Draft Brief of Amicus Curiae, The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of North Carolina, Supporting Appellees
Working File
January 1, 1985

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Case Files, Thornburg v. Gingles Working Files - Guinier. Draft Brief of Amicus Curiae, The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of North Carolina, Supporting Appellees, 1985. 3a4d155e-e292-ee11-be37-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/f94b91bc-3736-4db0-9de6-5ee76607d377/draft-brief-of-amicus-curiae-the-honorable-james-g-martin-governor-of-north-carolina-supporting-appellees. Accessed April 10, 2025.
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATE OCTOBER TERM, 1985 No. LACY H. THORNBURG, eE aI., Appel Ian ts v. RALPH GINGLES, €t dI., AppelIees ON APPEAL FROI{ THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA BRIEF OF AI'IICUS CURIAE, THE HONORABLE JAMES G. IqARTTN, GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA, SUPPORTING APPELLEES Victor S. Friedman* Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver & Jacobson (A partnership which includes profess ional corporations) One New York Plaza New York, NY 10004 Telephone: (2121 820-3050 Counsel for Amicus Cur iae *CounseI of Record The Honorable James G. Martin, Governor of the state of North Carolina, submits this brief amicus curiae in support of the decision of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina invalidating seven of North Carolina's multimember districts on the ground that those districts had the effect of diluting black votes in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1955. fnterest of Amicus Curiae The Governor wishes to make clear to the court that the highest elected official of the State of North CaroIina, and one with extensive knowledge of and experience in North Carolina politics, does not share the views of the Staters Attorney General as set forth in appellant's briefs before the Court. As a former three-term Mecklenburg County Commissioner (1966-1972), during which time he was elected Commission Chairman and served as President of the North Carolina Association of County Commissioners; a six-term Congressman (Lg72-1984) from the 9th Congressional District, encompassing IredelI, Lincoln, Mecklenburg and Part of Yadkin counties; and, since his election in November 1984, the Chief Executive Officer of the State, he believes Lhat his views wiII be of special value to the Court. The Governor,s interest is two-fold. As a member of a minority political party in North Carolina (on1y the second Republican governor in this century), he is well aware of the disadvantages North Carolina's multimember voting system creates for any minority grouP where the majority group tends to vote on the basis of criteria other than the particular candidate's merits. As the representative of all of the people of the State, he is keenly aware of the need to eliminate as quickly as practicable the vestiges of past discr imination and to bring into the political life of the state all of its citizens without maintaining or erecting artificial barriers to full participation of any group. To the extent that multimember districts create such barriers, and the Governor agrees fully with the District Court that in the Districts at issue (if not the entire State) they do, they should be str icken down. Argument we eschew the opportunity to enter the debate over whether the "clearly erroneous" standard governs this Courtrs review because Of the Governor's view that, far from "clearIy erroneousn, the District Court's eSsential findings were clearly correct. There can be Iittle question that multimember districts in North Carolina dilute the effect of black voters wherever there are smaller included districts with clear black majorities. The election of some blacks to the state legislature does not detract from the simple, but obvious, truth that in some circumstances the artificial barrier of multimember districts can be overcome, not that the barrier does not exist,. As the record below amply demonstrates, North Carolina's multimember districts create additional difficulties for blacks seeking to participate fully in the Staters political process. The significantly higher cost of campaigning in the larger multimember districts ( ), coupled with the greater difficulty black candidates face in raising campaign funds ( ) act as further deterrents on black candidacies. Thus, the significant economic disparity between whites and blacks in the State exascerbates the otherwise discriminatory impact of multimember districting. This administration is committed to opening the political process to all North Carolinians. In making appoinLments to State Boards and Commissions, the Governor is seeking to attract qualified citizens regardless of racer d9€r sex, political party or geography. rt has already made, and will continue to make, significant progress in broadening the base from which these executive appointments are made. such progress necessarily wilI be of limited impact, however, if the State Iegislature (with its unusual powers)* North Carolina alone can enact is the only s legislation. tate where the legislature continues to be chosen by a Process which is, after all, the remnant of an earlier time when the government in North Carolina was conducted soleIy by white male Democrats. Black citizens of North Carolina, because of their economic disadvantage, feel the discriminatory impact of multimember districting even more than other minorities in the political process. The Court is thus respectfully urged to strike down this anachronistic system at least in those districts where the District Court found ample proof of its discriminatory impact. Conclus ion The judgment of the District court should be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, Victor S. Friedman Counsel for Amicus Cur iae