Draft Brief of Amicus Curiae, The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of North Carolina, Supporting Appellees
Working File
January 1, 1985
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Case Files, Thornburg v. Gingles Working Files - Guinier. Draft Brief of Amicus Curiae, The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of North Carolina, Supporting Appellees, 1985. 3a4d155e-e292-ee11-be37-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/f94b91bc-3736-4db0-9de6-5ee76607d377/draft-brief-of-amicus-curiae-the-honorable-james-g-martin-governor-of-north-carolina-supporting-appellees. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATE
OCTOBER TERM, 1985
No.
LACY H. THORNBURG, eE aI.,
Appel Ian ts
v.
RALPH GINGLES, €t dI.,
AppelIees
ON APPEAL FROI{ THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA
BRIEF OF AI'IICUS CURIAE, THE HONORABLE JAMES G. IqARTTN,
GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA, SUPPORTING APPELLEES
Victor S. Friedman*
Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver
& Jacobson
(A partnership which includes
profess ional corporations)
One New York Plaza
New York, NY 10004
Telephone: (2121 820-3050
Counsel for Amicus Cur iae
*CounseI of Record
The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of the state
of North Carolina, submits this brief amicus curiae in support
of the decision of the United States District Court for the
Eastern District of North Carolina invalidating seven of North
Carolina's multimember districts on the ground that those
districts had the effect of diluting black votes in violation
of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1955.
fnterest of Amicus Curiae
The Governor wishes to make clear to the court that
the highest elected official of the State of North CaroIina,
and one with extensive knowledge of and experience in North
Carolina politics, does not share the views of the Staters
Attorney General as set forth in appellant's briefs before the
Court. As a former three-term Mecklenburg County Commissioner
(1966-1972), during which time he was elected Commission
Chairman and served as President of the North Carolina
Association of County Commissioners; a six-term Congressman
(Lg72-1984) from the 9th Congressional District, encompassing
IredelI, Lincoln, Mecklenburg and Part of Yadkin counties; and,
since his election in November 1984, the Chief Executive
Officer of the State, he believes Lhat his views wiII be of
special value to the Court.
The Governor,s interest is two-fold. As a member of a
minority political party in North Carolina (on1y the second
Republican governor in this century), he is well aware of the
disadvantages North Carolina's multimember voting system
creates for any minority grouP where the majority group tends
to vote on the basis of criteria other than the particular
candidate's merits. As the representative of all of the people
of the State, he is keenly aware of the need to eliminate as
quickly as practicable the vestiges of past discr imination and
to bring into the political life of the state all of its
citizens without maintaining or erecting artificial barriers to
full participation of any group. To the extent that
multimember districts create such barriers, and the Governor
agrees fully with the District Court that in the Districts at
issue (if not the entire State) they do, they should be
str icken down.
Argument
we eschew the opportunity to enter the debate over
whether the "clearly erroneous" standard governs this Courtrs
review because Of the Governor's view that, far from "clearIy
erroneousn, the District Court's eSsential findings were
clearly correct. There can be Iittle question that multimember
districts in North Carolina dilute the effect of black voters
wherever there are smaller included districts with clear black
majorities. The election of some blacks to the state
legislature does not detract from the simple, but obvious,
truth that in some circumstances the artificial barrier of
multimember districts can be overcome, not that the barrier
does not exist,.
As the record below amply demonstrates, North
Carolina's multimember districts create additional difficulties
for blacks seeking to participate fully in the Staters
political process. The significantly higher cost of
campaigning in the larger multimember districts ( ), coupled
with the greater difficulty black candidates face in raising
campaign funds ( ) act as further deterrents on black
candidacies. Thus, the significant economic disparity between
whites and blacks in the State exascerbates the otherwise
discriminatory impact of multimember districting.
This administration is committed to opening the
political process to all North Carolinians. In making
appoinLments to State Boards and Commissions, the Governor is
seeking to attract qualified citizens regardless of racer d9€r
sex, political party or geography. rt has already made, and
will continue to make, significant progress in broadening the
base from which these executive appointments are made.
such progress necessarily wilI be of limited impact,
however, if the State Iegislature (with its unusual powers)*
North Carolina
alone can enact
is the only s
legislation.
tate where the legislature
continues to be chosen by a Process which is, after all, the
remnant of an earlier time when the government in North
Carolina was conducted soleIy by white male Democrats. Black
citizens of North Carolina, because of their economic
disadvantage, feel the discriminatory impact of multimember
districting even more than other minorities in the political
process. The Court is thus respectfully urged to strike down
this anachronistic system at least in those districts where the
District Court found ample proof of its discriminatory impact.
Conclus ion
The judgment of the District court should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
Victor S. Friedman
Counsel for Amicus Cur iae