Edelman v. Jordan Brief Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1973
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Edelman v. Jordan Brief Amicus Curiae, 1973. 163e608c-b09a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/f339273c-5c29-4e23-b812-f209cc2a16d9/edelman-v-jordan-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 29, 2025.
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Cuprate (ta r t nf % Itutrfr States
October Term 1973
No. 72-1410
J oel E delman, etc.,
— v.—
J ohn J ordan, et al.
Petitioner,
ON WRIT OE CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF THE NAACP LEGAL
DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
J ack Greenberg
Charles Stephen R alston
E ric Schnapper
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Statement of Interest of the Amicus Curiae ............... 1
Summary of Argument ...................... .... .......................... 3
Statement of the C ase......................................................... 5
A rgument
I. Neither the Eleventh Amendment nor sovereign
immunity may be asserted to prevent effective
relief for a violation of the Thirteenth, Four
teenth or Fifteenth Amendments ....................... 8
A. The specific and more recent provisions of
the Reconstruction Amendments must pre
vail over sovereign immunity and the earlier
general language of the Eleventh Amend
ment ............................ 8
B. Sovereign immunity has no application to
activities which the Reconstruction Amend
ments placed outside the sovereign power of
the States ......................... 12
C. The purposes of sovereign immunity and the
Eleventh Amendment are inconsistent with
the purposes of the Reconstruction Amend
ments ..................... ......................... ......... ......... 18
1. Reliance on state enforcement................... 18
2. Problems of federal enforcement ........... 24
3. Remedial purpose of the Reconstruction
Amendments .............................. 28
PAGE
11
D. By ratifying the Reconstruction Amend
ments the States consented to he sued for
violations thereof .............. 34
E. An unwarranted expansion of the scope of
sovereign immunity and the Eleventh
Amendment would greatly weaken the
constitutional guarantees contained in the
Reconstruction Amendments ............. 39
Conclusion ...................................... 42
Cases:
Barron v. Baltimore, 32 U.S. (7 Pet.) 243 (1833) ------ 16
Bennett v. Gravelle, 323 F.Supp. 203 (D.Md. 1971) ------ 41
Bivens v. Six Unknown Fed. Narcotics Agents, 403, U.S.
338 (1971) ......... ........ ....... ................. .......... ......... .... -29 , 38
Board of Supervisors of Louisiana State U. v. Fleming,
265 F.2d 736 (5th Cir. 1959) ___________ ____________ 40
Board of Trustees of Arkansas A.&M. College v. Davis,
396 F.2d 730 (8th Cir. 1968) .................. ....................... 40
Chicago, etc. R.R. Co. v. United Transportation Union,
402 U.S. 570 (1971) ...................................... ......... ....... . 12
Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2 Dali.) 419 (1793) ....12,13,19,
25, 34, 42
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 7 (1883) _____ _______ 28, 37, 38
Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. 264 (1821) ....... 4,15, 35, 36, 37
Dillenberger v. Florida Probation and Parole Commis
sion, Civ. No. 73-66 (N.D. Fla., Tallahassee Div.) .... 41
Dorsey v. State Athletic Commission, 168 F.Supp. 149
(E.D. La. 1958) .................. ....... ........ .......... ............... . 40
Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857) 16
Dugan v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609 (1963) ....... .................... . 10
PAGE
I l l
Employees v. Missouri Public Health Department, 411
TJ.S. 279 (1973) ...............................2, 5,11,14, 28, 37, 40, 41
Entick v. Carrington, 19 Howell St., Tr. 1029 (1765) .... 38
Ex Parte Ayers, 123 U.S. 443 (1887) ............... ..... .......... 9
Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908) .......3, 6, 7, 8, 9,10,11
Fitts v. McGhee, 172 U.S. 516 (1899) ....... ................. .. 9
General Oil Company v. Crain, 209 U.S. 211 (1908) .....9, 30
Goldberg v. Kelly, 397, U.S. 254 (1970) ............................ 6
Graham v. Marshall, Civ. T-73-77 (N.D. Fla., Tallahas
PAGE
see Div.) ...... ........... ............... ........................ ................ - 41
Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward County, 377
U.S. 218 (1964) ................................. ......................... 5,10, 40
Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1 (1890) ............ ...... 19, 36, 37
Hawaii v. Gordon, 373 U.S. 57 (1963) ______ _____ _ 10
Henry v. Mississippi, 379 U.S. 443 (1965) ........ .......... 43
Jordan v. Weaver, 472 F.2d 985 (7th Cir. 1973) ........... 6
Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966) .......... ........ 6
Krause v. Rhodes, Ho. 72-1318 ........................................ 2
Marbury v. Madison, 1 U.S. (Cranch) 137 (1803) .... . 29
McCoy v. Louisiana State Board of Education, 345
F.2d 720 (5th Cir. 1965) ............................................... 40
Mitchum v. Foster, 407 U.S. 225 (1972) ....... ............... 15
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961) .............. ........ 21, 31, 32
Moultrie v. G eorgia........... .............................— ............. 39
Orleans Parish School Board v. Bush, 242 F.2d 156
(5th Cir. 1957) .......... ...... ........... ...... ............................ 40
Osborn v. The Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. (9
Wheat.) 739 (1824) ....................................... ..... ........ 15,30
IV
PAGE
Parden v. Terminal R.R. of Alabama Docks Depart
ment, 377 U.S. 184 (1964) .... ........................................ 11
Perez v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 82 (1971) ........ ............. .....10,38
Pollard v. United States, Civil Action No. 4126-N (M.D.
Ala.) ............ ..................... ......... ................. ........ ....... . 41
Proutt v. Starr, 188 U.S. 537 (1903) .......... ............. ...... 30
Rhode Island v. Massachusetts, 37 U.S. (12 Peters)
657 (1833) ..... ........ ..... ............. ......... .................... ......... 36
Richardson v. State Board of Law Examiners (Civil
Action No. 72-1219, D.S.C.) .... ........ ....... ..................... 41
Rosado v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397 (1970) ............. ....... ..... 5
Rothstein v. Wyman, 303 F. Supp. 339 (S.D.N.Y. 1969) 6
Scheuer v. Rhodes, No. 72-914_________ ______ _______ 2
School Board of Charlottesville v. Allen, 240 F.2d 59
(4th Cir. 1956) ..... ....... ...... .......... .......... ........ ........ ..... 40
United States v. Peters, 9 U.S. (5 Cranch) 115 (1809) 25
Virginia Coupon Cases, 114 U.S. 269 (1885) ....... ....... 11
Wainwright v. State of Florida Department of Trans
portation, Civ. No. 73-42 (N.D. Fla. Mariana Div.) 41
Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241 (1967) .................. ........ 15
Statutes and Regulations:
28 U.S.C. § 1331 ......... .....
42 U.S.C. § 1382(a) (8) ....
42 U.S.C, § 1981 ________
42 U.S.C. § 1983 ............ .
............................ .36, 39
............................... 5
............... ........... ..28,41
21, 28, 32, 33, 34, 39, 41
V
Civil Rights Act of 1964 .................................................. ....5,41
Civil Rights Act of 1871 .............................................. 21, 27, 31
Civil Rights Act of 1866 ......... .......... .... ..................... 20, 26, 30
Judiciary Act, section 2 5 ........... ......................................... 15
12 Stat. 765 ........ ................ ............. ....... ........ .................. 23
14 Stat. 9 ........... ....................................... ......... ................. 23
14 Stat. 27 .............................................. ............................. 27
17 Stat. 13 .................. ...... ........ ............. .... .......... .... ....... 27
Articles of Confederation ................... ...... .......... ..... ....... 24
45 C.F.R. § 106.10(3) ....................... ,.................... .............. 5
PAGE
Other Authorities:
Cong. Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess............................... ..... 19, 23
Cong. Globe 39th Cong. 1st Sess. .................. .16,17, 20, 21, 26,
30, 31, 32, 33, 37
Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. ....... .....17, 21, 27, 31, 33, 37
The Federalist, No. 1 6 ..... ............................... .............. .24, 25
The Federalist, No. 3 1 ...... ...... ........................... ............... 14
The Federalist, No. 81 ... ........... ..... .... .............. ..13,14,19, 25
Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment
(1908) ...... ............... ........................ ............ ................. . 38
Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sovereign
Immunity (1972) ...........................9,11,14, 25, 26, 30, 36, 39
Morrison, The Oxford History of the American People
(1965) 26
YX
Sehlesinger and Israel, The State of the Union Mes
sages of the Presidents (1966) ....................... ........... . 22
ten Broek, Equal Under Law (1965) ..... ......... ...... .17, 30, 32
Graham “ The ‘Conspiracy Theory’ of the Fourteenth
Amendment,” 47 Yale L.J. 371 (1938) ________ ____ 30
Graham, “ The Early Antislavery Backgrounds of the
Fourteenth Amendment” 1950 Wis. L. Rev. 479 ......... 30
Memorandum of Administrator, Social and Rehabilita
tion Service, dated April 1, 1971..... .......... ............. . 28
PAGE
I n t h e
ffynpnmv dmtrt nf % Inttefc BMm
October T erm 1973
No. 72-1410
J oel Edelman, etc.,
—v.—
J ohn J ordan, et al.
Petitioner,
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF THE NAACP LEGAL
DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
Statement o f Interest o f the Amicus Curiae1
Amicus N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund,
Inc., is a non-profit corporation, incorporated under the
laws of the State of New York in 1939. It was formed to
assist Negroes to secure their constitutional rights by
the prosecution of lawsuits. Its charter declares that its
purposes include rendering legal services gratuitously to
Negroes suffering injustice by reason of race who are
unable, on account of poverty, to employ legal counsel on
1 Both the Petitioner and the Respondent have consented to the
filing’ of this brief. Copies of their letters have been filed with the
Clerk.
2
their own behalf. The charter has been approved by a
New York Court, authorizing the organization to serve as
a legal aid society. The N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) is independent of other
organizations and is supported by contributions from the
public. For many years its attorneys have represented
parties before this Court and the lower courts, and it
has participated as amicus curiae in this Court and other
courts.
For many years LDF attorneys have represented plain
tiffs in actions against state officials and state agencies
seeking redress of violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments. This litigation has challenged
state discrimination in such disparate areas as education,
public employment, voting, public assistance, public hous
ing, and the administration of justice.
In the instant case the named plaintiff claimed the de
fendant had violated both the Fourteenth Amendment and
a federal statute and regulation implementing that Amend
ment, and prevailed on the latter ground. The case thus
requires the Court to consider the applicability of Em
ployees v. Department of Public Health and Welfare, 411
U.S. 279 (1973) to state action violating the Fourteenth
Amendment or implementing legislation.2 The decision will
necessarily have a substantial effect on the extent to which
the prohibition against certain state action contained in
the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments will
remain enforceable in federal courts. Thus the Amicus has
a vital interest in the present case, one beyond that of the
immediate litigants, and therefore presents in the attached
brief an alternative argument in support of the respon
dents’ position.
2 See also Krause v. Rhodes, No. 72-1318; Scheuer v. Rhodes,
No. 72-914.
3
Summary o f Argument
This action arises under a federal statute and regulation
which protect rights arising under the Fourteenth Amend
ment, particularly the guarantees of equal protection and
due process of law.
This Court has long recognized that neither sovereign
immunity nor the Eleventh Amendment should he allowed
to prevent enforcement of the Reconstruction Amendments.
The legal fiction of Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908)
was established to avoid a direct conflict between the Elev
enth Amendment and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and F if
teenth Amendments. When a conflict cannot be avoided
in this manner the need to enforce the more recent and
specific provisions of the Reconstruction Amendments must
prevail over the Eleventh Amendment.
Sovereign immunity, as its eighteenth century and recent
supporters conceded, is merely a procedural protection
for the sovereign power of the states. It allows the states
to conduct their affairs without threat of judicial interfer
ence. That immunity has no application, however, to state
discrimination which violates the Reconstruction Amend
ments, for those Amendments stripped the states of their
sovereign power to engage in such discrimination.
The primary justification for sovereign immunity and the
Eleventh Amendment has traditionally been that the sover
eign, state or federal, could be relied on to do justice to
all claimants without judicial compunction. The Recon
struction Amendments, however, were founded on the prem
ise that the states could not be trusted to respect and
protect the basic rights of freedmen and others.
Hamilton and other federalists who supported passage
of the Eleventh Amendment were concerned that Federal
4
judicial control over the states might lead to serious and
even armed confrontation between the states and the fed
eral government when enforcement wTas sought. But the
Congress which framed the Reconstruction Amendments
was not unwilling to resort to such drastic measures if
necessary. When the Amendments were enacted the coun
try had just ended a civil war over the principles contained
therein, and federal troops were stationed throughout the
south to protect freedmen and others. It is hardly likely
that those who framed the Amendments had great com
punctions about resort to measures which had troubled
Hamilton and others seventy years earlier.
I f the states could assert sovereign immunity or the
Eleventh Amendment to bar effective relief, aggrieved citi
zens would have a right without a remedy. While such a
situation may be appropriate under special circumstances,
it is intolerable where the rights involved arise under the
Reconstruction Amendments. Those Amendments were ex
pressly regarded as remedial in nature; the men who
framed them believed the rights described already existed
under the Constitution, and were primarily concerned to
provide a remedy where none had existed before.
The states may of course consent to be sued in federal
court. When the Reconstruction Amendments were enacted
every such creation of a federal right involved, under the
decisions of this Court, pro tanto waiver of sovereign im
munity because of the federal question provision of Article
III. Cohens v. Virginia, 19 TT.S. 264 (1821). Thus by ratify
ing the Reconstruction Amendments the states waived their
Eleventh Amendment and sovereign immunity defense.
Throughout the last several decades states sued for viola
tions of the Reconstruction Amendments, particularly the
Fourteenth, have sought to defend their right to discrim
inate by claiming immunity from suit. This Court has
5
rejected such claims. Griffin v. School Board of Prince
Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964). However, this Court’s
recent decision in Employees v. Missouri Public Health
Department, 411 U.S. 279 (1973), has suggested that
there may be some vitality in this defense to constitutional
litigation. Sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amend
ment have already been used to call into question the con
stitutionality of claims against a state for back pay under
Title VII of the 1964 Civil Eights Act, and to insulate
state officials from personal liability for willful discrimina
tory acts. A clear statement from this Court is needed
that neither sovereign immunity nor the Eleventh Amend
ment may be asserted to prevent effective relief for
violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments.
Statement o f the Case
This is an action challenging, as violative of both the
Fourteenth Amendment and the applicable federal statute
and regulations, Illinois’ failure to process promptly cer
tain applications for public assistance. The courts below
resolved this question in favor of the plaintiffs on the
ground that the state was not in compliance with those
federal regulations, which require that eligibility deter
minations be made within thirty (30) days on applications
for aid to the aged and blind and within sixty (60) days
on applications for assistance to the disabled. See Rosado
v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397 (1970). It is however, clear that
the federal statute3 and regulation4 involved in this case,
serve to protect the constitutional rights to equal protec
3 42 TJ.S.C. §1382(a)(8).
4 45 C.F.R. §106.10(3).
6
tion* 6 and due process of law6 guaranteed by the Fourteenth
Amendment.
The question before the Court is whether, having con
cluded that Illinois had been administering public assistance
in violation of the law, the federal courts have the power
to order the Director of the Illinois Department of Public
Aid to pay to past applicants out of public funds the
benefits to which they would have been entitled had the
state properly administered the law from its inception.
The defendant claims that such an order, though on its
face directed at him individually, would render this a case
against the state of Illinois, which cases are barred by the
Eleventh Amendment and the state’s sovereign immunity.
Plaintiffs urge and the Court of Appeals concluded that
the disputed order was proper, both arguing that it fell
within the power of the federal courts under Ex Parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908), to rectify the conduct of state
officials acting in violation of the Constitution or laws of
the United States.
While agreeing with the position taken by the plaintiffs
regarding- Ex Parte Young, the Amicus would urge that
the case be resolved in favor of the plaintiffs on another
ground. Defendant maintains that the order requiring back
6 The state’s failure to process all applications promptly yielded
gross disparities in the actual grants received. Jordan v. Weaver,
472 F.2d 985, 998 (7th Cir. 1973). These unjustifiable variances
raise serious questions of equal protection. See Bothstein v. Wyman,
303 F.Supp. 339 (S.D.N.Y. 1969), vacated on other grounds, 398
U.S. 275 (1970).
6 The right to a prompt hearing and decision is an essential part
of due process. Whether a decision denying, as opposed to termi
nating, welfare entitlements is a taking of property or even a
deprivation of liberty, is a question of no small difficulty. See
Goldberg v. Kelly, 397 U.S. 254. 262 n.8 (1970). This is, however,
precisely the sort of question which Congress has authority, under
section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, to resolve in favor of the
individual. See Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966).
7
payment of benefits, though nominally directed to a state
official, is really an order against the state. There is no
claim that the Director of the Department of Public Aid
has sufficient personal funds to make these back payments;
the only way in which adequate relief can be obtained is if
the Director releases benefits wrongfully withheld at an
earlier time. Thus if, as defendant asserts, the disputed
order is improper, there would be no way in which a viola
tion of the statute and regulation could be remedied.7
The Amicus maintains, for the reasons set out below,
that neither sovereign immunity nor the Eleventh Amend
ment may be asserted to bar an effective remedy for a
violation of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments, or of legislation implementing those pro
visions. This being so, it is unnecessary to decide whether
this case is, in effect, a suit against the state, for even if
it were the state could not obstruct the granting of meaning
ful relief. Amicus suggests that it may be preferable to
decide the case on this basis, rather than attempting an
exposition of Ex Parte Young which might not be limited
to litigation arising under the Reconstruction Amendments.
7 The United States Department of Health, Education and Wel
fare has taken the position that it lacks the power to compel the
state to make such back payments.
8
ARGUMENT
I.
Neither the Eleventh Amendment nor sovereign im
munity may be asserted to prevent effective relief for
a violation o f the Thirteenth, Fourteenth or Fifteenth
Amendments.
A. The specific and more recent provisions o f the Recon
struction Amendments must prevail over sovereign im
munity and the earlier general language o f the Eleventh
Amendment.
The potential conflict between the Reconstruction Amend
ments on the one hand and the Eleventh Amendment on
the other is apparent on the face of those provisions. While
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments expressly, and
the Thirteenth tacitly, create special rights in favor of
private individuals and limit the power of the states, the
Eleventh Amendment withdraws from the federal judicial
power cases brought against one state by the citizen of
another. Manifestly enforcement of those special rights
against one state by the citizen of another would require
precisely the remedy which the Eleventh Amendment ap
pears to preclude. Similarly any doctrine of sovereign
immunity, allowing the states to refuse to be sued by their
own citizens, seems on its face inconsistent with the express
grant of rights against the states to those citizens.
This Court has not heretofore been required to decide
which principle should prevail if the only method of en
forcing the post-Civil W ar Amendments is the type of
action against the state usually precluded by sovereign
immunity and the Eleventh Amendment. In Ex Parte
Young, this Court expressly declined to decide whether the
Fourteenth Amendment limited the effect of the Eleventh.
9
209 U.S. 123, 150 (1908).8 Bather than reach that question,
this Court has consistently sought to fashion remedies for
violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments which would not require transgressing the
usual limitations on suits against the states. Ex Parte
Young itself was the most important such remedy; while
suits against state officers had, to a limited extent, been
sanctioned before, Young worked a substantial expansion
of that mode of relief. See Jacobs, The Eleventh Amend
ment and Sovereign Immunity 138-146 (1972).9
The policy considerations behind Ex Parte Young were
expressly detailed in an opinion handed down the same day
in General Oil Company v. Crain, 209 U.S. 211, 226-27
(1908):
Necessarily, to give adequate protection to constitu
tional rights a distinction must be made between valid
and invalid state laws, as determining the character
of the suit against state officers. And the suit at bar
illustrates the necessity. If a suit against state officers
is precluded in the national courts by the 11th Amend
ment to the Constitution, and may be forbidden by
a state to its courts, as it is contended in the case
at bar that it may be, without power of review by
this court, it must be evident that an easy way is open
to prevent the enforcement of many provisions of the
Constitution; and the 14th Amendment, which is di
rected at state action, could be nullified as to much
8 “We think that, whatever the rights of complainants may be,
they are largely founded upon that [Fourteenth] Amendment, but
a decision in this case does not require an examination or decision
of the question whether its adoption in any way altered or limited
the effect of the earlier [Eleventh] Amendment.”
9 Ex Parte Young represented a substantial departure from the
Court’s earlier decisions in Ex Parte Ayers, 123 U.S. 443 (1887)
and Fitts v. McGhee, 172 U.S. 516 (1899).
10
of its operation. . . . The swift execution of the law
may seem the only good, and the rights and interests
which obstruct it be regarded as a kind of outlawry.
See Ex Parte Young, where this subject is fully dis
cussed and the cases reviewed.
Young represented, at the time it was decided, “ the cul
mination of the efforts by this Court to harmonize the
principles of the Eleventh Amendment with the effective
supremacy of rights and powers secured elsewhere in the
Constitution.” Perez v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 82, 106 (1971)
(Brennan, J. concurring and dissenting).
The Court’s unwillingness to permit the Eleventh Amend
ment or sovereign immunity to preclude effective relief
in cases such as this was further illustrated in Griffin v.
School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218
(1964). Ex Parte Young had stressed that the relief sought
there was entirely preventative, and did not require “ affir
mative action of any nature.” 209 U.S. at 159. Barely a
year before Griffin this Court had reiterated, in two cases
involving purely statutory causes of action, that a suit
nominally against an officer was in fact a suit against the
sovereign if affirmative action or the expenditure of public
funds were the relief sought. Dugan v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609,
620 (1963); Hawaii v. Gordon, 373 U.S. 57, 58 (1963)10
Since the relief sought in Griffin included reopening and
funding the public schools of Prince Edward County, the
defendants urged at length that the case was one against
10 Both Dugan and Gordon were actions involving the United
States, to which the government objected on the grounds of sov
ereign immunity. Dugan questioned the statutory authority of the
Secretary of the Interior to operate a particular water reclamation
project. 372 U.S. at 615. Gordon involved the construction of a
statute regarding the status of federally owned land in Hawaii.
373 U.S. at 57.
11
the state and thus barred by the Eleventh Amendment.
12 L.Ed. 2d 1106-1109; Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment
and Sovereign Immunity, 156-159 (1972). This Court, not
ing that the complaint alleged a violation of constitutional
rights protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, summarily
rejected this objection. 377 U.S. at 228!1
The considerations underlying Young and Griffin sug
gest that, while suits against a state should not be permitted
when any other adequate remedy exists, if no such other
relief is possible and such a choice cannot be avoided,
vindication of the rights created by the Reconstruction
Amendments must be given priority over the policies under
lying the Eleventh Amendment and sovereign immunity.
Such a case is very different from commonplace suits as
serting essentially state law claims against the state, Par den
v. Terminal R.R. of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U.S. 184,187
n.3 (1964), or in which the federal question does not
involve the vindication of constitutionally protected rights.
See Employees v. Department of Public Health and Wel
fare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973). This conclusion is supported
by the ordinary rule of construction stated by Mr. Justice
Bradley in The Virginia Coupon Cases,
If the Contract Clause and the Eleventh Amendment
come into conflict, the latter has paramount force. It
was adopted as an amendment to the Constitution, and
operates as an amendment of every part of the Con
stitution to which it is at any time found to be repug- 11
11 The Court’s entire discussion of this matter was contained in
but three sentences. “ It is contended that the case is an action
against the State, is forbidden by the Eleventh Amendment, and
therefore should be dismissed. The complaint, however, charged
that state and county officials were depriving petitioners of rights
guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. It has been settled law
since Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 . . . (1908), that suits against
state and county officials to enjoin them from invading constitu
tional rights are not forbidden by the Eleventh Amendment.”
12
nant . . . It is the last declared will of the law-maker,
and has paramount force and effect. 114 U.S. 269, 331
(1885) (dissenting opinion).
In the instant case, of course, it is the Reconstruction
Amendments which represent the last declared will of the
law-maker. Moreover, while the Eleventh Amendment and
sovereign immunity deal in a general fashion with all dis
putes between individuals and states, the Thirteenth, Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments deal more narrowly with
the creation of certain specific rights. In the case of a
conflict such as this the more specific provision usually
controls. Chicago, etc. B.R. Co. v. United Transportation
Union, 402 U.S. 570, 582 (1971).
B. Sovereign immunity lias no application to activities which
the Reconstruction Amendments placed outside the sov
ereign power o f the States.
Sovereign immunity, the doctrine that a state cannot
be sued without its consent, is but a procedural incident
to sovereignty itself, the right and power of a state to
conduct its affairs in whatever manner it sees fit and with
out outside limitations. Sovereign immunity serves to
protect the state, particularly the executive branch, in
the exercise of this power from control or regulation by
the judiciary.
In the discussions of sovereign immunity at the end of
the eighteenth century, particularly those leading to the
embodiment of that immunity in the Eleventh Amendment,
the question of whether and to what extent a state had
sovereign immunity was understood to turn on whether
and to what extent the state itself was sovereign. The
most important judicial exposition of the case for sovereign
immunity is Justice Iredell’s historic dissent in Chisholm
v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2 Dali.) 419, 429 (1793). Justice Iredell
13
reasoned that the state had, subject to certain limitations,
succeeded to the sovereignty of the King, and that the
immunity from suit attendant to this sovereignty had not
been waived or lifted by Article III of the Constitution:
No other parts of the common law of England, it
appears to me, can have any reference to this subject,
but that part of it which prescribes remedies against
the crown. Every state in the union in every instance
where its sovereignty has not been delegated to the
United States, I consider to be as completely sovereign,
as the United States are in respect to the powers sur
rendered. The United States are sovereign as to all
the powers of government actually surrendered. Each
state in the union is sovereign as to all the powers
reserved. It must necessarily be so, because the United
States have no claim to any authority but such as the
states have surrendered to them. Of course the part
not surrendered must remain as it did before.
The other members of the Court, while concluding that
Georgia could not claim immunity, agreed that procedural
immunity and substantive sovereignty were inseparable.12
Hamilton, in the oft quoted argument for immunity in The
Federalist, was also of the view that immunity derived
from, and could not be asserted in the absence of, state
sovereignty:
It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty, not to
be amenable to the suit of an individual without its
12 Justice Blair concluded that the states had waived both sov
ereignty and immunity by ratifying Article III. 2 U.S. at 452.
Justice Cushing believed that Article III had abridged the sover
eignty of the states and with it their immunity. Id. at 468. Justice
Wilson and Chief Justice Jay maintained the state had no immunity
because the people, not the state, were the sovereign. Id. at 453-466,
469-479.
14
consent. This is the general sense, and the general
practice of mankind; and the exemption, as one of the
attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the Gov
ernment of every State in the Union. Unless therefore,
there is a surrender of this immunity in the plan of
the Convention, it will remain with the States, and the
danger intimated must be merely ideal. The circum
stances which are necessary to produce an alienation
of State sovereignty, were discussed in considering the
Article of taxation, and need not be repeated here.
(Number 81).
The discussion of taxation, contained in The Federalist
No. 31, dealt with the extent to which the states had sur
rendered their power to enact certain types of taxes.13
Justice Iredell rejected the suggestion that the states
had never been sovereign or that that sovereignty had been
waived by ratifying Article III of the Constitution creat
ing federal jurisdiction over actions between a state and
a citizen of another state. See Jacobs, Sovereign Immunity
and the Eleventh Amendment, 84-74 (1972). But both
Iredell and Hamilton conceded state sovereignty could be
lost by a substantive constitutional limitation on the powers
of the states and that, in such a case, immunity would fail
as well.
At the time this was a theoretical concession of no prac
tical consequence. The Constitution as it existed prior to
the Civil War contained few significant limitations on the 12
12 The same connection between the state’s power and procedural
immunity is reflected in the opinions in Employees v. Missouri
Public Health Dept., 411 U.S. 279 (1973). Justice Douglas’
opinion equates lifting immunity with “ lifting the sovereignty of
the States.” 411 U.S. at 287. Justice Marshall’s opinion derives
the principle of immunity from “ the inherent nature of sover
eignty,” id., as does that of Justice Brennan, 411 U.S. at 317.
15
sovereignty of the states in dealing with individual citizens.
The concept of federalism prevailing at that time left
largely in the hands of the states decisions as to what basic
rights, if any, individuals should have against state action,
and how, if at all, those rights should be enforced. The
national government assumed no substantial role under
the Constitution in regulating the internal affairs of the
states; such matters were conceived to properly be con
signed to the exclusive jurisdiction of the states, and any
federal interference would have transgressed the rights
and reserved powers of the states. Disputes between states
and individuals raising federal questions could reach the
federal courts only under Section 25 of the Judiciary Act,
providing for review in this Court. The few such cases
which did reach this Court involved, not violations of
federally protected rights, but state actions interfering with
the conduct of the national government. See, e.g., Osborn v.
Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 738 (1824);
Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. (6 Wheat.) 264 (1821). So long
as the states’ sovereignty in dealing with individual citizens
remained intact, the immunity incident to that sovereignty
was entirely appropriate.
In the decade following the Civil War this situation was
deliberately and drastically altered by adoption of the
Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which
expressly limited the power of the states in their relations
with private citizens. Those enactments, together with the
statutes enforcing them, created a panoply of federal rights
designed to implement the new national commitment to
racial justice. Congress clearly conceived that it was alter
ing the relationship between the states and the nation, and
working a “ vast transformation” from the concepts of
federalism that had prevailed in the late 18th century.
Mitchum v. Foster, 407 U.S. 225, 242 (1972); Zwickler v.
16
Koota, 389 TI.S. 241, 245-46 (1967). The effect of those
Amendments was to overturn several of this Court’s earlier
decisions regarding the rights of individuals against the
states and the ability of the national government to protect
those rights. See Barron v. Baltimore, 32 U.S. (7 Pet.) 243
(1833); Bred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393
(1857).
The changes wrought by the Reconstruction Amendments
were understood to work a substantial restriction on the
prior sovereignty and reserved rights of the states, and
were opposed on just this ground. Congressman Edgerton,
speaking against the Thirteenth Amendment, argued:
Better, sir, for our country, better for man, that negro
slavery exist a thousand years than that American
white men lose their constitutional liberty in the ex
tinction of the constitutional sovereignty of the Federal
States of the Union. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess.
2987.14 *
Congressman Rogers, opposing the 1866 Civil Rights Bill,
the provisions of which were later codified in Section 1 of
the Fourteenth Amendment, urged:
I ask you to stand by the law of the country and to
regulate these Federal and State systems upon the
grand principles upon which they were intended to be
regulated, that we may hand down to those who are to
come after us this bright jewel of civil liberty un
impaired ; and I say that the Congress or men who will
strip the people of these rights will be handed down
to perdition for allowing this bright and beautiful
14 See also id. at 1366 (Remarks of Senator Saulsbury), 2939
(Remarks of Congressman Pruyn), 2941 (Remarks of Congressman
W ood), 2943 (Remarks of Congressman Higby), 2962 (Remarks of
Congressman Holman), 2994 (Remarks of Senator Pendleton).
17
heritage of civil liberty embodied in the powers and
sovereign jurisdiction of the States to pass away from
us. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1122-23.15
Congressman Shanklin protested that the Fourteenth
Amendment struck down “the reserved rights of the
states.” . Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1865-66.16 Such
objections, however, were to no effect, for such a restric
tion on state power and sovereignty was precisely the goal
of the proponents of these measures who believed that the
rights of the states ought not include “the right to defeat
the very object for which all government is made . . . to
inflict wrongs on free citizens by a denial of the full pro
tection of the laws.” Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess.
84-85 App. (Remarks of Congressman Bingham).17
The Reconstruction Amendments created precisely the
circumstance in which Iredell and Hamilton had agreed
16 See also id. at 604 (Remarks of Senator Cowan), 1415 (Re
marks of Senator Davis), 1174 (Remarks of Congressman Rogers),
1156 (Remarks of Congressman Thornton).
16 See also id. at 2530 (Remarks of Congressman Randall), 2538
(Remarks of Congressman Rogers), 3147 (Remarks of Congress
man Harding).
17 _ “ From the beginning, the program for the protection of men
in their civil rights encountered the destruction of federalism
argument. The Thirteenth Amendment, the first constitutional
expression of that program, was proposed, encountered the
federalism objection, and was adopted anyway. Next, the civil
rights bill, designed to implement the Thirteenth Amendment,
had heaped upon it the same charge. It was adopted notwith
standing. Then, at last, came the Fourteenth Amendment,
created to accomplish what the Thirteenth Amendment had
been designed to do but had failed to do because of the con
tinuation of the federalism objection, intended to remove from
the Civil Rights Act the constitutional doubts arising from
the federalism objection to it. the Fourteenth Amendment was
itself, in turn, subjected to the very same criticisms. Despite
that criticism, it too was adopted.” ten Broek, Equal Under
Law 219-220 (1965).
18
immunity had no place, by stripping the states of their
hitherto existing sovereign power to sanction slavery, deny
equal protection or due process of the laws, or abridge the
right to vote on account of race. In the limited areas
prescribed by these Amendments the states have no au
thority the free exercise of which can be protected from
litigation, and in such case the purpose underlying sover
eign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment cannot be
served.
C. The purposes o f sovereign immunity and the Eleventh
Amendment are inconsistent with the purposes o f the
Reconstruction Amendments.
While sovereign immunity was properly conceived as
no more than an incident to sovereignty itself, the grant
of immunity, particularly within a federal system, reflected
a number of policies other than the mere protection of
sovereignty itself. The policies which immunity would
advance are, however, the very policies expressly rejected
by Congress when it approved the Thirteenth, Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments.
1. Reliance on state enforcement
Advocates of sovereign immunity both before and after
passage of the Eleventh Amendment urged that judicial
jurisdiction over claims against a sovereign was unneces
sary because the King, or the executive and legislative
branches of a state government, could and would do jus
tice in any case brought to their attention. In England,
Iredell argued, while the resolution of such grievances was
technically at the discretion of the crown, it was the King’s
practice, through the Chancellor, to do whatever justice
required. “I f any person has, in point of property, a just
demand upon a King, he must petition him in his court
of chancery, where his chancellor will administer right,
19
as a matter of grace, though not upon compulsion.” Chis
holm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 419, 442 (1793). A citizen with a
claim against a state, it was said, could rely on the legis
lature’s good faith and sense of public duty. 2 U.S. at
445-6. Hamilton urged that contracts between a nation
and an individual were binding, not in a court of law, but
“ on the conscience of the sovereign.” The Federalist, No.
81. The argument was reiterated by Congressman Diven
in 1862 urging retention of sovereign immunity by the
federal government.
Now, sir, what is the theory with regard to the sat
isfaction of claims against Governments? Why it is
this: that Governments are always disposed to deal
justly with their subjects; that Governments are never
required or compelled by legal process to render jus
tice to their subjects; and that they are always ready
to do right when the right is ascertained; and the only
object of a Court of Claims should be to aid the Gov
ernment in determining what is right, and then the
Government will do right always. That is the theory
of government. It was a maxim of the common law
that “ the King can do no wrong,” and it is the theory
that Governments can do no wrong, that exempts them
from this trial in courts to compel them to do right
to their own citizens. It is false in theory to suppose
that when an individual has a just claim against the
Government it is necessary for him to sue the Gov
ernment in a court of law to recover it. Cong. Globe,
38th Cong. 1st Sess. 1672.
This Court, in Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, (1890), rea
soned that a state could be relied on to respect “ the highest
demands of natural and political law to preserve justice,”
and that the security for state loans “ is the plighted faith
of the State.” 134 U.S. at 16, 21.
20
When the Reconstruction Amendments and legislation
were proposed, opponents objected that such measures were
unnecessary, and that reliance could be placed on the “hon
est purpose of the several States” to protect the rights of
citizens. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1294 (Remarks
of Congressman W ilson). The conclusion of the Congress
and the nation, however, was to the contrary: in particular
that the southern states could not be relied upon to respect
and protect the rights of freedmen. Speaking in favor of
the 1866 Civil Rights Bill, whose principles were soon
incorporated in Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment,
Representative Wilson explained:
I f the States would all observe the rights of our
citizens, there would be no need for this bill . . . I f
they would recognize that “general citizenship” . . .
which under this [privileges and immunities] clause
entitles every citizen to security and protection of
personal rights, . . . we might safely Avithhold action.
And if above all, Mr. Speaker, the States should ad
mit, and practice the admission, that a citizen does
not surrender these rights because he may happen to
be a citizen of the State which would deprive him of
them, we might, without doing violence to the duty
devolved upon us, leave the whole subject to the
States. But, sir, the practice of the States leaves us
no avenue of escape, and we must do our duty by
supplying the protection which the States deny. Cong.
Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1117-18.
Congressman Cook argued
Suppose . . . these States are restored to all the rights
of sovereign States within this Union, and they carry
out the same spirit they have already manifested to
ward these freedmen. . . . It is idle to say these men
21
will be protected by the States. The sufficient and con
clusive answer to that position I submit is, that those
States have already passed laws which would now
virtually reenslave them . . . Does any man in this
House believe that these people can be safely left in
these States without the aid of Federal legislation or
military power? Does anyone believe that their free
dom can be preserved without this aid? If any man
does so believe, he is strangely blind to the enact
ments passed by legislatures touching those freed men.
Id. at 1124-25.18
Six years of experience after the Civil War served only
to confirm Congress’ fears in this regard, and the 1871
Civil Eights Act, including the predecessor of Section 1983,
was enacted “to afford a federal right in federal courts
because, by reason of prejudice, passion, neglect, intolerance
or otherwise, state laws might not be enforced and the
claims of citizens to the enjoyment of rights, privileges,
and immunities guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment
might be denied by the state agencies.” Monroe v. Pape,
365 TJ.S. 171, 179 (1961). The “plighted faith of the States”
which this Court lias found an adequate alternative to
judicial enforcement of the contract clause in Hans, was
expressly rejected as a sufficient guarantee of the rights
of freedmen and others under the Reconstruction Amend
ments. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 85 (Remarks of
Congressman Bingham).
The Congress which approved the Thirteenth, Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments, had only a few years
earlier ended the sovereign immunity of the federal gov-
18 See also id. at 503 (Remarks of Senator Howard), 602 (Re
marks of Senator Lane).
22
eminent. In his first State of the Union message, Presi
dent Lincoln had urged abolition of that immunity:
It is important that some more convenient means
should be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of
claims against the Government especially in view of
their increased number by reason of the war. It is as
much the duty of Government to render prompt jus
tice against itself in favor of citizens as it is to admin
ister the same between private individuals. The in
vestigation and adjudication of claims in their nature
belong to the judicial department.19
The debates on this proposal centered on whether or not
the federal government was already providing a prompt
and just resolution of claims against it, the procedure until
that time being for Congress to enact a special appropria
tion in the amount it felt fair. Proponents of immunity
urged such justice was already being done. See p. 19,
supra. A majority of the Congress, however, concluded
otherwise. Congressman Pendleton responded to the re
marks of Congressman Diven quoted above,
My colleague on the committee has told us today
that, in theory, the Government is always willing to do
justice to the citizen, that it is always willing to do
that which equity and justice requires it to do. Now,
sir, that is very good in theory, but it is very bad in
practice, and when that gentleman has had experience
in examining the claims brought against this Govern
ment year after year . . . he will find that there are
innumerable claims on the calendar which have been
examined and re-examined session after session . . . If
the Government of the United States owes a debt to
19 Schlesinger and Israel, The State of the Union Messages of
the Presidents, v. 2, 1060 (1966).
23
a citizen of the United States, why should that citizen
be forced to come to Congress year after year, and
spend his time and his money in besieging individual
members, in order to show to them the justice of his
claim, depending, in the end, even in the justest case,
not upon its merits, but upon their patience to hear
him fully, and their impartiality to judge fairly. Cong.
Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess. 1675.
Congressman Bingham, the aiithor of the Fourteenth
Amendment, urged that the abolition of immunity would
end the injustice of denying relief to citizens with legitimate
grievances, and the corruption of the Congress by lobbyists
pressing dubious claims. Id. at 1674. The statute con
ferring binding jurisdiction on the Court of Claims was
enacted in 1863, 12 Stat. 765, and the remedies available
to citizens broadened further in 1866. 14 Stat. 9.
The existence of a sovereign immunity defense in an ac
tion under the Reconstruction Amendments is manifestly
incompatible with the purpose and background of those
constitutional provisions. It cannot plausibly be urged
that Congress first established a panoply of federal rights
and remedies on the ground that the states would not
voluntarily protect those rights, and yet intended to per
mit the states to avoid judicial enforcement of those rights
on the grounds that the states would voluntarily protect
such rights and that judicial enforcement was thus un
necessary. The same state legislature which enacted a
discriminatory measure could hardly be expected, in re
sponse to the claims of its victims, to repeal that measure
and appropriate funds to compensate them for any injuries
suffered. Whatever support sovereign immunity may have
commanded in the 1790’s, by the 1860’s Congress shared
Lincoln’s view that the courts were the most fair and ef
ficient forum for resolving claims against the government.
24
2. Problems of federal enforcement
Federal jurisdiction over litigation against the states
was opposed in the eighteenth century because of problems
of enforcement which might arise. One of the great fail
ings of the Articles of Confederation was that under it the
national government could carry out its desires and policies
only through the action and good will of the states. If
a state was not amenable to this process, the two levels of
government were necessarily arrayed directly against each
other, at best resulting in a cumbersome process and at
worst threatening more serious conflict. The federalists
sought to give the national government power to carry out
its policies directly, rather than relying on or resorting to
action against the states. It was to avoid the need to coerce
the states into compliance that the new constitution was
designed. Under a continuation of a confederacy, Ham
ilton warned, resort to such a military coercion was
inevitable.
I f there should not be a large army constantly at the
disposal of the National Government, it would either
not be able to employ force at all, or when this could
be done, it would amount to a war between parts of
the Confederacy, concerning the infractions of a league;
in which the strongest combination would be most
likely to prevail, whether it consisted of those who
supported, or those who resisted, the general authority.
It would rarely happen that the delinquency to be
redressed would be confined to a single member; and
if there were more than one, who had neglected their
duty, similarity of the situation would induce them
to unite for common defense. The Federalist, No. 16.
But, Hamilton pointed out,
I f the execution of the laws of the National Govern
ment should not require the intervention of the State
25
Legislatures; if they were to pass into immediate
operation upon the citizens themselves, the particular
Governments could not interrupt their progress with
out an open and violent exertion of an unconstitutional
power. Id.
Such affirmative efforts to obstruct enforcement of national
laws were thought highly unlikely.
It was this same consideration which, for the federalists,
militated against federal jurisdiction over the states. Ham
ilton himself pressed this argument in the oft quoted pas
sage in The Federalist on the meaning of Article III of
the proposed constitution:
To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against
the States for the debts they owe? How could recovery
be enforced? It is evident, it could not be done, with
out waging war against the contracting State, and to
ascribe to the Federal Courts, by mere implication,
and in destruction of a pre-existing right of the State
Governments, a power which would involve such a
consequence, would be altogether forced and unwar
rantable. The Federalist, No. 81.
The fear that such jurisdiction over the states might lead
to the use of force was, at the time, not unwarranted. In
the face of Chisholm, the Georgia House of Delegates
passed a statute making any effort by a federal marshal
to enforce a judgment for Chisholm a felony punishable
by death without benefit of clergy. Jacobs, The Eleventh
Amendment and Sovereign. Immunity, 56-57 (1972). In
another private action in 1809 seeking to collect funds held
by the heirs of the state treasurer of Pennsylvania, decided
suh nom. United States v. Peters, 9 U.S. (5 Cranch.) 115
(1809), the governor deployed the state militia around the
26
home of the heirs to prevent execution of the judgment.
The United States marshal enlisted a posse, and an armed
clash was averted only when the state relented in the face
of direct threats by President Madison. Jacobs, The Ele
venth Amendment and Sovereign Immunity, 77-80 (1972).
It cannot plausibly be maintained that those who framed
the Reconstruction Amendments and civil rights legisla
tion would have opposed suits against the states on the
ground that force might be required to enforce the result
ing court orders. Throughout the period when these meas
ures were being enacted the armed forces of the federal
government, with the enthusiastic support of Congress,
were stationed throughout the former rebel states and
were deeply involved in administering and policing those
areas. See Morrison, The Oxford History of the American
People, 717-725 (1965). After a four-year Civil War of
unprecedented cost, the willingness of the national govern
ment to resort to force to preserve the fruits of its victory
cannot be doubted. During the debates on the 1866 Civil
Rights Bill, Congressman Thayer openly expressed this
willingness:
Why have laws if Government has not the physical
force and strength to enforce them? Enforce them if
you can through the forms of judical procedure and
by the ordinary means at the command of judicial
tribunals as this bill provides: but if there are com
binations against the peaceful enforcement of these
laws, why should not the military power of the United
States, in pursuance of the express power given in
the Constitution, come to the rescue of the civil power
in order to enforce a law solemnly promulgated by the
people of the United States? Cong. Globe, 39th Cong.
1st Sess. 1153.
27
Senator Pool expressed the same conviction six years later
in support of the 1871 Civil Rights Act regarding the con
stitutional guarantee of equal rights:
I f the states shall fail to secure and enforce this right
of the colored man, and deny to him protection in the
free exercise of it as a citizen of the State, then the
United States, by virtue of Ms national citizenship,
must and will, by appropriate legislation, by all the
power of its courts, by its land and naval forces, ex
tend over him within the States the shield of the
national authority. . . . I yet hope it is possible to
escape more violent means by a prompt resort to the
ordinary federal tribunals of justice. Unless that re
sort be promptly and efficiently taken, there is no hope
of escaping for another year the application of the
most stringent and ruinous military measures. Cong.
Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 609.
Both civil rights acts contained express provisions for re
sort to military rule if civil measures proved inadequate to
protect the rights of the freedmen. See 14 Stat. 27; 17 Stat.
13.
To suggest that suits against the states under the Re
construction Amendments should be forbidden to avoid
problems of enforcement would be to ignore the fact that
the congresses which framed those provisions were deter
mined to use whatever measures were necessary to enforce
the rights described therein. Nor are suits against state
officers any less likely to incur virulent state opposition;
the history of the last century, particularly since Brown,
is studded with instances where extraordinary federal ac
tion was necessary to effectuate the decree of a federal
court against such officers.
3. Remedial purpose of the Reconstruction Amendments
The defense of sovereign immunity, if allowed in all
eases, would operate in some circumstances to deny citizens
an effective judicial remedy to enforce their rights. Un
doubtedly there are circumstances under which such a
normally incongruous situation might be appropriate.
Where control of state conduct is not a primary concern
of the provisions establishing those rights, it may be that
subjecting the states to judicial control is too drastic a
method of achieving a largely incidental purpose. Where
there is little reason to doubt the states will voluntarily
comply with the federal requirements, Congress might con
clude that harmonious federalism would best be served
by trusting the states to act without threat of litigation.
And where a fully effective means of enforcement less
drastic than federal litigation is available, the necessity
for such litigation might be doubted. See generally Em
ployees v. Department of Public Health and Welfare, 411
U.S. 279 (1973).
None of these factors, however, are present here. Con
trol of the states was not a merely incidental effect of the
Reconstruction Amendments, it was the primary concern
and goal. See The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 7 (1883).
The Department of Health, Education and Welfare has
taken the position that it lacks authority to compel pay
ment of back benefits in a case such as this,20 and enforce
ment of the Reconstruction Amendments has traditionally
been left primarily in the hands of private litigants. See
42 U.S.C. §§1981-1983. Those amendments and the con
temporaneous legislation were founded on the conviction
that the states could not be relied on to voluntarily comply
with the law. See pp. 18-23 supra. The men who framed
20 Memorandum of Administrator, Social and Rehabilitation Ser
vice, dated April 1, 1971, pp. 1-2.
29
those Amendments were primarily concerned, not with pre
serving the delicate balance of harmonious federalism, but
with assuring compliance by the recalcitrant states through
whatever means necessary.
This Court has long recognized the particular unde
sirability of leaving those asserting constitutional rights
without an effective remedy. “ The very essence of civil
liberty certainly consists in the right of every individual
to claim the protection of the laws, wherever he receives
an injury.” Marbury v. Madison, 1 TJ.S. (Cranch) 137,
163 (1803), quoted in Bivens v. Six Unknown Fed. Nar
cotics Agents, 403 U.S. 338, 397 (1971).
The Constitution of the United States, with the
several amendments thereof, must be regarded as one
instrument, all of whose provisions are to be deemed
of equal validity. It would, indeed, be most un
fortunate if the immunity of the individual states from
suits by citizens of other states, provided or in the
11th Amendment, were to be interpreted as nullifying
those other provisions 'which confer power on Congress
to regulate commerce among the several states, which
forbid the states from entering into any treaty, al
liance, or confederation, from passing any bill of
attainder, ex post facto law, of law impairing the ob
ligation of contracts or, without the consent of Con
gress, from laying any duty of tonnage, entering into
any agreement or compact with other states, or from
engaging in war,— all of which provisions existed be
fore the adoption of the 11th Amendment, which still
exist, and which would be nullified and made of no
effect if the judicial power of the United States could
not be invoked to protect citizens affected by the
passage of state laws disregarding those constitutional
limitations. Much less can the 11th Amendment be
30
successfully pleaded as an invincible barrier to judicial
inquiry whether the salutary provisions of the 14th
Amendment have been disregarded by state enactments.
Prout v. Starr, 188 U.S. 537, 543 (1903).
See also General Oil Co. v. Crane, 209 U.S. 211, 226-27
(1908); Osborn v. The Bank of the United States, 22 U.S.
(9 Wheat.) 739, 849 (1824); Jacobs, The Eleventh Amend
ment and Sovereign Immunity 144 (1972).
That any rights arising under the Reconstruction Amend
ments should be without a remedy is particularly inappro
priate since these Amendments, especially the Fourteenth,
were primarily remedial. The abolitionists who finally won
control of the Congress and many states in the 1860’s and
1870’s had long maintained that the rights described in
the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments al
ready existed, though not recognized, by virtue of the
privileges and immunities clause and the Bill of Rights.
See generally ten Broek, Equal Under Law (1965); Gra
ham, “ The Early Anti-slavery Backgrounds of the Four
teenth Amendment” 1950 Wis. L. Rev. 479; Graham, “ The
‘Conspiracy Theory’ of the Fourteenth Amendment,” 47
Yale L.J. 371 (1938). Congressman Wilson, speaking in
favor of the 1866 Civil Rights Bill explained:
Mr. Speaker, I think I may safely affirm that this
bill, so far as it declares the equality of all citizens
in the enjoyment of civil rights and immunities, merely
affirms existing law. We are following the Constitu
tion. We are reducing to statute form the spirit of
the Constitution. We are establishing no new right,
declaring no new principle. It is not the object of this
bill to establish new rights, but to protect and enforce
those which already belong to every citizen. Cong.
Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1117.
31
Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, according to Con
gressman Bingham who drafted it, was not to create new
substantive rights at the expense of the states.
[T]his amendment takes from no State any right
that ever pertained to it. No State ever had the right,
under forms of law or otherwise, to deny to any freed
man the equal protection of the laws or to abridge the
privileges or immunities of any citizen of the Republic,
although many of them have assumed and exercised
the power, and that without remedy. Id. at 2542.
The problem to which these Amendments and related
legislation were addressed was the unenforceability of these
rights. As Congressman Bingham detailed, in support of
the 1871 Civil Rights Act,
The States did deny to citizens the equal protection
of the laws, they did deny the rights of citizens under
the Constitution, and except to the extent of the ex
press limitations upon the States, as I have shown, the
citizen had no remedy. They denied trial by jury, and
he had no remedy. They took property without com
pensation, and he had no remedy. They restricted the
freedom of the press, and he had no remedy. They
restricted the freedom of speech, and he had no remedy.
They restricted the rights of conscience, and he had
no remedy. They bought and sold men who had no
remedy. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 85 App.
(Emphasis added).
It was to create such a federal remedy for the aggrieved
citizen—not for the Attorney General—that the Reconstruc
tion Amendments, and Section 1983 in particular, were
enacted. See Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961).
It would be particularly incongruous if the states were
able to deny such a remedy by closing to such litigation,
32
by means of sovereign immunity or the Eleventh Amend
ment, both the federal and state courts. One of the dis
criminatory practices of particular concern to Congress
after the Civil War was state legislation forbidding blacks
to institute litigation or testify in state courts. Monroe v.
Pape, 365 U.S. 167, 176-178 (1961); ten Broek, Equal Under
Law, 187n, 191n, 192 (1965). This denial of justice was
particularly opprobrious when the basic rights were in
volved. As Bingham urged even before the Civil War
regarding the privileges and immunities clause,
This guarantee of the Constitution of the United
States is useless and a mockery, if it does not limit
State sovereignty and restrain each and every state
from closing its territory and its courts of justice
against citizens of the United States, ten Broek, Equal
Under Law. 333-34 (1965).
Proponents of the Amendments rejected the suggestion
that, because of considerations of federalism, federal
“ courts must be closed to the appeal of our citizens.” Cong.
Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1924 (Remarks of Congress
man Shellabarger). That the states should be able to close
the federal or state courts to civil rights litigation is par
ticularly inappropriate since, in most cases, the states have
long ago opened their courts to litigation against them
selves arising out of loans or other commercial activities.
The manifest desire of Congress, in framing the Recon
struction Amendments and Section 1983, was to exercise all
its power to create an effective remedy21 and to withdraw
from the states any power to defeat or prevent enforce
ment of certain basic rights. Congressman Bingham denied
that the states had the right to deny constitutional rights
21 Subject to certain express limitations not applicable here. See
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961).
33
“under any pretext whatever.” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong.
1st Sess. 1088. Congressman Lawrence declared
There are certain absolute rights which pertain to
every citizen, which are inherent, and of wdiich a state
cannot constitutionally deprive him. But not only are
those rights inherent and indestructible, hut the means
whereby they may be possessed and enjoyed are equally
so. Id. at 1833 (Emphasis added).
The plethora of unprecedented legislation in the decade
after the Civil War is ample evidence of the willingness
of the Congress, in the words of one Senate critic, “ to over
turn the whole Constitution in order to get at a remedy
for these people.” Id. at 499 (Remarks of Senator Cowan).
By the time Section 1983 was enacted, the dispute within
Congress was no longer over what type of judicial remedy
to afford. Liberals and conservatives agreed that vindica
tion of constitutional rights should be sought first' from the
federal judiciary, where the complainant wras to be afforded
“all the power of its courts.” See Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong.
1st Sess. 578 (Remarks of Senator Trumbull), 609 (Re
marks of Senator Pool). The debate centered over what
further remedies, such as martial law, Congress should
provide if all the powers which could be conferred upon
the courts were exhausted and found wanting. Congress
can hardly have intended to deny the federal courts the
authority, when needed, to entertain suits against the states,
for such a limitation would have increased the need for
resort to drastic extrajudicial measures which northerners
and southerners alike wished to avoid.
Under these circumstances the existence of a sovereign
immunity defense in litigation under the Reconstruction
Amendments is entirely incompatible with the rights pro
tected by those Amendments. The policies and assumptions
34
of fact wliicli underlie sovereign immunity are precisely tlie
policies and assumptions repeatedly rejected by Congress
in the decade following the Civil War. The existence of
such a defense will invariably lead to situations in which
no remedy exists for a violation of the rights secured by
the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, a
totally impermissible result since those Amendments and
Section 1983 were enacted for the express purpose of assur
ing that persons whose rights were violated would no
longer lack an effective remedy.
D. By ratifying the Reconstruction Amendments the States
consented to be sued for violations thereof.
Inasmuch as the post-Civil War Amendments were, by
their nature, inconsistent with the existence of a sovereign
immunity defense, the states by ratifying those amend
ments waived their general right not to be sued by a private
citizen. Even without this inconsistency the ratification of
those amendments would entail the same waiver, because
the new constitutional provisions established new enforce
able federal rights.
The nature of any knowing intelligent waivers by the
states during the ratification years, from 1865 to 1870, de
pends upon the understanding which existed at that time
as to the consequences of enacting the three Amendments.
The adoption of the Eleventh Amendment did not answer
all the questions posed by Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2
Dali.) 419 (1793). In Chisholm three of the five members of
the Court agreed that the states were generally protected
by sovereign immunity, but Justices Cushing and Blair
held the immunity had been waived by the provision in
Article III establishing federal jurisdiction over suits be
tween a state and a citizen of another state. See 2 U.S. at
452, 468. The Eleventh Amendment withdrew federal juris
35
diction over such, suits, but said nothing about the existence
of sovereign immunity under other circumstances. Un
resolved by that Amendment, in particular, was whether
the states might also have waived their sovereign immunity
by authorizing, elsewhere in Article III, federal jurisdiction
over eases arising under the Constitution and laws of the
United States.
That question received a definite answer in Cohens v.
Virginia, 19 U.S. 264 (1821). In Cohens a criminal defen
dant sought to appeal from a state court to this Court on
the ground that his conviction violated the constitution.
The state of Virginia maintained that its sovereign immun
ity precluded such an appeal since it had not consented to
the exercise of federal jurisdiction over itself. See 5 L.Ed. at
266-268. This Court, in an opinion written by Chief Justice
Marshall, unanimously rejected the state’s contention on
the ground that, in ratifying Article III, Virginia had
consented to federal jurisdiction over questions arising
under the constitution and laws of the United States.22
22 “With the ample powers confided to this supreme govern
ment, for these interesting purposes, are connected many ex
press and important limitations on the sovereignty of the
states, which are made for the same purposes. The powers of
the Union, on the great subjects of war, peace, and commerce,
and on many others, are in themselves limitations of the sov
ereignty of the states; hut in addition to these, the sovereignty
of the states is surrendered in many instances where the sur
render can only operate to the benefit of the people and where,
perhaps no other power is conferred on Congress than a con
servative power to maintain the principles established in the
constitution. The maintenance of these principles in their
purity, is certainly among the great duties of the government.
One of the instruments by which this duty may be peaceably
performed, is the judicial department. It is authorized to
decide all eases of every description, arising under the con
stitution or laws of the United States. From this general grant
of jurisdiction, no exception is made of those cases in which a
state may be a party. When we consider the situation of the
36
See also Rhode Island v. Massachusetts, 37 U.S. (12 Peters)
657, 720 (1833).23
This conclusion in Cohens was recognized at the time as
of great import to the vitality of sovereign immunity and
the nature of federalism. In Virginia the legislature nar
rowly defeated a set of resolutions calling for constitutional
amendments. Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sov
ereign Immunity 91 (1972). Both Thomas Jefferson and
James Madison objected to the court’s conclusion that a
state might lack sovereign immunity in suits brought by
its own citizens though such actions by citizen of other
states were barred by the Eleventh Amendment. Id. at 92.
Despite these criticisms, no constitutional amendments were
seriously considered, and Cohens remained the law, un
modified, from Chief Justice Marshall’s decision in 1821
until at least 1890.24
government of the Union and of a state, in relation to each
other; the nature of our Constitution; the subordination of
the state governments to that constitution; the great purpose
for which jurisdiction over all cases arising under the consti
tution and laws of the United States is confided to the judicial
department, are we at liberty to insert in this general grant,
an exception of those cases in which a state may be a party?
Will the spirit of the constitution justify this attempt to
control its words? We think it will not, We think a case
arising under the constitution or laws of the United States,
is cognizable in the courts of the Union, whoever may be the
parties to that case.” 2 U.S. at 393-394.
23 Although under Cohens the judicial power extended to Federal
question litigation against the states, it was not until 1875 that
Congress conferred nisi prius jurisdiction over such cases on the
Federal courts. See 28 U.S.C. §1331.
24 In 1890 the Court, after considering Cohens, refused to apply
Chief Justice Marshall’s conclusions to an action to collect a debt
owed by Louisiana on the ostensible ground that the state had
impaired the obligation of contracts. Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S.
1, 18-21 (1890). With regard to constitutional provisions which
are not self-executing, this Court has recently concluded that a
state’s waiver merely confers on Congress the power to subject the
37
The legislators who enacted the post-Civil War Amend
ments and civil rights legislation were well aware of
Cohens, as might be expected. Congressman Bingham, the
author of the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment,
cited Cohens as proof of the federal power to protect in-
divdual rights against claims that this would infringe state
sovereignty. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 81-82 App.
Opponents of this legislation made reference to Justice
Marshall’s statement that the states were sovereign, urging
that such sovereignty was inconsistent with the proposed
federal role in protecting freedmen and others. See e.g.
Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1156 (Remarks of Con
gressman Miller). In the face of Cohens, such opponents
conceded that even the contract clause was enforceable
against the states. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 577
(Remarks of Senator Trumbull). Indeed, this Court in The
Civil Rights Cases seemed to have believed that federal
question jurisdiction included jurisdiction to hear actions
against a state to enforce the contract clause. 109 U.S. 7,12
(1883).* 26
There can be no doubt that the states understood that,
under Cohens, every creation of a new federal constitu
state to federal jurisdiction, and separate inquiry must be made
in each case as to whether Congress elected to exercise the power
conferred on it by the states. Employees v. Missouri Public Health
Department^, 411 U.S. 279, 286-7 (1973). The continued vitality
of Cohens in the case of self-executing constitutional provisions
other than the contract clause is not clear.
26 “Probably Congress had power to pass a law giving to the
courts of the United States direct jurisdiction over contracts
alleged to be impaired by a state law; and under the broad pro
visions of the Act of March 3, 1875, giving to the circuit courts
jurisdiction of all cases arising under the Constitution and laws
of the United States, it is possible that such jurisdiction now
exists.” When presented squarely with that question seven years
later, the Court concluded that no such jurisdiction existed. Hans
v. Louisiana, 134 U.S.l (1890).
38
tional right brought with it a pro tanto waiver of sovereign
immunity. Opposition among the states to the Fourteenth
Amendment, for example, was centered less on the new
powers of Congress under Section 5 than the expanded
powers of the federal judiciary under Section 1. See gen
erally, Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment
(1908). The Amendment, it was said, would give the federal
courts occasion to interfere in local affairs, concentrate
the judicial power in the federal tribunals, enlarge federal
jurisdiction to include every state law relating to life,
liberty or property, and authorize the federal courts to
hear every conceivable criminal and civil case, no matter
how important or trivial. Id. at 150, 152, 166, 194-95. This
widely expressed opposition to expanded federal jurisdic
tion, in the context of a constitutional amendment dealing
primarily with state action, can only have been concerned
with civil rights litigation which would be brought against
the states themselves. See The Civil Rights Cases, 109
U.S. 7 (1883).
There is no reason to believe that the Congress which
enacted the post-Civil War Amendments and the states
which ratified them thought that actions against the states
pursuant to Cohens would be limited to actions for injunc
tive relief. Historically, damages had been regarded as the
ordinary remedy for invasion of individual rights. Bivens
v. Six Unknown Federal Narcotics Agents, 403 U.S. 388,
397, 399 (1971). See, e.g., Entick v. Carrington, 19 Howell
St., Tr. 1029 (1765). Injunctive relief, particularly affect
ing the conduct of government, has traditionally been re
garded as “ strong medicine” employed only when legal re
lief was inadequate. See Peres v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 22, 111
(1971). (Brennan, J. concurring and dissenting.) The
handful of cases filed against states in the Supreme Court
prior to the ratification of the Eleventh Amendment were
39
not limited to monetary claims; Moultrie v. Georgia, for
example, sought only a decree confirming the title to certain
disputed land. Jacobs, The Eleventh, Amendment and Sov
ereign Immunity 63-64 (1972).
The States, in ratifying the creation of new constitutional
rights by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend
ments, simultaneously waived the Eleventh Amendment and
the defense of sovereign immunity in any federal court
empowered to hear questions arising under the Constitution
of the United States. Within a few years Congress author
ized the lower Federal courts to hear just such litigation,
enacting in 1871 the predecessor to 42 U.S.C. §1983 and in
1875 the predecessor to 28 U.S.C. §1331. That prior consent
would preclude assertion of sovereign immunity in a case
under Section 1983 alleging a violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment; it is no less applicable to a violation of con
gressional legislation implementing that Amendment. Since
the instant case alleges a violation of both that Amendment
and such implementing legislation, the state cannot defeat
jurisdiction by claiming immunity.
E. An unwarranted expansion o f the scope o f sovereign
immunity and the Eleventh Amendment would greatly
weaken the constitutional guarantees contained in the
Reconstruction Amendments.
In tbe preceding sections of this brief we have discussed
at length reasons why the Eleventh Amendment should
not be held to bar actions brought to enforce rights founded
in tbe Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.
The question is not academic; it is one with which Amicus
has been required to deal over a period of time in litiga
tion brought to vindicate the rights of those the Recon
struction Amendments were intended to protect. A de
cision that casts doubt on the power of tbe federal courts
to entertain such suits or to render effective relief in
40
them would have a devastating impact on the future of
civil rights enforcement.
In the period from 1957 until 1965, an Eleventh Amend
ment defense to suits seeking to end unlawful racial dis
crimination was raised in numerous instances, occasioning
the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit to remark:
“For the second time in the case and for the seventh
time in recent years, we hold that a state agency is
not immune from a suit to enjoin it from enforcing
an unconstitutional statute. . . .” McCoy v. Louisiana
State Board of Education, 345 F.2d 720, 721 (5th
Cir. 1965).
See also, School Board of Charlottesville v. Allen, 240
F.2d 59 (4th Cir. 1956); Orleans Parish School Board
v. Bush, 242 F.2d 156 (5th Cir. 1957); Dorsey v. State
Athletic Commission, 168 F.Supp. 149 (E.D. La. 1958);
Board of Supervisors of Louisiana State U. v. Fleming,
265 F.2d 736 (5th Cir. 1959); Board of Trustees of Ar
kansas A.SM. College v. Davis, 396 F.2d 730 (8th Cir.
1968).
The argument that private citizens could not enforce
their constitutional rights in federal court because of sov
ereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment seemed to
have been finally laid to rest by this Court in its unanimous
decision in Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward
County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964).
However, six months ago this Court issued its opinion
in Employees v. Department of Public Health and Wel
fare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973), concerning the applicability
of sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment to
federal legislation under the Commerce Clause. Since
then state defendants have, with varying results, urged
41
that the rationale of Employees should be extended to
bar enforcement against the states of the post-Civil War
Amendments.
For example, the constitutionality of awards of back
pay in Title Y II litigation against the states has been
challenged in three related cases, Dillenberger v. Florida
Probation and Parole Commission, Civ. No. 73-66 (N.D.
Fla., Tallahassee D iv .); WainwrigM v. State of Florida
Department of Transportation, Civ. No. 73-42 (N.D. Fla.
Mariana D iv .); Graham v. Marshall, Civ. T-73-77 (N.D.
Fla., Tallahassee Div.).26 State officials have successfully
urged that sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amend
ment, as construed by Employees, protect them from even
personal liability for intentionally failing to provide treat
ment to Negro males suffering from syphilis. Pollard v.
United States, Civil Action No. 4126-N (M.D. Ala.) (Order
dated September 18, 1973). In Richardson v. State Board
of Law Examiners, the defendants have asserted without
success that Employees prohibited litigation to prevent
discrimination against Negro applicants for the bar (Civil
Action No. 72-1219, D.S.C.).
A decision by this Court that the Eleventh Amendment
bars the relief sought in the present case would therefore
cast serious doubt on the constitutionality of federal courts
granting analogous retrospective relief in cases under Title
V II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as it now applies to
state agencies. Moreover, it would raise questions as to
the power of the federal courts to grant certain kinds of
prospective injunctive relief that would have the effect of
requiring the expenditure of state funds, e.g., an order to
26 Even prior to Employees, at least one federal court had indi
cated, in dictum, that the Eleventh Amendment barred suit against
a state agency for employment discrimination under 42 TJ.S.C.
§§1981 and 1983. Bennett v. Gravelle, 323 F. Supp. 203 (D. Md.
1971).
42
hire a black job applicant who has been denied a position
because of his race. Such restrictions on the power of
Congress and the courts to enforce the Reconstruction
Amendments would be wholly inconsistent with decisions
of this Court since 1954 and can be avoided by a holding
that, where a conflict is unavoidable, those Amendments
restrict the reach of the Eleventh.
CONCLUSION
At the end of the eighteenth century, proponents of
sovereign immunity urged its erection as a solid wall
insulating the states in all cases from judicial control
and enforceable civil liability. That uniform opposition
by the states to being sued in state or federal courts has
long since passed. At the time of Chisholm v. Georgia
it was large businessmen and lenders trying to collect
substantial debts who sought jurisdiction over the states.
Since 1800, however, the growing political and economic
influence of this class of plaintiffs has won for them, in
Congress and the state legislatures, the right to litigate
their claims against the states and the federal govern
ment. State agencies wishing to do business with private
firms must, in general, agree to provide them with some
avenue of judicial relief. The legislation establishing
agencies to raise substantial sums by the sale of state
notes and bonds invariably contains a provision author
izing the agency to sue and be sued. When a large firm
finds its contractual arrangement with a state or the Fed
eral government no longer profitable and the contract
itself does not contain a remedy, the firm is usually able,
by virtue of its unusual degree of influence over public
officials, to persuade the government to waive its con
tractual rights or assist the firm with loans or outright
43
gifts. For a large bank, building contractor, or aircraft
manufacturer, the defense of sovereign immunity has been
effectively abolished. But a private citizen, aggrieved by
state misconduct far more serious under our constitutional
system, has no such political or economic power; for him
sovereign immunity is still used to preclude the sort of
relief readily dispensed to others.
Under these circumstances the assertions of a defense
of sovereign immunity resembles, not firm adherence to
some uniformly applied principle, but the selective erec
tion of a procedural barrier to the vindication of the con
stitutional rights of the weak and unpopular. Whether
a state has a legitimate interest in the creation of such
an obstacle is a federal question of no small difficulty.
See Henry v. Mississippi, 379 U.S. 443, 447-49 (1965). Cer
tainly in a case such as this that question poses serious
problems of equal protection.
For these reasons, the Amicus urges that the judgment
of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
J ack Greenberg
Charles Stephen Ralston
E ric Schnapper
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
MEILEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C. 219