of one-man,
one-vote to Ohio judiciary because "[title state judiciary is not
responsible for achieving representative government"); Romiti
v. Kerner, 256 F. Supp. 35, 46 (N.D. III. 1966) (three judge court)
(expressing "little doubt" that "there is a valid distinction
between applying the 'one man, one vote' rule in a legislative
apportionment case to the election of a state supreme court
judiciary").
15
We begin with the familiar canon of statutory
construction that the starting point for interpret-
ing a statute is the language of the statute itself.
447 U.S. at 108, 100 S.Ct. 2051, 64 L.Ed.2d at 773.
Four years later, in furtherance of this concept of
construction, the Court held in Escondido Mut. Water Co. v.
La Jolla Indians, 466 U.S. 765, 104 S.Ct. 2105, 80 L.Ed.2d
753 (1984):
Since it should be generally assumed that Con-
gress expresses its purposes through the ordi-
nary meaning of the words it uses, we have
often stated that " la]bsent a clearly expressed
legislative intention to the contrary, [statutory]
language must ordinarily be regarded as conclu-
sive.' "
466 U.S. at 772, 104 S.Ct. 2105, 80 L.Ed.2d at 761 (citations
omitted).
And in Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., 460 U.S.
103, 103 S.D. 986, 74 L.Ed.2d 845 (1983), the Court said:
[W]e state once again the obvious when we note
that, in determining the scope of a statute, one is
to look first at its language * ** * If the language
is unambiguous, ordinarily it is to be regarded
as conclusive unless there is "'a clearly
expressed legislative intent to the contrary.'"
460 U.S. at 110, 103 S.Ct. 986, 74 L.Ed.2d at 853 (citations
omitted).
The term "representatives" refers to those who serve
a specialized constituency and whose role is to represent
the needs and interests of that constituency. The term
"representatives" has never been commonly accepted as
including the judicial branch; indeed, the reverse is true —
16
namely, the judicial branch always has been treated as sepa-
rate and distinct from the two representative arms of govern-
ment.
A representative of a district, be it federal, state, or local,
exists to serve and favor his or her constituency, while
hopefully also working for the good of the governmental
jurisdiction as a whole. United States representatives are
expected to help obtain government contracts for their dis-
tricts; no one, however, would expect a federal judge to
uphold such a contract citing as a reason the need of his area
for governmental business. State legislators are expected to
seek bridges and roads for their districts; no one, however,
would expect a state judge to mandate that such bridges and
roads be built merely because the people want them. City
councilmen are expected to promote drainage projects for
their council district; no one, however, would expect a city
judge to require them to keep his voters happy.
Judges thus are not representatives; further, they should
not be representatives. The larger the constituency, the less
parochial pressures can be brought to bear. An advantage to
at-large elections for judges is that judges can make the
difficult decisions without undue fear of dissatisfaction in
the electorate. A judge would be much less likely to vote
against the residents of a neighborhood on a zoning issue if
that judge was elected solely by that neighborhood. Justice
ought to be identical throughout a judicial system; electing
judges from neighborhoods, however, might make for a
system of individualized justice currently foreign to the
United States. Admittedly, many problems could be cured on
appeal; however, it can be extremely difficult to reverse a
detailed record of fact-finding even when the facts have been
slanted. Further, the petitioners here seek to make appellate
17
districts smaller also, again lessening the number and mix of
a judge's electorate.
Congress, had it wanted specifically to include judges
under Section 2(b) of the Voting Rights Act, could have done
so by substituting the term "elected official" for the term
"representative"; it did not do so. In a representative form of
government, such as ours, it is always true that a "represen-
tative" is an "elected official"; however, the converse is not
always true.
Representatives have a constituency which numbers in
the hundreds to hundreds of thousands, to each of whom
they owe fidelity and from many of whom they are likely,
sooner or later, to receive correspondence or a telephone call
or even perhaps a personal visit. Judges have but one con-
stituency, the blindfolded lady with the scales and sword.
F. The Fundamental Difference Between "representa-
tives" and Members of the Judiciary is Deeply
Rooted in this Country's History.
In holding that "the judiciary serves no representative
function whatsoever," 914 F.2d at 625, the LULAC Court
quoted Professor Eugene Hickok as stating that, "The judici-
ary occupies a unique position in our system of separation of
powers, and that is why the job of a judge differs in a
fundamental way from that of a legislator or executive."
Hickok, "Judicial Selection: The Political Roots of Advice and
Consent" in Judicial Selection: Merit, Ideology and Politics 5
(National Legal Center for the Public Interest 1990), quoted at
914 F.2d at 926.
Other scholars have also recognized this difference. Pro-
fessor G. Edward White has written in The American Judicial
Tradition that the American judicial tradition emerged with
18
Chief Justice John Marshall.6 A core element of that tradition
has always included "a measure of true independence and
autonomy for the appellate judiciary from the other two
branches of government." Judicial Tradition 9. Professor White
summarized Chief Justice Marshall's views concerning the
judiciary as follows:
An independent judiciary was logically the ulti-
mate necessity in Marshall's jurisprudence, the cul-
mination of his beliefs about law and government.
He sought to show that judicial independence was
not merely a side effect of federalism but a first
principle of American civilization * * * * Against
the potential chaos attendant on mass participatory
democracy, republicanism erected the institutional
buffers of legislative representatives and an inde-
pendent judiciary. The excesses of the people were
moderated by representation, a process by which
their passionate demands were reformulated by an
enlightened and reasonable class of public ser-
vants. The need of the populace for an articulation
of their individual rights under law was met by the
presence of a body of judges not beholden to the
masses in any immediate, partisan sense.
Judicial Tradition 18, 20.
Chief Justice Marshall's vision of the American judi-
cial tradition was not unique. Alexander Hamilton
"envisaged judicial review as an exercise in politics
through which an independent judicial elite could temper
the democratic excesses of legislatures by affirming the
republican political balances inherent in the Constitu-
tion." Judicial Tradition 24. Some of the Founding Fathers
6 Citations are hereinafter abbreviated as Judicial Tradition.
Page references refer to the 1978 Oxford University Press
paperback edition.
19
thought an independent judiciary necessary because
"even a government made up of the people's representa-
tives was not a sufficient buffer against the excesses of
the mob." Judicial Tradition 320.
This American judicial tradition has also been appli-
cable to the state judiciary. Professor White commented
that the state constitutions "were patterned on the federal
Constitution, with its tripartite division of powers." Judi-
cial Tradition 109. James Kent, Chief Judge of the New
York Supreme Court and later Chancellor of New York,
"viewed the judiciary as a buffer between established
wealth and the excessively democratic legislature." Judi-
cial Tradition 112. Much more recently, Chief Justice Roger
Traynor of the California Supreme Court wrote that
judges "enjoyed a 'freedom from political and personal
pressures and from adversary bias' [and that] Wheir
'environment for work' was 'independent and analyt-
ically objective.' " Judicial Tradition 296, quoting Traynor,
"Badlands in an Appellate Judge's Realm of Reasons," 7
Utah L.Rev. 157, 167, 168 (1960).
Professor White traced "modern liberalism" trends
throughout the Twentieth Century. According to this
political theory, judges "were not, by and large, represen-
tatives of the people, and their nonpartisan status insu-
lated them from the waves of current opinion." Judicial
Tradition 320. Legislatures, on the other hand, "were 'rep-
resentative of popular opinion' and could 'canvass a wide
spectrum of views.'" Judicial Tradition 322. One Twentieth
Century Justice, Felix Frankfurter, has called the judiciary
20
the "antidemocratic, unrepresentative" branch of govern-
ment." Judicial Tradition 367.7
Various legal theorists have also stated that judges are
not "representatives." Perhaps the most provocative book to
appear on judicial review during the last few years is Democ-
racy and Distrust by Professor John Hart Ely.8 Professor Ely
contrasts the role of the courts with the role of the represen-
tative branch of government, the legislative branch. He
sought an approach to judicial review "not hopelessly incon-
sistent with our nation's commitment to representative
democracy." Democracy and Distrust 41. In his book, Professor
Ely developed a representation-reinforcing theory of judicial
review in which the non-representative branch (the judici-
ary) would review legislation to determine the motivation of
the representative branch (the legislature) to make sure that
the views of all groups were represented in lawmaking. He
concluded by stating that "constitutional law appropriately
exists for those situations where representative government
cannot be trusted." Democracy and Distrust 183.
Professor Alexander Bickel spoke of the importance of
judicial independence in The Supreme Court and the Idea of
Progress.9
7 Professor Lawrence Friedman also has written about the
history of a strong, independent judiciary in both federal and
state governmental systems. L. Friedman, A History of American
Law 116, 118 (Simon & Schuster 1973 paperback edition).
8 Page references are to the 1980 Harvard University Press
hardbound edition.
9 Citations are hereinafter abbreviated as Supreme Court
and Progress. Page references refer to the 1978 Yale University
Press paperback edition.
21
The restraints of reason tend to ensure also
the independence of the judge, to liberate him
from the demands and fears — dogmatic, arbi-
trary, irrational, self-or group-centered, — that so
often enchain other public officials. They make
it possible for the judge, on some occasions, at
any rate, to oppose against the will and faith of
others, not merely his own will or deeply-felt
faith, but a method of reaching judgments that
may command the allegiance, on a second
thought, even of those who find a result dis-
agreeable. The judge is thus buttressed against
the world, but what is perhaps more significant
and certain, against himself, against his own
natural tendency to give way before waves of
feeling and opinion that may be as momentary
as they are momentarily overwhelming.
* * *
The independence of the judges is an absolute
requirement if individual justice is to be done, if a
society is to ensure that individuals will be dealt
with in accordance with duly enacted policies of
the society, not by the whim of officials or of mobs,
and dealt with evenhandedly, under rules that
would apply also to others similarly situated, no
matter who they might be.
Supreme Court and Progress 82, 84.
Professor Bickel contrasted the Court with the people
and its representatives, stating, "Virtually all important
decisions of the Supreme Court are the beginnings of
conversations between the Court and the people and
their representatives." Supreme Court and Progress 91.1°
O Supreme Court and Progress also contains much material
on reapportionment. Supreme Court and Progress 35, 158-59,
(Continued on following page)
22
II. IF THE ONE-MAN, ONE-VOTE REQUIREMENT
DOES NOT APPLY TO THE JUDICIARY, THE CON-
CEPT OF MINORITY VOTE DILUTION SET FORTH
IN § 2(B) DOES NOT APPLY TO THE JUDICIARY.
This Court has held that the one-man, one-vote require-
ment does not apply to the judiciary. Wells v. Edwards, 409
US. 1095, 93 S.Ct. 904, 34 L.E.2d 679 (1973). If this require-
ment is inapplicable, the concept of minority vote dilution in
at-large districts is similarly inapplicable to the judiciary As
the Fifth Circuit held in LULAC,
Absent the one-person, one-vote rule — that the
vote of each individual voter must be roughly
equal in weight to the vote of every other individ-
ual voter, regardless of race, religion, age, sex, or
even the truly subjective and uniquely individual
choice of where to reside — there is no requirement
that any individual's vote weigh equally with that
of anyone else. This being so, and no such right
existing, we can fashion no remedy to redress the
non-existent wrong complained of here.
The notion of individual vote dilution, first
developed by the Supreme Court in Reynolds v.
Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506
(1964), was the foundation for the concept of
minority vote dilution to be later elaborated in
Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 91 S.Ct. 1858,
29 L.Ed.2d 363 (1971), White v. Regester, [412
U.S. 755, 93 S.Ct. 2332, 37 L.Ed.2d 314 (1973)],
and Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th
Cir. 1973). Individual vote dilution was
remedied by the Court through the concept of
(Continued from previous page)
168-73. Never in that discussion is there any intimation that
reapportionment requires judicial redistricting. Indeed, such a
notion would run counter to his strong arguments for judicial
independence.
23
one-person, one-vote — the guarantee of sub-
stantial equality among individual voters. With
that guarantee in mind, remedial schemes to
combat minority vote dilution were devised on
a case by case basis.
914 F.2d at 627 (emphasis in original). The Senate Report
concerning the 1982 amendment to the Voting Rights Act
states "[t]he principle that the right to vote is denied or
abridged by dilution of voting strength derives from the
one-person, one-vote reapportionment case of Reynolds v.
Sims." S.Rep.No. 417, 97th Cong. 2d Sess., reprinted in
1982 U.S. Code Cong. Sz Admin. News at 177, 196.
The key issue, therefore, is whether Section 2(b) of
the Voting Rights Act enshrines the "one-man, one-vote"
principle as the touchstone test. If it does, then it cannot
be used to analyze judicial elections, because the "one-
man, one-vote" test was expressly rejected as applying to
the judiciary in Wells v. Edwards, 347 F.Supp. 453 (M.D.
La. 1972), affirmed 409 U.S. 1095, 93 S.Ct. 904, 34 L.Ed.2d
679 (1973).
The express language of the plurality opinion in Gin-
gles, bolstered by the language of the concurring opin-
ions, shows that Section 2(b) is solely a "one-man, one-
vote" litmus test. Justice Brennan, in speaking for the
plurality, began by noting that when Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act was amended in 1982 to add Section
2(b), the Congressional revision was a response to the
plurality opinion in Mobile v. Bolden, 478 U.S. at 35, 106
S.Ct. at 2759, 92 L.Ed.2d at 37. The plurality in Gingles, in
interpreting what evidence it takes under Section 2(b) to
prove a Section 2(a) violation, established a three-fold
test:
1
24
First, the minority group must be able to dem-
onstrate that it is sufficiently large and geo-
graphically compact to constitute a majority in a
single-member district. * * * Second, the minor-
ity group must be able to show that it is politi-
cally cohesive. * * * Third, the minority must be
able to demonstrate that the white majority
votes sufficiently as a bloc to enable it, — in the
absence of special circumstances, such as a
minority candidate running unopposed
* * * usually to defeat the minority's preferred
candidate * * * * In establishing this last circum-
stance, the minority group demonstrates that
the submergence in a white multi-member dis-
trict impedes its ability to elect its chosen repre-
sentatives.
478 U.S. at 50-51, 106 S.Ct. at 2766-67, 92 L.Ed.2d 46-47.
As Justices O'Connor, Powell, Rehnquist, and Chief
Justice Burger recognized in their concurring opinion in
Gingles, this three-fold test equates to a requirement of
proportional representation; i.e., one-man, one-vote. Jus-
tice O'Connor, speaking for these Justices, stated:
Third, although the Court does not acknowledge
it expressly, the combination of the Court's defi-
nition of minority voting strength and its test
for vote dilution results in the creation of a right
to a form of proportional representation in favor
of all geographically and politically cohesive
minority groups that are large enough to consti-
tute majorities if concentrated within one or
more single-member districts.
478 U.S. at 85, 106 S.Ct. at 2784-2785, 92 L.Ed.2d at 69.
In my view, the Court's test for measuring
minority voting strength and its test for vote
dilution, operating in tandem, come closer to an
absolute requirement of proportional represen-
tation than Congress intended when it codified
the results test in § 2.
I
25
478 U.S. at 94, 106 S.Ct. at 2789, 92 L.Ed.2d at 74.
The Court's standard for vote dilution, when
combined with its test for undiluted minority
voting strength, makes actionable every devia-
tion from usual, rough, proportionality in repre-
sentation for any cohesive minority group as to
which this degree of proportionality is feasible
within the framework of single-member dis-
tricts. Requiring that every minority group that
could possibly constitute a majority in a single-
member district be assigned to such a district
would approach a requirement of proportional
representation as nearly as is possible within the
framework of the single-member districts. Since
the Court's analysis entitles every such minority
group usually to elect as many representatives
under a multi-member district school, it follows
that the Court is requiring a form of proportional
representation.
478 U.S. at 97, 106 S.Ct. at 279, 92 L.Ed.2d at 76-77
(emphasis supplied).
Justice O'Connor, and the other Justices who joined
in her concurring opinion, recognized that proportional
representation (one-man, one-vote) is the result of the
plurality's opinion. It was exactly this type of propor-
tional representation that the.plurality in Mobile v. Bolden
had rejected in its analysis of both Section 2 (pre-1982
amendments) and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend-
ments:
The theory of [Justice Marshall's] dissenting
opinion — a theory much more extreme than that
espoused by the District Court or the Court of
Appeals — appears to be that every "political
group," or at least every such group that is a
minority, has a federal constitutional right to
elect candidates in proportion to its
numbers. * * *
26
Whatever appeal the dissenting opinion's view
may have as a matter of political theory, it is not
the law.
446 U.S. at 75, 100 S.Ct. at 1504, 64 L.Ed.2d at 63-64.
The plurality in Mobile recognized that what is now
Section 2(a) does not require a "proportionality" test.
Section 2(a) was not substantially changed in the 1982
amendments. Thus, if Section 2(b) establishes a "one-
man, one-vote" test, then under Wells it cannot be used
against the judiciary.
The petitioners may take the position that there is a
distinction between a "proportionality" test and a "one-
man, one-vote" test. Such an argument would be unavail-
ing, as the plurality opinion in Mobile v. Bolden expressly
recognized.
After discussing (and rejecting) the dissent's argu-
ment concerning proportionality, the plurality in Mobile
went further and determined that the "proportionality"
argument equated to a "one-man, one-vote" test.
The dissenting opinion erroneously discovers
the asserted entitlement to group representation
within the "one person, one vote" principle of
Reynolds v. Sims, supra, [377 U.S. 533, 84 S.Ct.
1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506 (1964)] and its progeny.
446 U.S. at 77, 100 S.Ct. at 1505, 64 L.Ed.2d at 65. As
Mobile v. Bolden recognized, the term "vote dilution" is
equivalent to holding that there is a "one-man, one-vote"
test. 446 U.S. at 78, 100 S.Ct. at 1505, 64 L.Ed.2d at 65-66.
As the plurality in Mobile v. Bolden stated:
There can be, of course, no claim that the "one-
person, one-vote" principle has been violated in
this case ' it is therefore obvious that
nobody's vote has been "diluted" in the sense in
which that word was used in the Reynolds case.
•i•
27
* * *
It is, of course, true that the right of a person to
vote on an equal basis with other voters draws
much of a significance from the political associa-
tions that its exercise reflects, but it is an alto-
gether different matter to conclude that political
groups themselves have an independent consti-
tutional claim to representation.
446 U.S. at 78, 100 S.Ct. 1505, 1507, 64 L.Ed.2d at 65, 66.
Because Gingles involves only the interpretation of
Section 2(b), and because Wells prohibits the use of a
"one-man, one-vote" test involving judicial elections, it is
clear that the Section 2(b) results test cannot be used to
prove a violation of Section 2(a) in judicial elections.
The concept of dilution of group voting strength
[which is embodied in subsection (b) of amended Section
2] rests on two assumptions: (1) that each person's vote
should have the same weight as another person's vote,
and (2) that a given (protected) group should wield
roughly the aggregate voting strength of its members. See
Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297, 1303 (5th Cir. 1973). If
the first assumption is not true, the second cannot be
made. For without the assumption of substantial equality
among voting shares made possible by the one-man, one-
vote principle, no aggregate measure of minority voting
strength — and therefore no measure of dilution of that
strength — is conceivable. Because the one-man, one-vote
rule does not apply to the judiciary, the conceptually
dependent notion of minority group vote dilution,
embodied in subsection (b), has no field of operation in
judicial elections.
This argument has nothing to do with statutory inter-
pretation, does not depend on a particular construction of
the word "representative" as used in subsection (b), and
28
!I
is not based on whether Congress intended that amended
Section 2 have some field of operation with respect to
judicial elections. It is, instead, based on an explanation
of why, regardless of what breadth Congress intended for
amended Section 2, minority group vote dilution — as that
concept has developed in the voting rights jurisprudence
— simply cannot exist unless the one-man, one-vote rule
applies.
Thornburg v. Gingles, the Court's definitive exegesis of
Section 2 vote dilution, sharpens this point. In her con-
curring opinion, Justice O'Connor, joined by Powell,
Rehnquist, and Chief Justice Burger, notes that "[i]n order
to evaluate a claim that a particular multimember district
or single-member district has diluted the minority
group's voting strength to a degree that violates § 2 . . . it
is . . . necessary to construct a measure of 'undiluted'
minority voting strength." Gingles, 478 U.S. at 88, 106
S.Ct. 2786, 92 L.Ed.2d at 71. There is no doubt that the
yardstick adopted by the Gingles Court — a calculation of
the minority's potential voting strength in a single-mem-
ber district system — rests on the assumption that the one-
man, one-vote rule applies and that each district has
roughly the same population. See 478 U.S. at 50-51 n. 17,
89-90, 106 S.Ct. 2766-67 n. 17, 2787, 92 L.Ed.2d at 46-47
n.17, 72. Otherwise, to paraphrase Justice Harlan, the
Court would be unable even to measure what it purports
to equalize. Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. at 169, 91 S.Ct.
1883, 29 L.Ed.2d at 391 (Harlan J., separate opinion).
Without the measure of individual voting strength
provided in legislative cases by the one-man, one-vote
rule, Gingles' first prong is meaningless in the judicial
29
context. It is always possible to construct a geograph-
ically compact black voting majority district by continu-
ing to reduce the total population in that district down to,
if necessary, a minimum of one. There ARE no "judicially
discernable and manageable standards" by which a court
could find that a given judicial election system does not
dilute minority voting strength if the population size of
the hypothetical single-member subdistrict can be con-
tracted or expanded at will. See Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186,
217, 82 S.Ct. 691, 7 L.Ed.2d 663, 686 (1962). As one lower
court has held, "An effort to apply a population standard
to the judiciary would, in the end, fall of its own weight."
Stokes v. Fortson, 234 F. Supp. 575, 577 (N.D. Ga. 1964).
CONCLUSION
This Court has always recognized the importance of
an independent judiciary, holding in Chandler v. Judicial
Council, 398 U.S. 74, 90 S.Ct. 1648, 26 L.Ed.2d 100 (1970):
"There can, of course, be no disagreement among us as to
the imperative need for total and absolute independence
of judges in deciding cases or in any phase of the decisio-
nal function." 398 U.S. at 84, 90 S.Ct. 1648, 26 L.Ed.2d at
108. In a dissent in the same case, Justice Douglas stated,
"An independent judiciary is one of this Nation's out-
standing characteristics." 398 U.S. at 136, 90 S.Ct. 1648, 26
L.Ed.2d at 137 (Douglas, J., dissenting).
A quarter of a century ago this Court declared, "Leg-
islators represent people, not trees or acres." Reynolds v.
Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 562, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12 L.Ed.2d 506, 527
(1964). Unlike legislators, judges are not "instruments of
government elected directly by and directly representa-
tive of the people." 377 U.S. at 562, 84 S.Ct. 1362, 12
30
L.Ed.2d at 527. Making judges representatives would do
violence to (and perhaps destroy) the American concept
of an independent judiciary.
For the reasons set forth herein, this Court should
deny the Petition for Certiorari.
All of the above and foregoing is thus respectfully
submitted.
ROBERT G. PUGH
Counsel of Record
ROBERT G. PUGH, JR.
Of the Law Firm of
PUGH, PUGH & PUGH
Commercial National Tower
Suite 2100
333 Texas Street
Shreveport, LA 71101-5302
(318) 227-2270
M OISE W. DENNERY
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 586-1241
M. TRUMAN W OODWARD, JR.
909 Poydras Street
Suite 2300
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 569-7100
A. R. CHRigrovicH
2300 Pan American Life
Center
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
(504) 561-5700
SPECIAL ASSISTANT ATTORNEYS GENERAL
W ILLIAM J. GUSTE, JR.
Attorney General
Louisiana Department of Justice
234 Loyola Avenue, 7th Floor
New Orleans, LA 70112
(504) 568-5575
December 14th, 1990.